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Sule Toktas
  • Turkish National Police Academy
    Institute of Security Sciences
    Anıttepe Yerleşkesi, Necatibey Cad. No: 108
    Anıttepe 06570 Ankara Turkey
  • +90-532-7368216
Book Editor, Yeni Güvenlik Tehditleri (New Security Threats), Ankara: Turkish National Police Academy Publications, 2023, (with Bayram Ali Soner and Orhan Çifçi). ISBN:978-625-99541-8-9
KADINLARIN MÜLK VE MİRAS EDİNMESİ: KEMALİST AYDINLANMA VE İSLAMİ SOSYOLOJİK SÜREÇLER Son yıllarda yapılan araştırmalar, dünya ölçeğinde, genellikle erkeklerin kadınlardan daha fazla mülkiyete sahip olduğunu göstermektedir. Benzer bir... more
KADINLARIN MÜLK VE MİRAS EDİNMESİ: KEMALİST AYDINLANMA VE İSLAMİ SOSYOLOJİK SÜREÇLER

Son yıllarda yapılan araştırmalar, dünya ölçeğinde, genellikle erkeklerin kadınlardan daha fazla mülkiyete sahip olduğunu göstermektedir. Benzer bir durum Türkiye için de geçerlidir. Medeni Hukuk'ta ve ilgili yasalarda cinsiyet ayrımı yapılmamasına karşın, cinsiyete göre mal dağılımına ilişkin ulusal veriler, erkek ve kadın nüfus arasında mülkiyet oranları bakımından büyük bir farkın olduğunu göstermektedir. Evlilik ve miras düzenlemelerinin mülk edinmenin temel yollarından biri olduğu göz önünde bulundurulacak olursa, kadınların bu süreçlerdeki durumunu anlamak, mülkiyet ile kurdukları ilişkiye ışık tutacaktır. Araştırma, evlilik ve miras düzenlemelerinin kadınların mülkiyet edinmesini nasıl etkilediğini, kadınların mülkiyete erişiminde hangi toplumsal süreçlerin rol oynadığını ve bireysel düzlemde kadınların mülkiyet edinme süreçlerine hangi bağlam ve araçlarla dâhil olduğunu ve yine hangi bağlam ve araçlarla dışlandıklarını anlamaya çalışmıştır. Bu doğrultuda İstanbul’da gerçekleştirilen saha çalışmasında toplumsal cinsiyetin varlık paylaşım ve dağıtım süreçlerinin belirleyici faktörlerinden biri olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Cumhuriyet ile birlikte eşit yurttaşlık çerçevesi çizen Medeni Kanunun yanı sıra İslam Hukuku kurallarının ve geleneklerin de toplumda hala etkili olduğu gözlenmiştir. Sağlar arası varlık aktarımı olarak adlandırılabilecek servetin ve varlığın mirasa tabi tutulmadan henüz sağken çocuklara devredilmesi uygulaması da sıklıkla pratik edilmektedir.
"İÇİNDEKİLER 1. BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM: GÜVENLİK ÇALIŞMALARINDA GÜNCEL YAKLAŞIMLAR: ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMLANMASINDA VE GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME SÜREÇLERİ 1.1 GİRİŞ 1.2 GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME, ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ Şekil 1. Güvenlikleştirme... more
"İÇİNDEKİLER

1. BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM: GÜVENLİK ÇALIŞMALARINDA GÜNCEL YAKLAŞIMLAR: ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMLANMASINDA VE GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME SÜREÇLERİ
1.1 GİRİŞ
1.2 GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME, ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ
Şekil 1. Güvenlikleştirme Süreci
1.3 GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMINDAKİ TARİHSEL DÖNÜŞÜM VE YENİ GÜVENLİK ANLAYIŞI
1.4 ÇEŞİTLİ DÜŞÜNCE EKOLLERİNE GÖRE GÜVENLİĞİN TANIMI
1.4.1 Geleneksel Güvenlik Çalışmaları: Realist ve Neo-Realist Yaklaşımlar
1.4.2 Eleştirel Güvenlik Okulu
1.4.3 İngiliz Güvenlik Okulu
1.4.4 Yapısalcılar ve Post-Yapısalcılar
1.4.5 Kopenhag Okulu
1.4.6 Feminist Güvenlik Çalışmaları
1.5 ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ: YENİ BİR TEORİK ÇERÇEVE
1.5.1 Aktör-Yapı İlişkisi: Ulusal Güvenliğin Oluştuğu Çoğulcu Ortamın İnşası
1.5.2 Güvenlik Kültüründe Araştırma Merkezleri
1.6 SONUÇ
2. İKİNCİ BÖLÜM: ULUSAL GÜVENLİK, GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ: TÜRKİYE ÜZERİNE BİR ÇALIŞMA
2.1 GİRİŞ
2.2 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN TANIMI VE GÖREVLERİ
2.3 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN ÇEŞİTLERİ
2.4 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN TARİHÇESİ: KUZEY AMERİKA DENEYİMİ VE DİĞER BÖLGELER
2.5 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN ULUSLARARASILAŞMASI
2.6 TÜRKİYE’DE ULUSAL GÜVENLİK VE GÜVENLİKLEŞTİRME: GELENEKSEL YAKLAŞIMLAR VE YENİ DİNAMİKLER
2.6.1 Türkiye’de Geleneksel Güvenlik Anlayışı
2.6.2 Geleneksel Güvenlik Anlayışında Değişimler
2.7 TÜRKİYE’DE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ
2.7.1 Türkiye’de Araştırma Merkezlerinin Tarihsel Gelişimi
2.7.2 Araştırma Merkezlerinin Güncel Durumu
2.8 SAHA ÇALIŞMASI: ARAŞTIRMANIN KONUSU, KAPSAMI VE YÖNTEMİ
2.8.1 Türk-Asya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (TASAM)
2.8.2 Türkiye Ekonomik ve Sosyal Etütler Vakfı (TESEV)
2.8.3 Marmara Grubu Stratejik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Vakfı
2.8.4 Arı Grubu
2.8.5 Avrasya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (ASAM)
2.8.6 Dış Politika Enstitüsü
2.8.7 Liberal Düşünce Derneği (LDD)
2.8.8 Uluslararası Stratejik Araştırma Kurumu (USAK)
2.8.9 Siyasi, Ekonomik ve Toplumsal Araştırmalar Vakfı (SETA)
2.8.10 Türkiye Ulusal Güvenlik Stratejileri Araştırma Merkezi (TUSAM)
2.8.11 Global Strateji Enstitüsü / Orta Doğu Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (ORSAM)
2.8.12 İktisadi Kalkınma Vakfı (İKV)
2.8.13 Bilge Adamlar Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (BİLGESAM)
2.8.14 Heinrich Böll Vakfı (Heinrich Böll Stiftung)
3. ÜÇÜNCÜ BÖLÜM: SAHA ARAŞTIRMASI BULGULARI I: ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ YÖNETİCİLERİ VE SEKTÖRÜN GENEL YAPISI
3.1 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN KURULUŞ YAPISI: HUKUKİ STATÜ
3.2 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNDE İDARİ YAPI VE İNSAN KAYNAKLARI
3.3 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN BÜTÇE BÜYÜKLÜĞÜ VE MALİ KAYNAKLARI
3.4 FAALİYETLER
3.4.1 Faaliyet Alanı
3.4.2 Faaliyetlerin Amacı
3.4.3 Faaliyetlerin Karar Verilme Süreci
3.4.4 Faaliyetlerin Hedef Kitlesi
3.5 SEKTÖRÜN İŞLEYİŞİ: ARAŞTIRMA SİPARİŞLERİ, İHALELER VE PROJELER
3.6 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ ARASINDA İŞBİRLİĞİ VE REKABET
3.7 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN YURTDIŞI İLİŞKİLERİ
3.8 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN BAŞARI ÖLÇÜTLERİ VE KURUMSAL İTİBAR/GÜVENİRLİK KAYNAKLARI
3.9 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN SİYASİ GÜNDEMİ VE KARARLARI ETKİLEME POTANSİYELİ
3.10 GÜVENLİĞİN YAPIMINDA ÇOĞULLUK
3.11 ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİNİN YAŞADIĞI GÜÇLÜKLER
4. DÖRDÜNCÜ BÖLÜM: ALAN ARAŞTIRMASI BULGULARI II: ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ UZMANLARI VE TÜRKİYE’DE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ
4.1 GÜVENLİK SEKTÖRÜNÜN AKTÖRLERİ: MEVCUT VE İDEAL DURUM 4.1.1 Mevcut Durum: Türkiye’de Ulusal Güvenliğin Aktörleri Kimlerdir?
4.1.2 İdeal Durum: Türkiye’de Ulusal Güvenliğin Aktörleri Kimler Olmalıdır?
4.2 TÜRKİYE'DE GÜVENLİK POLİTİKALARININ BELİRLENME SÜRECİ: MEVCUT VE İDEAL DURUM
4.2.1 Güvenlik Politikalarının Belirlenmesinde Var Olan Resim
4.2.2 Güvenlik Politikalarının Belirmesinde İdeal Tasavvuru
4.3 GÜVENLİK POLİTİKALARININ YÖNTEM VE DENETİM MEKANİZMALARI
4.4 KÜRESELLEŞME VE ULUS DEVLETİN GELECEĞİ
4.5 TÜRK SİLAHLI KUVVETLERİ VE ULUSAL GÜVENLİK
4.6 İÇ TEHDİT/DÜŞMAN EKSENLİ ULUSAL GÜVENLİK
4.7 DIŞ DÜŞMAN EKSENLİ ULUSAL GÜVENLİK
4.8 AVRUPA BİRLİĞİ ÜYELİK SÜRECİ, REFORMLAR VE ULUSAL GÜVENLİK
4.9 SAVAŞ SEBEPLERİ (CASUS BELLİ): SÖYLEM VE REALİTE
4.10 KUZEY IRAK’IN STATÜSÜ VE KÜRT DEVLETİ KONUSU
4.11 TÜRKİYE’DE KÜRT SİYASETİNİN ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞE ETKİSİ
4.12 İRAN VE NÜKLEER SİLAHLANMA
4.13 NATO VE TÜRKİYE’NİN ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİ
4.14 TÜRKİYE-ERMENİSTAN İLİŞKİLERİ
4.15 TÜRKİYE-YUNANİSTAN İLİŞKİLERİ
4.16 KIBRIS
4.17 TÜRKİYE-ABD İLİŞKİLERİ
5. BEŞİNCİ BÖLÜM: TÜRKİYE’DE GÜVENLİK KÜLTÜRÜ VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZLERİ
5.1 KÜRESEL ÇAĞDA TÜRKİYE'NİN ULUSAL GÜVENLİĞİ MESELESİNİ YENİDEN DÜŞÜNMEK
5.2 TÜRKİYE’DE GELENEKSEL GÜVENLİK ANLAYIŞININ DEĞİŞİM DİNAMİKLERİ
5.3 ARAŞTIRMA BULGULARININ GENEL ÖZETİ
5.4 SONUÇ"
Bu çalışma son yıllarda ülkemizde gelişme eğilimi gösteren güvenlik çalışmaları alanında güvenliğin ikilemleri üzerinde duran ve bu ikilemleri Afganistan ve Suriye bağlamlarında örneklendirmeye çalışmaya bir gayretin ürünüdür. Güvenliğin... more
Bu çalışma son yıllarda ülkemizde gelişme eğilimi gösteren güvenlik çalışmaları alanında güvenliğin ikilemleri üzerinde duran ve bu ikilemleri Afganistan ve Suriye bağlamlarında örneklendirmeye çalışmaya bir gayretin ürünüdür. Güvenliğin alanı, muhatapları, üretimi ve tüketimi ile ilgili yeni bakış açıları devlet eksenli bir güvenlik anlayışından, insan ve toplum merkezli bir güvenlik yaklaşımına geçişin sınırlarını zorlamaktadır. Suriye ve Afganistan: Güvenliğin İkilemleri kitabı mütevazı da olsa güvenlik literatürümüze bu yönde bir katkı yapmayı hedeflemektedir.

Bu kitabın yazılması düşüncesi geleneksel güvenlik yaklaşımları dışı bir bakış açısı ile güvenliğin ikilemleri üzerinde yazarların yaptığı tartışmalar sonucu ortaya çıktı. Daha sonra güvenliğin açmazları üzerine teorik bir çalışmanın ülke örnekleri üzerinden genişletilmesi gerektiği üzerinde uzlaştık. Sonuçta Afganistan ve Suriye’de gerçekleştirilen alan araştırmalarıyla kitap mevcut halini aldı. Bu kitabın ortaya çıkışı bir dizi kurumsal ve entelektüel destek olmasaydı mümkün olamazdı.

Bu çalışmanın tamamlanmasında TÜBİTAK tarafından sağlanan araştırma desteği büyük bir katkıda bulunmuştur. Bu nedenle öncelikle TÜBİTAK’a sağladığı destek için teşekkür ederiz. Bununla birlikte araştırma, Işık Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Programı tarafından da desteklenmeye layık görülmüştür. Işık Üniversitesi’nin ilgili programına ve yöneticilerine araştırmaya verdikleri önem ve destekten dolayı teşekkür ederiz. Afganistan alan araştırması Dışişleri Bakanlığı Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezinin (SAM) Afganistan Dışişleri Bakanlığı bünyesinde gerçekleştirilen bir eğitim programı ile ilgili görevlendirmesi vesilesiyle gerçekleştirildi. SAM Başkanı Bülent Karadeniz ve bu kuruma teşekkür ederiz. Suriye alan araştırması ise Türk İşbirliği ve Kalkınma Ajansı’nın (TİKA) desteği ile gerçekleşti. Dönemin TİKA Başkanı Hakan Fidan ve Başkan Yardımcısı Mustafa Şahin’e teşekkür ederiz.

Çalışmanın çeşitli aşamalarında ulaşılan sonuçlar uluslararası ilişkiler alanı ile ilgili çeşitli seminer ve toplantılarda tartışılmıştır. Türk-Asya Stratejik Araştırmalar Merkezi (TASAM) ve ARI Hareketi düzenledikleri konferanslarda sonuçların değerlendirilmesi ve ilgili camiaya ulaştırılması için imkân sağladılar. Bu katkılarından dolayı Işık Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü, ARI Hareketi ve TASAM’daki meslektaşlarımız ve uzmanlara teşekkür ederiz. Değerli görüşleriyle bize yön veren Afganistan’dan Büyükelçi Aziz Arianfar, Afgan Dışişleri Bakanlığı uzmanları Yasin Rasuli ve Wahidullah Furmuli, Afganistan Ticaret Odası Başkanı Prof.Dr. Hamidullah Faruki, Suriye’den İnsan Hakları Derneği Başkanı Dr. Redwan Ziadeh, ekonomist Samir Seifan, değerli akademisyen Dr. Sami Moubayed, Şark Araştırmaları Merkezi Başkanı Samir Taqi, Şam Üniversitesi öğretim üyesi Doç. Dr. Mehmet Yuva ve isimlerinin açıklanmasını istemeyen diğer dostlarımıza teşekkürü borç biliriz. Siyaset, Ekonomi ve Toplum Araştırmaları (SETA) Başkanı Dr. İbrahim Kalın’a çalışma ile ilgili yapıcı yorumları ve kitabın SETA yayınları arasından çıkmasını sağladığı için teşekkür ediyoruz.
Bu kitapta yer verilen düşünceler bize destek veren kurumları ve görüşmeler gerçekleştirdiğimiz kişileri hiçbir şekilde bağlamamakta ve temsil etmemektedir. Tüm sorumluluk yazarlara aittir. Ayrıca doğal olarak bu destek ve katkılara karşın hata ve konunun özelliği nedeniyle kaçınılmaz olarak var olduğuna inandığımız eksikliklerin sorumluluğu sadece bize aittir.

Bülent Aras & Şule Toktaş

Ocak 2008
İstanbul""""
"Kitabın İçeriği: Yakın bir zamana kadar Türkiye yurtdışına göç veren bir ülke olarak bilinirdi. Ancak, 1980’li yıllarla başlayarak ve özellikle 1990 sonrasında uluslararası göç hareketleri içinde Türkiye hem göç alan hem de transit göç... more
"Kitabın İçeriği:
Yakın bir zamana kadar Türkiye yurtdışına göç veren bir ülke olarak bilinirdi. Ancak, 1980’li yıllarla başlayarak ve özellikle 1990 sonrasında uluslararası göç hareketleri içinde Türkiye hem göç alan hem de transit göç için kullanılan bir ülke konumuna gelmiştir. Yılda, 160,000 yabancı ülke vatandaşının oturma izni ile yaşadığı Türkiye’nin uluslararası göç rejimleri içerisindeki bu yeni konumunu daha çok düzensiz, kayıt dışı ya da kaçak göç diye adlandırdığımız göç türü içinde gelen göçmenlerin sayılarında gözlemlenen artışlar belirlemiştir. Sığınmacı ve mülteci hareketleri ise ülkeye yönelen göçün bir başka türüdür. Türkiye’nin göç alan ve transit ülke konumunun önümüzdeki yıllarda da etkinliğini sürdüreceği düşünülmektedir. Genelde bütün dünyada güvenilirliği ve geçerliliği olan uluslararası göç verileri toplamak zordur. Bu çerçevede Türkiye’deki uluslararası göç verileri de oldukça yetersizdir. Yurtdışından Türkiye’ye yönelen göçün nicelik ve niteliklerinin tespitinde karşılaşılan sorunları irdeleyen bu kitap çalışması, ilk olarak Türkiye’ye yönelen uluslararası göçün yine son yıllar içindeki görüntüsünün bir özetini yapmakta ve ülkedeki uluslararası göç veri toplama sistemlerini incelemektedir. Kitap, Türkiye’ye yönelen uluslararası göç hareketleri üzerine veri toplanması ve bu verilen niteliklerinin ve niceliklerinin konuyla ilgili tartışmalar ve araştırmalar ışığında değerlendirilmesini temel almaktadır.

Yazarlar Hakkında Bilgi:
Prof. Dr. Ahmet İçduygu, Koç Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü öğretim üyesidir. Uluslararası göç, insan hakları, sivil toplum, milliyetçilik, modernleşme ve globalleşme konularında çeşitli araştırma faaliyetleri bulunan İçduygu’nun bir çok yayınlanmış eseri bulunmaktadır. Eserlerinin bazıları International Migration, International Social Science Journal, Global Governance, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Human Rights Quarterly ve Doğu-Batı’da yayınlanmıştır. Araştırmaları bir çok kuruluş tarafından desteklenen İçduygu’nun “Yurtdışından Gelenlerin Nicelik ve Tespitinde Sorunlar” isimli çalışması Birleşmiş Milletler Nüfus Fonu’nun katkılarıyla gerçekleştirilmiştir.

Yrd. Doç. Dr. Şule Toktaş, Işık Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler bölümü öğretim üyesidir. Uluslararası göç, vatandaşlık, kadın çalışmaları ve Türk siyasal hayatı ve kurumları üzerine yayınları bulunan Toktaş’ın bazı çalışmaları European Journal of Women Studies, International Migration, Muslim World ve Middle East Studies’de yayınlanmıştır. Bekar ve 1 çocuk annesidir."
“Önsöz: Güvenliğin Değişen Gündemi ve Yeni Güvenlik Tehditleri (Preface: The Changing Agenda of Security and New Security Threats).“ In Bayram Ali Soner, Şule Toktaş and Orhan Çifçi, ed., Yeni Güvenlik Tehditleri (New Security Threats).... more
“Önsöz: Güvenliğin Değişen Gündemi ve Yeni Güvenlik Tehditleri (Preface: The Changing Agenda of Security and New Security Threats).“ In Bayram Ali Soner, Şule Toktaş and Orhan Çifçi, ed., Yeni Güvenlik Tehditleri (New Security Threats). Ankara: Turkish National Police Academy Publications, pp: 5-11, 2023, (Bayram Ali Soner ve Orhan Çifçi ile). ISBN:978-625-99541-8-9
“Does Migration Contribute to Women’s Empowerment? Portrait of Urban Turkey and Istanbul.” In Kürşat Çınar, ed., Women’s Empowerment in Turkey and Beyond. Oxon and New York: Routledge, pp: 200-221, 2020, reprint, (with Hasan Tekgüç and... more
“Does Migration Contribute to Women’s Empowerment? Portrait of Urban Turkey and Istanbul.” In Kürşat Çınar, ed., Women’s Empowerment in Turkey and Beyond. Oxon and New York: Routledge, pp: 200-221, 2020, reprint, (with Hasan Tekgüç and Değer Eryar). ISBN:9780367441388
Bu çalışmada, Türk siyasal hayatı ve demokrasi tarihinin 1965-1969 yıllarına ışık tutulmakta ve aynı yıllara tekabül eden XIII. Yasama Dönemi ve Meclis faaliyetleri incelenmektedir. Bu inceleme üç ana başlıktan oluşmaktadır. Birinci... more
Bu çalışmada, Türk siyasal hayatı ve demokrasi tarihinin 1965-1969 yıllarına ışık tutulmakta ve aynı yıllara tekabül eden XIII. Yasama Dönemi ve Meclis faaliyetleri incelenmektedir. Bu inceleme üç ana başlıktan oluşmaktadır. Birinci kısımda 1965 Genel Seçimleri ele alınmaktadır. Kullanılan seçim sistemi, yarışa giren siyasal partiler, adaylık kriterleri, aday listeleri ve öne çıkan isimler, seçmen profili, katılım oranları gibi konular etrafında seçim süreci aktarılmaktadır. İkinci kısımda seçim sonucunda ortaya çıkan parlamento yapısı ve faaliyetleri ele alınmaktadır. TBMM’nin XIII. Döneminde siyasal parti dağılımı ve görev alan milletvekilleri hakkında makro bilgi sunulmaktadır. Ayrıca, parlamenter sistemlerde yasamanın üstlendiği temel faaliyetler çerçevesinde komisyon oluşturma, görüşme, yasa çıkarma, hükümet oluşturma, cumhurbaşkanı seçme, denge ve denetleme gibi faaliyetler aktarılmaktadır. Üçüncü ve son kısımda sonuç ve değerlendirmeye yer verilecek, 1965-1969 yıllarındaki XIII. Yasama Döneminin öne çıkan özelliklerine değinilmektedir.
Bu makale, Türkiye’de kadın sığınma evlerinin tarihi ve bugünkü yasal ve fiili durumu hakkında bilgi verirken, bu süreçleri belirleyen unsurlar üzerine gözlemlerimizi aktaracaktır. Kadın sığınma evleri açan ve işletenlerin karşılaştıkları... more
Bu makale, Türkiye’de kadın sığınma evlerinin tarihi ve bugünkü yasal ve fiili durumu hakkında bilgi verirken, bu süreçleri belirleyen unsurlar üzerine gözlemlerimizi aktaracaktır. Kadın sığınma evleri açan ve işletenlerin karşılaştıkları sorunlar üzerine yoğunlaşırken, bu kurumların sayısal ve nitel yetersizliği ve söz konusu yetersizliğin ve diğer birçok sorunun nedenlerine ışık tutacaktır. Aktarılan gözlem ve düşünceler, Türkiye’nin kadın sığınma evlerine dair politikalarının bir değerlendirmesi olarak okunabilir. Bahsedilen yetersizliklere rağmen, kadına yönelik şiddetle mücadelenin ve sığınma evlerinin daha etkin ve amacına uygun olarak düzenlenmesi için yapılmış olan yasal ve idari düzenlemelerin birçok olumlu yanı olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Bu olumlu sürecin kadın hareketinin ve kadın örgütlerinin taleplerinden doğduğu söylenebilir. Ancak, Türkiye’nin Avrupa Birliği üyelik sürecinde ilerlemeye niyet etmiş olmasının da bahsettiğimiz yasal düzenlemeler ile ilişkili olduğu göz ardı edilmemelidir.
İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda yaşanan yıkımlar ve kayıplar neticesinde Avrupa nüfusu demografik değişimlere sahne olmuş; bu durum savaş sonrası Avrupa’nın yeniden yapılandırılması için sanayide çalışacak yerel işçi temininde sıkıntılara yol... more
İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda yaşanan yıkımlar ve kayıplar neticesinde Avrupa nüfusu demografik değişimlere sahne olmuş; bu durum savaş sonrası Avrupa’nın yeniden yapılandırılması için sanayide çalışacak yerel işçi temininde sıkıntılara yol açmıştır. Batı Avrupa ülkelerinin refah politikaları ile desteklenmesi gereken yaşlılar, dul evkadınları, hastalar, gaziler ve kimsesiz çocuklardan oluşan niteliksiz ve üstelik sağlıksız bir kitleye dair sorunlarla karşılaşması kalkınmayı tekrardan harekete geçirebilecek ve diğerlerini destekleyebilecek işgücü temini arayışlarına sevk etmiştir. Bu sorunun kısa vadede çözümü açısından başvurulan yöntem, yurtdışından misafir işçi getirme olmuştur. Savaş sonrası oluşan kutuplaşmada Batı liginde yer alan Türkiye stratejik ortak olarak işgücü temininde önemli rol oynamıştır.
Turkey gives official recognition only to three minority groups — the non-Muslim communities of the Greeks, Jews and Armenians. Since 1923, the minority protection framework included in the Treaty of Lausanne has remained intact, and... more
Turkey gives official recognition only to three minority groups — the non-Muslim communities of the Greeks, Jews and Armenians. Since 1923, the minority protection framework included in the Treaty of Lausanne has remained intact, and special provisions that regulate the parameters of minority rights granted to the non-Muslim minorities still apply in Turkey. These rights include educational rights, religious freedom, equality with other citizens under the same citizenship and cultural rights.
ABSTRACT This paper empirically investigates the impact of internal migration on women’s empowerment in urban areas of Turkey. Based on data from a nationally representative household survey, we find that migration exerts its positive... more
ABSTRACT
This paper empirically investigates the impact of internal migration on women’s empowerment in urban areas of Turkey. Based on data from a nationally representative household survey, we find that migration exerts its positive impact through improvements in educational attainment and labor market outcomes in urban settings. Migration contributes to women’s empowerment by raising their education levels and lowering the schooling gap between men and women. Migration also allows migrants, both men and women, to access jobs and occupations in high wage regions like Istanbul, particularly for those with tertiary education. Unlike education, gender wage gap persists even after migration.
This article uses a comparative approach to discuss women's access to property using evidence collected from field research conducted on two distinct communities of Istanbul: one secular and one Islamic. The two groups of women possess... more
This article uses a comparative approach to discuss women's access to property using evidence collected from field research conducted on two distinct communities of Istanbul: one secular and one Islamic. The two groups of women possess distinctly different views of the world and how it is organized. This is particularly the case concerning gender where secular women put forth a view rooted in the sameness of the genders where the Islamic women were clear in their commitment to the idea of difference. These attitudes toward the equality and difference of the genders structures the relations of these women to property and the process of inheritance.
The Sarp land border gate between Turkey and Georgia has become Turkey’s gateway to the East in recent years. With a large number of individuals crossing every day, it is also a labour gate, where irregular Georgian immigrants cross the... more
The Sarp land border gate between Turkey and Georgia has become Turkey’s gateway to the East in recent years. With a large number of individuals crossing every day, it is also a labour gate, where irregular Georgian immigrants cross the border for work in Turkey. In general, border policies are constructed and reconstructed in a dynamic process in which economic, security, ethnopolitical, geopolitical and cultural paradigms interact. The aim of this paper is to observe the complementary and conflicting relationship and negotiation process between economic and security paradigms in particular, with a focus on the perceptions of the officers of the border administration and state bureaucracy at the local level. To this end, field research was carried out consisting of interviews with Turkish state officials responsible for immigration and border crossing in the Sarp gate region. The article sheds light on the interaction between various agencies, actors and stakeholders in border policymaking at the regional level. It also elaborates on the profiles both of incoming immigrants employed as irregular workers and of deportees. The results of the qualitative study show that the dominance of the economic paradigm that underlies the main framework of Georgia-Turkey relations overrides security concerns between the two countries, thus necessitating a more flexible implementation of laws. The field research illustrates that implementation of laws and regulations at the local level varies and while some groups of irregular immigrants are allowed to work, others are not and, what is more, are deported.
Research Interests:
Turkey maintains one of the lowest female labour force participation rates in Europe, but also boasts an above average number of female professors. Turkey is well above the European average (15%) with approximately 28% of full... more
Turkey maintains one of the lowest female labour force participation rates in Europe, but also boasts an above average number of female professors. Turkey is well above the European average (15%) with approximately 28% of full professorships being occupied by women. Despite these seemingly positive indications, do men and women in Turkish academia earn the same wages? This study explores whether or not there exists a gendered pay gap in Turkish academia. Using data collected from a survey of more than 700 Turkish academics, we observed that there is a gendered wage gap that disadvantages women, but only at the highest pay levels found at private universities indicating the existence of intra-class inequality, where men and women despite occupying the same class position are compensated differently.
This paper gives a general picture of women’s shelters in Turkey with its history and current state, based on findings from a field work consisting of 40 in-depth interviews with administrators and staff of women’s shelters and counseling... more
This paper gives a general picture of women’s shelters in Turkey with its history and current state, based on findings from a field work consisting of 40 in-depth interviews with administrators and staff of women’s shelters and counseling centers. Thirteen of the interviewees are from NGOs that specialize in combating violence against women, sixteen of them are administrators at municipalities, and eleven of them are social workers and shelter directresses that are associated with the General Directorate of Social Services and Protection of Children. The study finds that municipality and NGO-run women’s shelters in Turkey need to rely on their own administrative and financial resources in order to provide services for women and children such as daycare centers, adult education or legal aid. There is no coordination or an institutionalized mechanism of information-sharing and resource pooling between the shelters
The article stems from empirical research conducted with a group of women living in Istanbul who have conservative life styles bounded by an Islamic worldview. It attempts illuminate the negotiation and contestation between official civil... more
The article stems from empirical research conducted with a group of women living in Istanbul who have conservative life styles bounded by an Islamic worldview. It attempts illuminate the negotiation and contestation between official civil law and Islamic law. The findings demonstrate that women inherit and bequeath property in a social setting where their gender roles are defined by their adherence to Islam. We argue that in Turkey women’s inheritance practices are not determined solely in accordance with the secular civil law, but rather are the result of a complex and intertwined combination of legal sources, where an Islamic worldview often leads to the adoption of Islamic law.  In other words, the application of the secular civil law in Turkey is limited by the common practice of Islamic Law. Rather than follow the gender equality mandated by the civil law, the inheritance practices of many Islamic women are constituted with a deference to some aspects of Islamic law creating a situation of legal pluralism in Turkey.
This article takes Turkey as a case study, exploring marital and inheritance regimes with regards to their impact on women and their ability to protect women's property rights. The aim of the study is to bring to light the workings of the... more
This article takes Turkey as a case study, exploring marital and inheritance regimes with regards to their impact on women and their ability to protect women's property rights. The aim of the study is to bring to light the workings of the legal system that regulate the acquisition of property and to scrutinize the gap between the law and its practice in Turkish society. By taking this approach, the article does not only focus on laws but also on how these laws are adopted by society. Thus, two levels of analysis - de jure and de facto - are utilized for an investigation of women's property rights and hence their social and economic status.
This article employs Turkey as a case study to explore the relationship between property ownership, inheritance, and women's empowerment. In Turkey, as in much of the world, men dominate ownership of property. This is despite the fact... more
This article employs Turkey as a case study to explore the relationship between property ownership, inheritance, and women's empowerment. In Turkey, as in much of the world, men dominate ownership of property. This is despite the fact that women have had equal rights to own and inherit property since 1926. With the establishment of the Republic in 1923 came a series of reforms, one of which replaced Islamic Sharia law with a secular civil law that was based on the Swiss Civil Code. The new law, among other things, guaranteed equal rights of property and inheritance regardless of gender. In an attempt to understand the tangled relationship between property and women's empowerment, we conducted interviews regarding inheritance practices among ideologically secular, wealthy women in Istanbul. For these women and their families, the logic of wealth distribution is deeply informed by a commitment to equality between children with little regard for gender. Even in those cases where strict equality in terms of sameness was not employed, the goal was for an overall balance and fairness between recipients. Despite the fact that inheritance law provides for equality, most of the families employed intervivos transfer, gifts among the living, to distribute their family wealth. Perhaps most interesting, and in contrast to the literature, is the fact that these women do not express any sense of empowerment derived from their status as property owners. Rather education and career proved more important.
Despite a long history of women’s movements and policy-making efforts to ameliorate women’s status in Turkey, the number and quality of women’s shelters are far from sufficient. This paper aims to reveal the shortcomings of shelter policy... more
Despite a long history of women’s movements and policy-making efforts to ameliorate women’s status in Turkey, the number and quality of women’s shelters are far from sufficient. This paper aims to reveal the shortcomings of shelter policy through the lens of those ‘at work’ on this important social issue using a qualitative research design. Forty semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with municipal administrative officials, state social workers and employees of civil society organizations that run shelters. The research findings reveal that there is a lack of effective authority which has the willpower to combat violence against women and that it is difficult to keep shelters secure in a patriarchal society away from the male gaze; furthermore, results indicate that there has been an erosion of social services provided by the state.
This article examines the role that think tanks have played in the formulation of national security and a culture of security through field research conducted on fourteen think tanks located in Istanbul and Ankara. In addition to... more
This article examines the role that think tanks have played in the formulation of national security and a culture of security through field research conducted on fourteen think tanks located in Istanbul and Ankara. In addition to participant observation at the think tanks, twenty-five in-depth interviews were conducted with administrators and specialists. The findings revealed that, in terms of their strategic attitudes about national security in Turkey, there are three groups of think tanks: critical think tanks; b) middle-position think tanks; and c) congruent think tanks. Based on the results of the data collected, we argue that the culture of national security in Turkey has begun to be impacted by a plurality of actors, both civilian and official, and that there is an emerging competition for influence over the definitions and conceptualizations of security as well as the identification of security issues within a securitization process which has led to their securitization. Although the think-tank sector in Turkey is still in its formative years, its roles and influence in the debates on national security have been on the rise.
Smuggling and trafficking in Turkey: An analysis of EU-Turkey cooperation in combating transnational organized crime by Sule Toktas and Hande Selimoglu Abstract Since the 1990s, there has been a global proliferation of transnational... more
Smuggling and trafficking in Turkey: An analysis of EU-Turkey cooperation in combating transnational organized crime
by Sule Toktas and Hande Selimoglu
Abstract
Since the 1990s, there has been a global proliferation of transnational organized crime (TOC). Turkey, as a transit site between the East and the West has been one of the routes through which organized crime groups transport illicit goods in collaboration with other networks of crime. This article investigates TOC in Turkey and maps out Turkey's role as a transit country in smuggling and trafficking. The paper also deals with Turkey's contribution to international efforts in combating TOC in light of its EU membership process. The European Commission's annual reports on Turkey's progress towards EU membership that highlight the achievements as well as the shortcomings of Turkey in combating TOC are presented. The article argues that Turkey has introduced successful reforms and expanded its institutional capacities due to the progress it has achieved in the specific area of combating TOC, as evidenced by the EU progress reports.



Working/Shorter Title: Transnational organized crime and EU-Turkey Relations
This paper aims to describe the political issues surrounding the establishment and running of women’s shelters in Turkey. More specifically, we will look at the achievements of the women’s movement in this struggle as well as the points... more
This paper aims to describe the political issues surrounding the establishment and running of women’s shelters in Turkey. More specifically, we will look at the achievements of the women’s movement in this struggle as well as the points of contention between the state and feminists. Our theoretical goal in analyzing the case of struggle against violence towards women in Turkey is to reflect on how independent feminist organizations work with the state; what they demand from the state, and how they may be faced with accepting state intervention and erosion of principles as they receive the support of the state. In the first part of the paper, we will talk about the studies that aim to reveal the prevalence of violence against women in Turkey. Our goal in this part is to emphasize the importance of this social and political problem. In the second part, we will take the case of struggle with violence against women in Turkey in hand and give a brief history of this struggle, emphasizing the latest developments in the way in which the Turkish state approaches towards this issue. In the third part and fourth parts, we will review the literature on the relationship between the feminist movement, women’s civil society organizations, and the state. Here, we will lay out what feminist scholars have experienced, thought about, and debated while working closely with the state and/or with large, influential non-governmental organizations. After reviewing the debates between feminist scholars on the advantages and disadvantages of working closely with the state and with large, influential non-governmental organizations, we will take the case of women’s shelters Turkey in hand. Here, we will talk about some of the experiences and related criticisms and warnings of feminists in Turkey on the issue of working closely with the state. More specifically, we will present the critiques of feminists to the state in the way in which the latter governs women’s shelters. We will draw on sources such as women’s magazines, conferences organized by women’s organizations, and interviews with feminist activists to present this critique. In line with the international literature on the involvement of the feminist movement with the state and powerful NGOs has shown, we argue that the shelter movement in Turkey faces the possibility of co-optation and loss of independence as the Turkish state takes on the responsibility of providing services to battered women. On the one hand, the state provides funds, staff and training to support women’s shelters, on the other hand, it controls, disciplines and intervenes to the way in which shelters are run. It imposes its own rules, guidelines and principles. In such a context, the safe place that feminists have intended to set up to provide protection and a healing environment for the battered women faces the danger of looking just like another institution of the modern, welfare state with its bureaucratic and hierarchical structure.
ALEVIS AND ALEVISM IN THE CHANGING CONTEXT OF TURKISH POLITICS: THE JUSTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY'S ALEVI OPENING The Justice and Development Party (JDP), since coming to power in 2002, has launched several reform programmes which in... more
ALEVIS AND ALEVISM IN THE CHANGING CONTEXT OF TURKISH POLITICS: THE JUSTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY'S ALEVI OPENING

The Justice and Development Party (JDP), since coming to power in 2002, has launched several reform programmes which in the previous decades were considered the red lines or bottle necks in Turkish politics. The JDP is the party that has made wide range of reforms necessary for the EU membership. This caused a complexity for students of political science as the party is the leading conservative party in the multiparty politics of Turkish party system accompanied by a wide discussion whether the JDP fell in the category of conservative parties or not. The JDP also started various policy initiatives in the sphere of international relations. The governing party aimed for Turkey’s greater involvement in Middle East, the Caucasian and Balkan affairs, mediation and arbitration role between the conflicting parties of the Middle East, peace making facilities towards Armenia and Azerbaijan and stability and security in Iraq. The Kurdish question has been another arena for the JDP to take important steps for its resolution. Last but not least, the Party, although mainly adheres to the Sunnite segments of the Turkish population, wants to attract votes from the Alevi minority and launch a rapprochement programme. This article tackles with the actors, dynamics and processes involved in the JDP’s Alevi rapprochement. Each subject group – the Alevis (the leftist and the conservative wings), the General Directorate of Religious Affairs, the JDP, the National View Movement, the conservative media writers and the EU officials – is constitutive of a specific discourse and hence holding a deliberate position in the Alevi question. Therefore, each discursive unit composes the sub-sections of the discussion delivered throughout the paper. We aim to make an inquiry of the Alevi rapprochement in light of the positions, arguments and perceptions developed by each agency involved in the question.
ABSTRACT This article tackles with the question of Europeanization in Turkey’s civil-military relations and the extent and content of democratization that the EU as a factor or an anchor serves in the civilian control over the Turkish... more
ABSTRACT

This article tackles with the question of Europeanization in Turkey’s civil-military relations and the extent and content of democratization that the EU as a factor or an anchor serves in the civilian control over the Turkish Armed Forces. We argue that: the EU membership process has necessitated democratization in civil-military relations and has served as an external stimulus in empowering the civilian voices for the civilianization of the 1982 Constitution and the political elite’s standing vis-à-vis the military elite; this external support was not sufficient for a fully integrated democratic control of the armed forces (DECAF) as there are still problems in the democratization of civil-military relations; since the 2000s, there has been  a DECAF reform process continuing; but due to historical deficiencies in Turkish polity like the civilian incapacity to change the priority given to the military’s role in the making of the security culture, the European norms of DECAF is formal. The article has four parts. In the first part, we aim to give background information to DECAF reforms in Turkey. We focus on the harmonization packages that Turkey has adopted as part of the requirements for EU membership which pinpoint how close Turkey gets to the norms and values of the EU or in a similar vein how far Turkey deviates from general understandings of DECAF as there are still issues awaiting Turkey’s Europeanization.  The second part carries the discussion to the Justice and Development Party (JDP) – Turkish General Staff (TGS) relations between 2002-2007. The first JDP governmental term is significant for DECAF as most of the reforms occurred in this period. Yet, it is the same period when the tension between the JDP and the TGS reached levels that were hard to govern by the politicians.  The third part makes an assessment on the civil-military relations in the period since 2007. This part is a political mapping of the contemporary situation as it makes an elaboration of key issues that dominate the agenda of Turkish politics recently. The last section draws a conclusion and identifies the boundaries as well as the shortcomings of DECAF in Turkey. The concluding remarks pay special attention to the significance of the question of a Turkish way to Europeanization especially in the field of civil- military relations.
Turkey has been under a constant change since the 2000s. Turkey has been accepted as a candidate country to the EU in 1999. It is in the same year that the leader of the Kurdish terrorist organization PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, was captured in... more
Turkey has been under a constant change since the 2000s. Turkey has been accepted as a candidate country to the EU in 1999. It is in the same year that the leader of the Kurdish terrorist organization PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, was captured in 1999. The National View Movement split in 2000 and the Justice and Development Party (JDP) was formed by younger leaders who denied the legacy of a pro-Islamic establishment and opted for a more neo-conservative ideology with a liberal economic model. Since 2002, the Party has been winning the majority of the votes both in the national and local elections and rules the country. Under the JDP government, Turkey has gone through a liberalization process, some of whom refer to as a ‘silent revolution’.
THE EUROPEANIZATION OF MINORITY RIGHTS IN TURKEY: NON-MUSLIM MINORITIES AND THE EU ACCESSION PROCESS ABSTRACT The conventional elements of Turkey’s minority regime are based on the legal framework of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, the... more
THE EUROPEANIZATION OF MINORITY RIGHTS IN TURKEY: NON-MUSLIM MINORITIES AND THE EU ACCESSION PROCESS


ABSTRACT

The conventional elements of Turkey’s minority regime are based on the legal framework of the Lausanne Peace Treaty, the state’s political maneuverings and societal attitudes. The EU seriously challenges the conventional treatment of minorities in Turkey. The Commission via its annual progress reports on Turkey, the Council via its summit decisions and the Parliament via oral and written questions addressed in the assembly emphasize the need for a better treatment of minorities in Turkey and call on Turkey to improve its human as well as minority rights records. From the Turkish perspective, there is no need for an immense reform since the Turkish Constitution and the Lausanne Treaty provides protection and equal treatment of non-Muslim minorities, which also allegedly satisfies the Copenhagen criteria for EU membership. The EU’s pressure for the improvement of minority rights did not change this attitude and the Turkish state tries to satisfy the EU demands under the wider framework of changes in human rights and individual rights. In the Turkish context, the solution to minority rights is to handle them through improvements in three realms: elimination of discrimination, cultural rights and religious freedom. However, although reforms in these spheres point to an Europeanization process, they fall short of the spirit precluded in the Treaty of Lausanne and the Copenhagen criteria.
The interest in the security of Afghanistan is largely dominated by the fear that the instability of the country will cause shock waves and trigger conflicts in neighboring regions from Kashmir to Chechnya. It is often argued that the key... more
The interest in the security of Afghanistan is largely dominated by the fear that the instability of the country will cause shock waves and trigger conflicts in neighboring regions from Kashmir to Chechnya. It is often argued that the key to providing security is to fortify the US led international troop positions located in Afghanistan and to increase the number of Afghan security personnel. In a similar vein, it is estimated that the national and international security personnel needed would be around 200,000-250,000. Considering the US military involvement in Iraqi quagmire, the deployment of such a great number of troops is neither realistic nor possible. Even in a scenario that assumes the previously mentioned troops are deployed in Afghanistan, it is highly questionable that the security problem would be resolved. This point brings to the surface the fact that a change in the security paradigm is needed.
CULTURAL IDENTITY, MINORITY POSITION AND IMMIGRATION: TURKEY’S JEWISH MINORITY VS. TURKISH-JEWISH IMMIGRANTS IN ISRAEL Abstract The foundation of the state of Israel attracted masses of Jewish immigrants from all over the world.... more
CULTURAL IDENTITY, MINORITY POSITION AND IMMIGRATION: TURKEY’S JEWISH MINORITY VS. TURKISH-JEWISH IMMIGRANTS IN ISRAEL
Abstract
The foundation of the state of Israel attracted masses of Jewish immigrants from all over the world. Turkey’s Jews joined in these waves of migration and there remained only a small minority community in today’s Turkey. The migratory flow of Jews from Turkey to Israel resulted in the formation of a distinct immigrant community in Israel – namely the Turkish Jews – who has maintained their cultural ties with the home country. Cultural identity formation, in these cases of a specific minority and an immigrant group, is relevant to ethnic and immigrant studies especially with respect to nation-state formations and constructions of national identities in Turkey and in Israel. This article highlights on the complexity of cultural identity for minority and immigrant groups in the processes of assimilation/integration comparatively. It deals with the identity questions that Turkey’s Jews and Turkish Jews in Israel face with regards to the definitions imposed by the nation building structures in both countries respectively. The discussion utilizes the results of field research composed of in-depth interviews with Turkish Jews in Turkey and in Israel. It also makes a comparative assessment of the interviewees’ interplay with their identities from the pool of ‘Turkish’, ‘non-Muslim’, ‘Jewish’, ‘Israeli’, ‘El Turco’, ‘Sephardim’ or ‘Oriental’ categories.
Keywords: Turkish Jews, Jewish, Minority, Immigrant, Identity, Israel
Within the politics of nationalism and nation-building, the emigration of ethnic and religious minorities, whether voluntary or involuntary, appears to be a commonly occurring practice. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the... more
Within the politics of nationalism and nation-building, the emigration of ethnic and religious minorities, whether voluntary or involuntary, appears to be a commonly occurring practice. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century, modern Turkey still carried the legacy of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious diversity in which its Armenian, Greek and Jewish communities had official minority status based upon the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. However, throughout the twentieth century, Turkey’s non-Muslim minority populations have undergone a mass emigration experience in which thousands of their numbers have migrated to various countries around the globe. While in the 1920s the population of non-Muslims in the country was close to three per cent of the total, today it has dropped to less than two per thousand. This article analyses the emigration of non-Muslim people from Turkey and relates this movement to the wider context of nation-building in the country.
CITIZENSHIP AND MIGRATION FROM TURKEY TO ISRAEL: A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON TURKISH JEWS IN ISRAEL ABSTRACT Having moved from Turkey to Israel, Turkish Jewish immigrants portray a distinct immigrant community in today’s Israel. The... more
CITIZENSHIP AND MIGRATION FROM TURKEY TO ISRAEL:
A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON TURKISH JEWS IN ISRAEL
ABSTRACT
Having moved from Turkey to Israel, Turkish Jewish immigrants portray a distinct immigrant community in today’s Israel. The migration experience to Israel influenced the Turkish Jews’ perception of citizenship. This article is about Turkish Jewish immigrants living in Israel and tackles with the interface between international migration and citizenship. It tries to analyze the experiences and perceptions of Turkish Jews regarding their former citizenship identities in the home country and latter citizenship experience in the host country. This study mainly discusses the field research results conducted with a sample group of Turkish Jews in Israel. In light of the excerpts drawn from the in-depth interviews, the article tries to reflect on the respondents’: a) comparison and contrast between Turkish citizenship and Israeli citizenship; b) assessment of the advantages and disadvantages with the current citizenship status; and c) political participation in the Israeli public sphere.
The research indicated that the respondents’ views and experiences differentiated according to their year of arrival in Israel. The immigrants who arrived in Israel in the great wave of 1948-51 were not only different in profile than the immigrants who arrived in subsequent years up until 1980, but were also distinguished in their views about citizenship as well as their experiences regarding immigration. the interviews conducted with Jews from Turkey in Israel pointed out that despite long years of residence in Israel, the immigrants have preserved the political sensibility they grew up with and learned when they were in Turkey. However, moving into a country where they became members of the majority group seems to have impacted their perceptions and experiences regarding citizenship and played roles in: a) the appropriation of democratic norms defined by majoritarian terms; b) efforts to maintain their Turkish identity in cosmopolitan Jewish-Israeli society in the identity aspect; and c) the preference for complying with the general norms of Jewish-Israeli society and conversely excluding a proactive understanding of political participation.
TURKEY’S ROMA: POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND ORGANISATION ABSTRACT Turkey’s Roma are one of the major minority groups in the country without the status of an officially recognized minority. Around one million Roma are estimated to live... more
TURKEY’S ROMA: POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND ORGANISATION

ABSTRACT
Turkey’s Roma are one of the major minority groups in the country without the status of an officially recognized minority. Around one million Roma are estimated to live in Turkey with distinct cultural characteristics, primarily of language. They also compose one of the constituents of the lower class in Turkey who face problems of lower levels of education, income, and housing and of a higher level of criminality. In accordance with the Europeanization of the human rights and protection of minority standards in Turkey due to the process of accession to the EU, the Roma became focal in EU-Turkish relations, as recent European Commission regular reports on Turkey made assessments of the situation that the Roma are in. It is in this context that the integration of the Roma to Turkish society and their participation in the public sphere as a group become important. This study has taken the task of understanding the Roma community with its level of political participation and organisation. In light of field research conducted in Tarlabaşı, a neighbourhood in the Bornova district of Izmir mostly populated by the Roma, the questions of how the Roma develop identity, organise collectively, get access to public services and perceive membership to the EU are traced. The study discusses the research results obtained in the research and makes an evaluation of the main problems that the Roma experience in today’s Turkey.
The attacks of international terror on Istanbul, Madrid, London, and Sharm al-Sheikh, among others, targeted synagogues, consulates, and financial institutions as well as international travellers and innocent people in metro stations. As... more
The attacks of international terror on Istanbul, Madrid, London, and Sharm al-Sheikh, among others, targeted synagogues, consulates, and financial institutions as well as international travellers and innocent people in metro stations. As a result, the possibility of being a target of international terror, which most people within these countries had previously seen as remote, has become a reality. It is evident the crisis commenced on September 11 was a development affecting the entire international system and the latest attacks of international terrorism will engender serious consequences for both the countries under attack and international security. The attacks underscore the fact that Turkey, Spain, Britain, Egypt, and many other countries are on the target list of international terrorism.
EU ENLARGEMENT CONDITIONS AND MINORITY PROTECTION: A REFLECTION ON TURKEY’S NON-MUSLIM MINORITIES This article aims to review the EU’s urge on Turkey to fulfil the Copenhagen criteria, hence the condition of ‘respect for and protection... more
EU ENLARGEMENT CONDITIONS AND MINORITY PROTECTION:
A REFLECTION ON TURKEY’S NON-MUSLIM MINORITIES
This article aims to review the EU’s urge on Turkey to fulfil the Copenhagen criteria, hence the condition of ‘respect for and protection of minorities’ in the case of non-Muslim minorities. In light of the documents released by the EU institutions - such as the Commission regular reports, the Council decisions and the Accession Partnership with Turkey, and the oral and written questions discussed in the European Parliament, - the article tries to outline and analyze how the EU develops a stance vis-à-vis Turkey’s treatment towards its non-Muslim minorities. The article utilizes the result of a research on the essential documents released by the EU.
MODERNIZATION AND GENDER: A HISTORY OF GIRLS’ TECHNICAL EDUCATION IN TURKEY SINCE 1927 ABSTRACT This article is a historical analysis of Girls’ Institutes in Turkey. These schools were established in the early Republican era in... more
MODERNIZATION AND GENDER:
A HISTORY OF GIRLS’ TECHNICAL EDUCATION IN TURKEY SINCE 1927

ABSTRACT

This article is a historical analysis of Girls’ Institutes in Turkey. These schools were established in the early Republican era in order to educate girl students to gender roles compatible with modernization and with the westernisation project of the Turkish state. The analysis is based upon qualitative data (including interviews and focus groups). The findings point to four trends in the history of Girls’ Institutes and in the characteristics and life-chances of graduates in the period 1927-1970. These were a) the shift from ‘good housewife and mother’ training schools to vocational schools; b) the downgrading of the employment of graduates; c) a shift from singleness to marriage; and d) the redefinition of gender roles by women themselves.
The current study gives an historical account of Jewish migration from Turkey to Israel. It examines not only the specificity of the movement in terms of size, scope, group characteristics of the immigrants and push/pull factors that... more
The current study gives an historical account of Jewish migration from Turkey to
Israel. It examines not only the specificity of the movement in terms of size, scope,
group characteristics of the immigrants and push/pull factors that motivate
migration, but also the legislative and administrative measures taken by both
countries in handling the movement of thousands from one to another.
Citizenship in Turkey is one of the major instruments of nation-building. The legal framework that Turkish citizenship rests on is universal and equal. The non-Muslim minorities – the Armenians, the Greeks and the Jews – however are... more
Citizenship in Turkey is one of the major instruments of nation-building.
The legal framework that Turkish citizenship rests on is universal and equal. The
non-Muslim minorities – the Armenians, the Greeks and the Jews – however are
granted special group rights in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Despite the protection
of minorities and their rights in the treaty, the non-Muslim minorities, from
time to time, had been superceded by the universal norms of citizenship in Turkey.
This study discusses the history of the Jewish minority with a focus on the development
of citizenship in Turkey. The history of the Jews as a minority group and
as citizens is illustrated by way of a chronological methodology encompassing a
broad range of events, laws, ideas and movements spanning Early Republican
Period up to present-day Turkey. In line with the conventional classification utilized
by many studies of Turkish politics, the historical projection developed on the
citizenship and minority status of Jews in Turkey is categorized into three periods:
the Early Republican Period (1923–1945), the Multi-Party Democracy Period
(1945–1980) and the Post-1980 Period covering more recent developments.
In this article, the results of a qualitative study on gender awareness of Turkish women mirrored through regrets in the course of life are discussed. The study composed of life history interviews and focus groups interviews with... more
In this article, the results of a qualitative study on gender awareness of Turkish women
mirrored through regrets in the course of life are discussed. The study composed of life history interviews
and focus groups interviews with Turkish women, who were 1960–1970 graduates of various Girls’
Institutes and working as schoolteachers and academics showed that the women reflect on their lives in
gendered terms. The women’s regrets arose mainly in relation to three domains: work, marriage and
motherhood, which revealed that women separate their feelings of regret regarding marriage from the
satisfaction they derive from motherhood. In the evaluations of the past, an ignored women’s history
surfaces within the context of modernization reforms in Turkey, which provided women the means of
‘‘standing on our own feet’’ without depending on men.
This article deals with the empowerment and resistance strategies used by working women in Turkey. In order to explore the ways in which gender ideologies are produced and resisted, a very specific group of women were studied using... more
This article deals with the empowerment and resistance
strategies used by working women in Turkey. In order to explore the ways
in which gender ideologies are produced and resisted, a very specific
group of women were studied using life history and focus group interviews.
The interviews were conducted with women who had graduated
between 1960 and 1970 from Girls’ Institutes. The Girls’ Institutes were
all-female high schools and the curriculum of these institutes was particularly
geared towards modern domestic, or homemaking skills. However,
despite the notion of producing modern women for the domestic sphere,
most of the graduates have chosen to work outside their homes. Of these
working women some have remained single, some have not had children.
These outcomes present a paradox. The article focuses on the resolution
of these paradoxes, the power and resistance manoeuvres that women
employ and their relationship to the processes of modernization and
westernization in Turkey.
Political Parties, Elections and Democracy: A Close-Up on the Political History of Turkey ABSTRACT In this paper, the political history of Turkey is presented with a focus on the process of democratization. Usually Turkish political... more
Political Parties, Elections and Democracy:
A Close-Up on the Political History of Turkey

ABSTRACT
In this paper, the political history of Turkey is presented with a focus on the process of democratization. Usually Turkish political history is categorized into periods marked by the party systems and the constitutions. The classical periodization of Turkish political history is the Single Party Period, the Multi-Party Period and the Post-1980 Period. In light of this classical approach, the article follows a chronological format. The first part covers the Single Party Period through the years 1923-1945. The second part continues with the Multi-Party Period and summarizes the events between 1945-1980. The third part mainly deals with the Post-1980 Period and makes an overview by reflecting on the events that dominate the contemporary situation. The Single Party Period is dominated by the reform programmes taken for Turkey’s advancement to the level of contemporary civilizations – that is the western civilization (i.e.  The abolition of the Caliphate, the adoption of the Republican Constitution, the adoption of the Hat and Clothing Law, the western calendar and timing system, the Civil Law, the women’s right to elect and be elected in general elections and etc.). These reforms known as the Kemalist reforms initiated by the single party at the time – the Republican People’s party - aimed specifically the policies regarding a) nation-building; b) secularization; c) modernization and westernization; d) democratization; and e) state formation. The Multi-Party Period is dominated by the transition to multi-party politics and the entrance of difference parties within the ideological spectrum to Turkish public life. Yet, the consolidation of democracy, in the Turkish context, also brought by the chances taken by the Turkish military to intervene in politics for three times, first in 1960 and then in 1971 and 1980 in response to the political chaos, instability, fragmentation and polarization all of which threatened security. The Post-1980 Period is marked by the adoption of a new constitution – the 1982 Constitution. Furthermore, due to the process of globalization and the rise of the New Right in the 1980s and 1990s, liberalization policies backed the accession process in the European Union were introduced. The contemporary period, however, is marked by the ascendance of Conservative, Secularist, Nationalist and Kurdish nationalist politics.
50 YEARS OF EMIGRATION FROM TURKEY TO GERMANY - A SUCCESS STORY? Şule Toktaş It has been fifty years since the guest worker agreement was signed between Turkey and Germany on October 30, 1961. In subsequent years, although Turkey... more
50 YEARS OF EMIGRATION FROM TURKEY TO GERMANY - A SUCCESS STORY?

Şule Toktaş
It has been fifty years since the guest worker agreement was signed between Turkey and Germany on October 30, 1961. In subsequent years, although Turkey has signed similar agreements with such countries as Austria, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Sweden, and Australia, in terms of scope and volume emigration to Germany has been the hallmark of contemporary Turkish immigration in contemporary Europe, and it has constituted the backbone of the 'Euro-Turk' phenomenon. The first group of workers needed by Germany for the reconstruction efforts following World War II landed in Munich from a train which departed from the Sirkeci station in Istanbul. Since then, several other waves have followed. The guest agreement allowed for temporary migration, which included work permits valid for one year; however, as migration theory tells us, temporary migration can easily be transformed into permanent settlement, which was what happened in the Turko-German case. Today, in consequence of the waves of migration which have encompassed a wide range of types, from labour migration and family re-unions to refugee and asylum seeking, immigrants in Germany from Turkey demographically represent a community of over 2.5 million individuals. The influence of these mass influxes expanded to include social, cultural, political and economic life, with diverse and pervasive impacts on the transnational communities of Germany and Turkey, as well as on Euro-Turks themselves.
Celal Bayar, a prominent figure in Turkish politics who had hold various offices and positions last one being Republic Presidency, contributed to the Turkish nation-building process and took part in its various proceedings and... more
Celal Bayar, a prominent figure in Turkish politics who had hold various offices and positions last one being Republic Presidency, contributed to the Turkish nation-building process and took part in its various proceedings and institutions. This article  discusses the views of Celal Bayar on nationalism, more specifically on Turkish nationalism. The discussion reflects on Bayar’s conception of ‘Turkish nation’, ‘national state’, ‘the Eastern question’, ‘Democrat Party nationalism’ and ‘the non-Muslim minorities’. The public speeches of him clearly point out that Celal Bayar understood and even promoted a type of Turkish nationalism which is very much close to civic nationalism.


Keywords: Celal Bayar, Turkish nationalism, nation, state, civic.


TÜRKİYE’DE SİVİL MİLLİYETÇİLİK:
CELAL BAYAR’IN SİYASİ PROFİLİ ÜZERİNE BİR ÇALIŞMA

Özet: Celal Bayar, Türk siyasal yaşamının ve tarihinin önemli simalarından biri olmuştur. Cumhurbaşkanlığı dahil olmak üzere bir çok görevde bulunan Bayar, siyasal ve devlet eliti konumlarından kaynaklı olarak Türk ulus-devletinin inşasına bilfiil katkıda bulunmuştur. Bu makale Celal Bayar’ın genel olarak milliyetçilik kavramı, özel olarak da Türk milliyetçiliği üzerine görüşlerini değerlendirmektedir. Bununla birlikte, ‘Türk ulusu’, ‘ulusal devlet’, ‘Doğu sorunu’, ‘Demokrat Parti milliyetçiliği’ ve ‘gayri-Müslim azınlıklar’ gibi çeşitli temalar üzerinden Bayar’ın milliyetçilik anlayışının çözümlemesine yer verilmektedir. Bayar’ın bir çok demeci  milliyetçilik anlayışının daha çok sivil milliyetçiliğe yakın olduğuna işaret etmektedir.


Anahtar kelimeler: Celal Bayar, Türk milliyetçiliği, ulus, devlet, sivil.
Anti-Semitism It is commonly believed that there is little or no anti-Semitism in Turkey; for this reason, the Jewish community there is considered to be fortunate. Even the Thrace Incidents of 1934, the 1942 Capital Tax or the 6-7... more
Anti-Semitism
It is commonly believed that there is little or no anti-Semitism in Turkey; for this reason, the Jewish community there is considered to be fortunate. Even the Thrace Incidents of 1934, the 1942 Capital Tax or the 6-7 September Events in 1955 are considered to be examples of discrimination against all non-Muslim minorities in Turkey and not only against the Jews even if the Jews were the main targets of violence like in the Thrace Incidents. This study investigates the validity of this optimistic view with the help of empirical research conducted on a sample group of Turkish Jews. More precisely, it deals with the question of how Jews living in Turkey perceive anti-Semitism with a perspective that prioritizes the voices of the Jews themselves and gives an account of their experience regarding their status as a religious minority in a Muslim majority society. This paper discusses the results of the research based on in-depth interviews with Jewish respondents and reflects on the nature, sources and extent of anti-Semitism in contemporary Turkey in the eyes of Turkey’s Jews themselves.

Keywords: Anti-Semitism, Jews, Turkey, Jewish Minority, non-Muslim
Transit and Receiving Countries: Refugee Protection Policies in Belgium, Slovenia, Greece, and Turkey Şule Toktaş, Aspasia Papadopoulou, Mila Paspalanova, and Natalija Vrecer This article aims to provide and overview of the refugee... more
Transit and Receiving Countries:  Refugee Protection Policies in Belgium, Slovenia, Greece, and Turkey

Şule Toktaş, Aspasia Papadopoulou, Mila Paspalanova, and Natalija Vrecer

This article aims to provide and overview of the refugee protection systems in Belgium, Slovenia, Greece and Turkey. Through contributions from four different authors, the article presents the way in which asylum and reception systems operate in each country and the type of provisions available for asylum seekers and refugees. The first section on Belgium explains the reasons that lead this traditional immigration country to also become an increasingly popular refugee destination and makes an assessment of the trends in number and origin of asylum seekers and the gradually increasing stock of undocumented migrants. The section on Slovenia tackles with the question of how the refugee protection policies have changed after achieving independence in 1991. In addition, it focuses on the dynamics of the country’s reception systems and mechanisms that play role in managing migration directed to and from the country, especially after the collapse of the Yugoslavian state system. The section on Greece explains how the country is both a destination and a transit country for asylum seekers coming to Europe from the East and South. The author presents the main refugee trends in Greece in recent years and analyses the implications of transit migration for the refugees, the country and the Union as a whole. The last section, which makes a case analysis of Turkey, reflects on the immigrant sending and receiving characteristics of the country. Arguing that Turkey is one of the major transit areas for migration to Europe, this section makes an assesment of the issue of refugees, asylum seekers and transit migrants construing one of the crucial aspects fo the Turkish-European Union (EU) relations.
Contemporary liberal democracies confront governance problems elicited by the discord between the principles of equality and difference, and between the concepts of majority and minority. Citizenship came to be recognized as a vital... more
Contemporary liberal democracies confront governance problems elicited by the discord between the principles of equality and difference, and between the concepts of majority and minority. Citizenship came to be recognized as a vital governance tool in response to this challenge evidenced by growing academic and political interest in the concept. The basic precept that citizenship refers to is a constitutionality based relationship between the individual and the state implying a unique, reciprocal and unmediated bond between the individual and the political community.
This study investigates the migration of the Jews from the Ottoman Empire from the 1860s onward and from modern Turkey to the American continent. It provides a picture of the process of Jewish migration to and Jewish integration in the... more
This study investigates the migration of the Jews from the Ottoman Empire from the 1860s onward and from modern Turkey to the American continent. It provides a picture of the process of Jewish migration to and Jewish integration in the destination countries in the continent. Country-by-country analyses of the integration processes and the profile of immigrants disclose parallels and differences of the integration of Jewish people in different countries in the American continent. The article finds that Jewish immigrants established communities around religious, educational , and philanthropic organizations that facilitated the preservation of their distinct culture and their integration in the host nations.
National Security Culture in Turkey: A Qualitative Study on Think Tanks Şule Toktaş Bülent Aras Abstract This article examines the role that think tanks have played in the formulation of national security and a culture of security... more
National Security Culture in Turkey:
A Qualitative Study on Think Tanks
Şule Toktaş
Bülent Aras
Abstract
This article examines the role that think tanks have played in the formulation of national security and a culture of security through field research conducted on fourteen think tanks located in Istanbul and Ankara. In addition to participant observation at the think tanks, twenty-five in-depth interviews were conducted with administrators and specialists. The findings revealed that, in terms of their strategic attitudes about national security in Turkey, there are three groups of think tanks: critical think tanks; b) middle-position think tanks; and c) congruent think tanks. Based on the results of the data collected, we argue that the culture of national security in Turkey has begun to be impacted by a plurality of actors, both civilian and official, and that there is an emerging competition for influence over the definitions and conceptualizations of security as well as the identification of security issues within a securitization process which has led to their securitization. Although the think-tank sector in Turkey is still in its formative years, its roles and influence in the debates on national security have been on the rise.
Keywords
Think-tank, securitization, Turkey, national security, research center, security studies.
Within the politics of nationalism and nation-building, the emigration of ethnic and religious minorities, whether voluntary or involuntary, appears to be a commonly occurring practice. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the... more
Within the politics of nationalism and nation-building, the emigration of
ethnic and religious minorities, whether voluntary or involuntary, appears
to be a commonly occurring practice. After the collapse of the Ottoman
Empire in the early twentieth century, modern Turkey still carried the
legacy of a multi-ethnic, multi-religious diversity in which its Armenian,
Greek and Jewish communities had official minority status based upon
the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. However, throughout the twentieth century,
Turkey’s non-Muslim minority populations have undergone a mass
emigration experience in which thousands of their numbers have migrated
to various countries around the globe. While in the 1920s the population
of non-Muslims in the country was close to 3 per cent of the total, today
it has dropped to less than two per thousand. This article analyses the
emigration of non-Muslim people from Turkey and relates this movement
to the wider context of nation-building in the country.
Research Interests:
The Sarp land border gate between Turkey and Georgia has become Turkey’s gateway to the East in recent years. With a large number of individuals crossing every day, it is also a labor gate, where irregular Georgian immigrants cross the... more
The Sarp land border gate between Turkey and Georgia has become Turkey’s gateway to the East in recent years. With a large number of individuals crossing every day, it is also a labor gate, where irregular Georgian immigrants cross the border for work in Turkey. In general, border policies are constructed and reconstructed in a dynamic process in which economic, security, ethnopolitical, geopolitical and cultural paradigms interact. The aim of this paper is to observe the complementary and conflicting relationship and negotiation process between economic and security paradigms in particular, with a focus on the perceptions of the officers of the border administration and state bureaucracy at the local level. To this end, field research was carried out consisting of interviews with Turkish state officials responsible for immigration and border crossing in the Sarp gate region. The article sheds light on the interaction between various agencies, actors and stakeholders in border policymaking at the regional level. It also elaborates on the profiles both of incoming immigrants employed as irregular workers and of deportees. The results of the qualitative study show that the dominance of the economic paradigm that underlies the main framework of Georgia-Turkey relations overrides security concerns between the two countries, thus necessitating a more flexible implementation of laws. The field research illustrates that implementation of laws and regulations at the local level varies and while some groups of irregular immigrants are allowed to work, others are not and, what is more, are deported.
ABSTRACT This paper empirically investigates the impact of internal migration on women’s empowerment in urban areas of Turkey. Based on data from a nationally representative household survey, we find that migration exerts its positive... more
ABSTRACT
This paper empirically investigates the impact of internal migration on women’s empowerment in urban areas of Turkey. Based on data from a nationally representative household survey, we find that migration exerts its positive impact through improvements in educational attainment and labor market outcomes in urban settings. Migration contributes to women’s empowerment by raising their education levels and lowering the schooling gap between men and women. Migration also allows migrants, both men and women, to access jobs and occupations in high wage regions like Istanbul, particularly for those with tertiary education. Unlike education, gender wage gap persists even after migration.

Keywords: Migration, Internal Migration, Women, Empowerment, Istanbul
The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkey’s political agenda. The EU reform process is contributing to a more democratic framework of civil-military relations. Nevertheless, although Turkey follows Democratic Control... more
The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkey’s political agenda. The EU reform process is contributing to a more democratic framework of civil-military relations. Nevertheless, although Turkey follows Democratic Control of the Armed Forces (DECAF), the military still influences civilian governments through various and innovative means. There seems a Turkish version of DECAF that grants a privileged position to the military in the making of security policy. The presidential elections had been a medium for both the military’s involvement in politics and the civilian reaction against this involvement. Civil society organizations, the media, and business circles alike gave significant support to the ruling AKP in its standoff with the military. It is only recently that resistance to the ‘regime guardianship’ role of the military has emerged.
Turkey has been under a constant change since the 2000s. Turkey has been accepted as a candidate country to the EU in 1999. It is in the same year that the leader of the Kurdish terrorist organization PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, was captured in... more
Turkey has been under a constant change since the 2000s. Turkey has been accepted as a candidate country to the EU in 1999. It is in the same year that the leader of the Kurdish terrorist organization PKK, Abdullah Öcalan, was captured in 1999. The National View Movement split in 2000 and the Justice and Development Party (JDP) was formed by younger leaders who denied the legacy of a pro-Islamic establishment and opted for a more neo-conservative ideology with a liberal economic model. Since 2002, the Party has been winning the majority of the votes both in the national and local elections and rules the country. Under the JDP government, Turkey has gone through a liberalization process, some of whom refer to as a ‘silent revolution’.
It has been fifty years since the guest worker agreement was signed between Turkey and Germany on October 30, 1961. In subsequent years, although Turkey has signed similar agreements with such countries as Austria, the Netherlands,... more
It has been fifty years since the guest worker agreement was signed between Turkey and Germany on October 30, 1961. In subsequent years, although Turkey has signed similar agreements with such countries as Austria, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Sweden, and Australia, in terms of scope and volume emigration to Germany has been the hallmark of contemporary Turkish immigration in contemporary Europe, and it has constituted the backbone of the 'Euro-Turk' phenomenon. The first group of workers needed by Germany for the reconstruction efforts following World War II landed in Munich from a train which departed from the Sirkeci station in Istanbul. Since then, several other waves have followed. The guest agreement allowed for temporary migration, which included work permits valid for one year; however, as migration theory tells us, temporary migration can easily be transformed into permanent settlement, which was what happened in the Turko-German case.  Today, in consequence of the waves of migration which have encompassed a wide range of types, from labour migration and family re-unions to refugee and asylum seeking, immigrants in Germany from Turkey demographically represent a community of over 2.5 million individuals. The influence of these mass influxes expanded to include social, cultural, political and economic life, with diverse and pervasive impacts on the transnational communities of Germany and Turkey, as well as on Euro-Turks themselves.
Als land dat bijna 3 miljoen Syrische vluchtelingen onderdak biedt, heeft Turkije het gevoel dat zijn ruimhartige vluchtelingenbeleid door de internationale gemeenschap, en zeker door de Europese landen, te weinig wordt gewaardeerd.
While hosting nearly three million Syrian refugees, Turkey feels that its generous refugee policy has been undervalued by the international community, and particularly by its European counterparts. In fact, this feeling has prevailed... more
While hosting nearly three million Syrian refugees, Turkey feels that its generous refugee policy has been undervalued by the international community, and particularly by its European counterparts. In fact, this feeling has prevailed since the outbreak of the refugee flows from Syria in 2011. But it had peaked in the summer of 2015 at a time when the country was hosting 2.5 million refugees while the European countries, which were facing flows of a few thousands of Syrian refugees, were in panic closed their borders and blamed urkey and criticized it for its loose border control. It appears that as far as the Turkish position is considered, there have been a setting of “responsibility shifting” rather than that of “responsibility sharing”.
Research Interests:
European Studies, International Relations, European integration, European Law, Migration mobilities, and 38 more
The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkey’s political agenda. The military has long enjoyed the privilege of an autonomous position because of its role as guardian of the unitary Republic, secularism and Kemalism. On... more
The armed forces have always occupied a central place in Turkey’s political agenda. The military has long enjoyed the privilege of an autonomous position because of its role as guardian of the unitary Republic, secularism and Kemalism. On the basis of its definition of ‘national security’ and ‘threats,’ the Turkish military sets the agenda of security, and enlists internal and external mechanisms to support that agenda.
Review of Measuring Global Migration: Towards Better Data For All by Frank Laczko, Elisa Mosler Vidal and Marzia Rango (London and New York: Routledge, 2024). Book review appeared at International Migration, Vol. 62, No. 3, pp: 137-139,... more
Review of Measuring Global Migration: Towards Better Data For All by Frank Laczko, Elisa Mosler Vidal and Marzia Rango (London and New York: Routledge, 2024). Book review appeared at International Migration, Vol. 62, No. 3, pp: 137-139, April 2024, available at DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/imig.13270
This documentary illustrates the economic situation in a small town in Macedonia by pinpointing the complexity of labor dynamics.
Heroin, Organized Crime and the Making of Modern Turkey is a book on organized crime in Turkey with a historical approach that covers the period starting from the Ottoman Empire ending in the 1970s with a short elaboration of the... more
Heroin, Organized Crime and the Making of Modern Turkey is a book on organized crime in Turkey with a historical approach that covers the period starting from the Ottoman Empire ending in the 1970s with a short elaboration of the contemporary era in the conclusion section. The author of the book, Ryan Gingeras, is an academic at the Naval Postgraduate School in the U.S.A.
The book, written by Ömer Çaha who is a professor of political science and who has been working on women’s issues and women’s movement for many years, is an in-depth summary of the development of the civil society in Turkey and the role... more
The book, written by Ömer Çaha who is a professor of political science and who has been working on women’s issues and women’s movement for many years, is an in-depth summary of the development of the civil society in Turkey and the role that women’s organizations and feminist movements played in this growing civil sphere. Students of political science, women’s studies and sociology might specifically benefit from the book. Since the title is Women and Civil Society in Turkey: Women’s Movements in a Muslim Society, one also wonders about the development of civil society and feminist ideas in other Muslim societies. Turkey is a country of at times contradictory worldviews – one more oriented towards the west and European mode of enlightenment and life style and the other being more oriented towards Islam and the Middle East. A comparative analysis of civil society and women’s activism in Turkey with experiences in other countries and regions would definitely necessitate the substantial data provided by the author through his wide and historical coverage and exploration of the subject matter.
Technology and National Identity in Turkey: Mobile Communications and the Evolution of a Post-Ottoman Nation, written by Burçe Çelik, is a study of the use of mobile phones in Turkey and the impact of mobile technologies on national... more
Technology and National Identity in Turkey: Mobile Communications and the Evolution of a Post-Ottoman Nation, written by Burçe Çelik, is a study of the use of mobile phones in Turkey and the impact of mobile technologies on national identity. In Turkey, conceptualizations of national self have been impacted by the country’s Ottoman past as well as its quest for modernity since the founding of the Republic in 1923. The book informs us that cellular phone technology was introduced to the Turkish public in 1994 and since then has been a growing sector. As the book gives us the numbers, in 2010, there were 67 million users and 100 million phones (p. 1). At the outset, the sector was run as a monopoly, but with the entrance of other carriers which was made possible by a relaxing of regulations there now operate three major firms supplying GSM networks. Due to such widespread use of cellular phones, the author attempts to explain why and how the cellular telephone has become so well received in Turkey. She raises questions about how cellular telephony is imagined and what has underpinned its popularity. In other words, the author investigates the social, political, economic, historical and cultural conditions within which cellular telephony has become an object of collective attachment or addiction and has emerged as a social practice.
Ethnicity, Migration and Enterprise By Prodromos Panayiotopoulos Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 237 pp., ISBN 978-0-333-71047-0 Under the impact of globalization, as claims that call for diversity to be recognized increase,... more
Ethnicity, Migration and Enterprise

By Prodromos Panayiotopoulos
Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, 237 pp., ISBN 978-0-333-71047-0

Under the impact of globalization, as claims that call for diversity to be recognized increase, universal citizenship rights that safeguard individual rights and freedoms fall short of grasping diversity. International migration and minority issues are contributory facets of this process. Citizenship has become susceptible to international migration and minority issues and the relationship established with the nation-state in the form of membership or belonging has gotten disrupted. States are now compelled to develop new policies to deal with the consequences of international migration and the challenge of minority groups.
Citizenship, which is an operative arena of these new policies, is functional to counter the challenges posed by globalization and the incorporation of individuals and groups, including immigrants and minorities, into the society. For minority groups, not only legal rights and constitutional provisions but also a wide range of public policies are required in the process of recognition and accommodation of distinctive identities and needs of ethnic, cultural and religious groups. The meaning of citizenship for the immigrants, on the other hand, is closely related to “life strategies” like sequential plans and actions in the process of migration. There are several factors at play in determining the nature of life strategies which include whether the receiving society is for permanent or temporary settlement, duration of stay, kinship ties with countries of origin, documented or undocumented status of immigrants and their qualifications and positions in the labor market.
The enterprises established by ethnic/racial minority and migrant groups, with their growing numbers are illustrative of the new facets of the urbanization process in many city and metropolitan settings. Thus, they are at the center of the discussions on ‘globalization from below’ and ‘globalization from above’ and ethnic adaptation in local markets and informal economies. “Ethnicity, Migration and Enterprise” is an exploration of these discussions by use of case studies on enterprises founded by minority and migrant groups.
The book is an in-depth investigation of ethnicity, migration and enterprise which incorporates the mega-meta-theories of modernization and globalization, and thereof their critiques to the sample cases of Turkish immigrants in Germany, Chinese entrepreneurs in Europe and the USA, Cuban and Mexican Hispanic minority groups in the USA, and the Polish and Central and Eastern European immigrants in the UK. There are several ethnic groups – either immigrant or minority; newcomer or old settler – under scrutiny in the study. The author presents a critical review of the academic and institutional research on migration and emergent enterprise among these different groups. Each chapter of the book is allocated to a single migrant/minority group under investigation together with an introduction and a conclusion on the relevance and explanatory capacity of mega-meta theories to explain the phenomenon of the rising ethnic migrant enterprises in local economies both in terms of growing numbers and potential contribution. The author, successfully in a considerably short book, makes an overview of the impact of ethnicity on the (re)distribution of wealth across borders of territorial, mental, ethnic and cultural in nature.
The study illustrates that far from the nationalistic and xenophobic jargons of ‘immigrants/minorities take our jobs!’, the actual situation evidenced by several academic and institutional research is the contrary: the enterprises of ethnic groups albeit minority or immigrant, create job opportunities and are a push forward on the local economies. What’s more, the study shows that  entrepreneurship has become a form of life strategy for among ethnic groups in globalized economies. Employment in informal economies via enterprises are side effects or with a different formulation economics of multiculturalism. Another major contributions that the study makes to the literature on migration, minorities and citizenship is its focus from ‘below’. The local circumstances such as relating different minority and migrant groups to each other rather than exclusively focusing on their vulnerable relationship to the majority/ groups are a substantial divergence from the conventional studies on migration and minorities.
The author brings further light on relationship between class and ethnicity which are the two major sociological determinants of social mobility and their interrogation under the influence of international migration and minority issues. Citizenship debate encompasses the enterprises founded by migrant and minority groups. Yet, one cannot keep him/herself from thinking about the relationship between gender, ethnicity and class in the situations of international migration and minority. In other words, the functioning of the asset gap between different ethnic groups  and economic classes, as shown by the author, might be indicative of a parallel gap between genders of the same ethnicity. The discrepancies between women and men both among the same ethnic group and between various ethnic groups, might be contributive to our understanding of the relationship between ethnicity, migration and enterprise in addition to the valuable data that the author provides on the experiences of ‘new immigrants’ and ‘old immigrants’.
International Migration and Citizenship Today By Niklaus Steiner London and New York: Routledge, 2009, 150 pp., ISBN 0-415-77299-0. “International Migration and Citizenship Today” is a coherent and informative study of... more
International Migration and Citizenship Today

By Niklaus Steiner
London and New York: Routledge, 2009, 150 pp., ISBN 0-415-77299-0.

“International Migration and Citizenship Today” is a coherent and informative study of international migration with a specific focus on the reception of migrants in the West, in the words of the author ‘the wealthier’ countries, particularly in the Unites States. Niklaus Steiner, the author, introduces two questions that constitute the focus of the study. First is regarding the selection process in the immigrants’ admission to the country followed by a second concern over the criteria for citizenship of those admitted. The author uses the term ‘we’ when stating “what criteria should we use to admit migrants who want to come to our country?” and explains that the goal of the book is to “to help citizens engage thoughtfully in discussions over and admission and citizenship”. The uses of the terms like ‘we citizens of democracies’ and ‘our country’ distances the study from a scientific language and subject-free jargon. Furthermore, it reflects a stance point of insiders (citizens) and outsiders (immigrants). The book is primarily targeting undergraduate students as audience for their courses on international migration at North American universities; therefore one might think of an author’s attempt for building up a sincere tone that would encourage learning. Yet, the same jargon/language preference that puts the western university students as the noun subject at the center might distance those readers who do not belong to this category of the ‘citizens of democracies’ or the ‘wealthier countries’. Still, students from everywhere might understand the complexity of admission, reception and naturalization in international migration and learn about different factors involved in these processes.

The author limits the scope of the study to international migration by excluding the topics of internal migration and human trafficking. The author justifies this distinction by setting forth internal migration as a population movement within a given country which would not “be debated by others in another country”. With regards to human trafficking, the author identifies human trafficking as a criminal act and argues that the debates revolving around human trafficking are on usually preventing people from being moved across borders for exploitative purposes. Neither of the arguments or justifications are sufficient for explaining the limitation of the study’s scope. The author puts ‘debates’ as the norm of the study and if issues are debated then they are relevant for international migration and if they are not debated then they are not included in the book. What are these debates, who make these debates, the actors, the institutions involved are a total ambiguity. Furthermore, what about those voices of the silenced? Or those opinions or positions of people who do not talk? The book centers around a discursive categorical presumption of ‘citizens’ voices’ which sounds like the voice of the holder of single citizenship status. It is evident that some countries and some citizens hold dual citizenship; the status of citizenship might not provide a satisfying criterion for getting involved in debates as there might be various other people affected by international migration such as ‘denizens’ who are not citizens but have settlement rights and participation rights in local elections; and the internal movement, in some cases, might have relevance for people outside the borders such as some countries in the past, some eastern European and Balkan countries applied settlement restrictions to mobile populations such as the Roma which would affect the Roma nomads moving across borders.

The author treats international migration as a movement across borders. Theoretically, such a definition is definitely correct. Yet, it is also reflective of a political position that put the state and its boundaries as the norm. The categorization of who passes the boundaries of a state is an international immigrant and who is not passing s/he is not an international migrant is a simplistic approach. There might be complex cases that would alter the states’ presence. The literature on nationalism, the configuration of nation state and the development of the modern state instrument all point out to the fact that boundaries of a state are fictive in the sense that it divides one state from another but it does not refer to a division between villages, communities or societies. There is circle migration, short term seasonal migration or event undocumented irregular migration forth and back between two different places and regions. Existence of a legal border between these two places would not necessitate a reserved place to the states instead of the human collectivities. The cover picture of the book which has a straight line dividing the U.S. and Mexico symbolizes not only the legal boundary but also the worlds apart between the countries. Yet, society wise, one might argue that in North America there are several societies which are integrated to one another sometimes with overlapping minorities, ethnicities and/or cultures. One might also think of the continent as a habitus with a human population circulating over it.

The author, successfully in a considerably short book, makes an overview of the phenomenon of international migration with its various aspects. The admission criteria for different types of immigrants, to motives for migration and family reunification among economic migrants, the restrictions and discouragements on incoming immigration flows and the efforts for establishing asylum seeking and refugee protection systems are some topics that are discussed in the book. In the last two chapters the discussion is centered around the processes after reception which are merely citizenship and naturalization. The book is designed for university education most probably in the United States or Canada and can easily be used as course material at the undergraduate level. The use of language and style of expression rightly target university students as they are simplified and plain. Prof. Steiner who has been teaching international migration in American universities seems to gather all his expertise in teaching that he attained over years in the textbook. The book is highly recommended for educational purposes. Yet, the book has certain aspects which are quiet troublesome in terms of a subject or opinion free language which is necessary for a neutral approach to citizenship and international migration matters.
BOOK REVIEW Ahmet İçduygu and Kemal Kirişçi, eds., Land of Diverse Migrations: Challenges of Emigration and Immigration in Turkey, Istanbul: Bilgi University Publications, 2009. In the late 1970s, the focus of migration research in... more
BOOK REVIEW

Ahmet İçduygu and Kemal Kirişçi, eds., Land of Diverse Migrations: Challenges of Emigration and Immigration in Turkey, Istanbul: Bilgi University Publications, 2009.

In the late 1970s, the focus of migration research in Turkey was not particularly broad-based. Only a small number of social scientists, mainly from the disciplines of economy, sociology and demography, contributed to the field, and worker remittances and the political economy of rural-to-urban migration and urbanization were the most frequently studied topics.  It was only when Turkey turned into a “land of diverse migrations” and posed an interesting scene for a variety of internal and international migrations (regular, irregular, transit, forced, internal, return, labor, and undocumented immigration; emigration, asylum-seeker and refugee movements; and so forth) that migration research in and on Turkey boomed.

More recently, new destination countries for labor migration from Turkey (such as Australia and the oil-producing countries of the Middle East) and new reasons for emigration to European countries (such as family unification, and asylum-seeking due to the ethnic conflict in the Kurdish-populated areas of Turkey) have emerged. From the 1980s onwards, in addition to its identity as a sending country for the international migration market within the borders of the EU, Turkey has achieved the status of a migrant-receiving and migratory transit country for immigrants coming from other countries. There has been an inflow of foreign nationals, especially since the 1990s.  Besides the migration of ethnic Turks, there are now transit migration flows, illegal labor migration, asylum-seekers, and registered migration of non-nationals coming to Turkey. It is in this context that governmental and non-governmental funding opportunities for migration research in and on Turkey have increased and Turkish universities have started to launch migration research centers. The field of immigration studies has begun to attract researchers from disciplines as diverse as political science, international relations, law, history, communications and social psychology. Research results in the form of policy proposals or publications circulate among variant circles of immigration researchers. Land of Diverse Migrations: Challenges of Emigration and Immigration in Turkey, edited by Ahmet İçduygu and Kemal Kirişçi, is a manifestation of this growing interest in migration studies in Turkey.

The volume compiles eight research reports by scholars from various disciplines, based on studies funded by Mirekoç, the Migration Research Program at Koç University, İstanbul. The volume not only underlines Turkey’s role as a country of emigration, immigration and transit, but also illustrates the complex dynamics and sometimes overlapping webs of migration in and through Turkey. The research results also elaborate on migration as an experience from the migrants’ viewpoints. In addition to primary data collected by way of field research, each research report includes discussion of state policies or societal attitudes towards different migrant groups. Therefore, the data produced and distributed in the volume reflect analysis at the individual, society and state levels.

The volume is divided into two parts. The authors of the first part dwell on emigration from Turkey: they examine the Karamanlis (a Turkish-speaking Orthodox community from Central Anatolia) in the population exchange between Turkey and Greece, the brain drain from Turkey to the USA, Turkish immigrants’ identity in the city of Berlin, Turkish mothers’ socialization goals for their children in relation to their migration experience, and estimations on emigration trends in light of the 2000 Census results. The common ground of these different research reports is that, in one way or another, they all touch upon boundary formation and tackle the question of who is in and who is out. As one of the key signifiers of belonging, religion, operative in the Turkish-Greek population change agreement, was instrumentalized to exclude the Orthodox Karamanlis from Anatolia due to the nationalistic ideals of the newly-founded Turkish state and the demographic Islamization of Turkish society. After emigration to Greece, another yet more visible signifier of belonging, language, constituted a cultural deficiency when the Turkish-speaking Karamanlis encountered problems of reception in the Greek-speaking host society. In the case of Turkish professionals in the USA, however, human capital becomes the determinant of who is accepted and who is not. For the “Berliner” Turks, the city as a space generates spectacles of identity and in/out group formations. In the case of mothers who attribute great value to their children’s education for purposes of socialization and upward class mobility, social capital is a reservoir for boundaries and group identification.

The authors of the second part contemplate recent immigration flows into Turkey and provide substantial field research data on different immigrant groups with diverse agendas, such as those from Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Moldova, Somalia, Ghana, Nigeria, Rwanda, and Sudan. The research on these different types of irregular immigration underlines once more the fact that it is impossible to simplify irregular migration through clear-cut immigrant groups and/or immigration categories. A Ghanaian immigrant might fall in and out of the categories of asylum-seeker, transit immigrant or irregular worker over a short period of time. Likewise, even for Iraqi Turkmens or Gagauz domestic workers from Moldova who have kinship ties with ethnic Turks and thus relatively easier access to visas, the experience of migration is as difficult as for a Sudanese apprehended at the Turkish-Greek border. Thus, one should not forget that there is always a certain degree of vulnerability in each and every immigrant group.

It is also very interesting that immigrants themselves play with categories of boundary definition. For immigrants from Africa, race is not only a category of exclusion, but also inclusion. For example, when a Nigerian is apprehended at the border, s/he can claim to be from Ghana and misinform the authorities in Turkey because s/he believes that the authorities will more likely grant asylum-seeker status to those coming from Ghana. Since no one can at first sight identify the difference between a Nigerian and a Ghanaian, the categories of nationality and race provide African immigrants with an arena for manipulation in a context of absolute powerlessness.

Land of Diverse Migrations also provides evidence for Istanbul becoming a specific site for migratory movements, be they irregular or transit. Istanbul, once the capital of the Ottoman Empire, is generally portrayed as a cosmopolitan city that historically has hosted a multiplicity of cultural, religious and ethnic minorities. The volume sheds light on Istanbul’s historical notion of hosting a variety of immigrant groups. For instance, Ottoman Istanbul received Jewish refugees from the Iberian Peninsula fleeing the Catholic Inquisition. Equally, modern Istanbul is a checkpoint for international migration as it receives African migrants, asylum-seekers and Moldovan domestic workers, all of whom constitute immigrant groups under study in this volume.

Şule Toktaş
Kadir Has University
ABSTRACT Having moved from Turkey to Israel, Turkish Jewish immigrants portray a distinct immigrant community in today’s Israel. The migration experience to Israel influenced the Turkish Jews’ perception of citizenship. This article is... more
ABSTRACT Having moved from Turkey to Israel, Turkish Jewish immigrants portray a distinct immigrant community in today’s Israel. The migration experience to Israel influenced the Turkish Jews’ perception of citizenship. This article is about Turkish Jewish immigrants living in Israel and tackles with the interface between international migration and citizenship. It tries to analyze the experiences and perceptions of Turkish Jews regarding their former citizenship identities in the home country and latter citizenship experience in the host country. This study mainly discusses the field research results conducted with a sample group of Turkish Jews in Israel. In light of the excerpts drawn from the in-depth interviews, the article tries to reflect on the respondents’: a) comparison and contrast between Turkish citizenship and Israeli citizenship; b) assessment of the advantages and disadvantages with the current citizenship status; and c) political participation in the Israeli public sphere. The research indicated that the respondents’ views and experiences differentiated according to their year of arrival in Israel. The immigrants who arrived in Israel in the great wave of 1948-51 were not only different in profile than the immigrants who arrived in subsequent years up until 1980, but were also distinguished in their views about citizenship as well as their experiences regarding immigration. the interviews conducted with Jews from Turkey in Israel pointed out that despite long years of residence in Israel, the immigrants have preserved the political sensibility they grew up with and learned when they were in Turkey. However, moving into a country where they became members of the majority group seems to have impacted their perceptions and experiences regarding citizenship and played roles in: a) the appropriation of democratic norms defined by majoritarian terms; b) efforts to maintain their Turkish identity in cosmopolitan Jewish-Israeli society in the identity aspect; and c) the preference for complying with the general norms of Jewish-Israeli society and conversely excluding a proactive understanding of political participation.
ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, there has been a global proliferation of transnational organized crime (TOC). Turkey, as a transit site between the East and the West has been one of the routes through which organized crime groups transport... more
ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, there has been a global proliferation of transnational organized crime (TOC). Turkey, as a transit site between the East and the West has been one of the routes through which organized crime groups transport illicit goods in collaboration with other networks of crime. This article investigates TOC in Turkey and maps out Turkey's role as a transit country in smuggling and trafficking. The paper also deals with Turkey's contribution to international efforts in combating TOC in light of its EU membership process. The European Commission's annual reports on Turkey's progress towards EU membership that highlight the achievements as well as the shortcomings of Turkey in combating TOC are presented. The article argues that Turkey has introduced successful reforms and expanded its institutional capacities due to the progress it has achieved in the specific area of combating TOC, as evidenced by the EU progress reports.
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