Women's movement

Au tournant des années 1970, on assiste à l’émergence d’un renouveau féministe au Québec, marquée par la création du Front de libération des femmes du Québec en 1969. Une part du mouvement féministe envisage alors les activités domestiques non plus comme faisant partie d’une « nature féminine », mais comme un véritable travail. Cette démarche s’inscrit dans la recherche d’une oppression commune à toutes les femmes et dans l’idée d’une « communauté de situation ». Le travail ménager non rémunéré apparaît alors comme le « plus petit dénominateur commun » de la condition de toutes les femmes, et ce peu importe leur statut civil, leur classe sociale ou leur occupation. Durant les années 1970 et et 1980, plusieurs débats ont lieu quant à la reconnaissance de ce travail. Si certaines féministes défendent la revendication d’un salaire au travail ménager, plusieurs d’entre elles revendiquent plutôt une socialisation de ce travail par la mise en place de services collectifs (garderies populaires, cantines, etc.). D’autres féministes, enfin, demandent la mise en place de certaines réformes gouvernementales afin de réduire la précarité financière des mères et des ménagères. Dans la présente étude, nous proposons une analyse des discours sur le travail ménager, ainsi qu’un examen des différentes avenues de reconnaissance envisagées par les féministes québécoises. En analysant les publications de collectifs féministes, de groupes de femmes et d’organismes liés à la condition féminine, nous pouvons dès lors affirmer que le travail ménager a été un thème marquant pour le cheminement théorique et militant du mouvement des femmes. Bien qu’omniprésent dans les discours féministes des années 1970 et 1980, des collectifs plus radicaux aux associations féminines réformistes, il a été bien rapidement oublié dans les bilans et dans l’historiographie. Nous tenterons alors de mettre de l’avant les discours féministes sur la reconnaissance du travail ménager comme élément de continuité au sein du mouvement féministe.

In the course of history an interesting evolution has taken place in European gender equality policies. This story started in 1957 when the European Economic Community was founded and the principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women was included in the Treaty of Rome to avoid unfair competition and distortions in the free European market. Soon the Treaty article would evolve into a broader demand for equal rights related to work and result in a series of binding directives. In the eighties and nineties gender equality would increasingly enter other policy domains by means of non-binding soft law and gender mainstreaming. More recently, the EU has turned towards an approach of multiple discrimination which involves other grounds of discrimination, such as race and sexuality. The aim of this article is to review the history of gender equality policy in the EU while distinguishing some general trends, and discuss the implications of the most recent turn towards an anti-discrimination framework. I conclude that despite a continuous broadening of policies and strategies, economic motives continue to be the leitmotiv throughout this history. Also the broadening of EU equality policies with regard to the inclusion of multiple inequalities risks being trapped in the same economic logic. Nevertheless, despite the economic framing of EU equality policies, the pluralist and open nature of the EU’s decision-making process still provides gender activists with multiple access points to attempt to re-frame the way in which gender issues are addressed, as the struggle for a gender-just Europe continues.

Captured and branded in the highly recognizable image of the pink ribbon, the politics of breast cancer at the start of the 21st century is markedly hopeful (given the grim statistics) and surprisingly compliant with the medical establishment’s defined health goals and approaches to addressing the breast cancer epidemic.  In keeping with this volume’s theme of “Working to be Healthy”, this chapter examines and evaluates how the pink ribbon message has shaped and organized social response to breast cancer. The work in question is “healthwork”, a term found in the critical health literature denoting the active and purposeful work that people do to look after their health (Mykhalovskiy and McCoy, 2002). Healthwork analysis tends to focus on personal care practices—taking medicines, dealing with healthcare practitioners, informal care-giving, health information seeking, etc.—that are then subject to examination of how those individual actions invite extended relations of governance and ruling (Mykhalovskiy, McCoy and Bresalier, 2004).  In this examination of breast cancer campaigns, the same analytic concern with governance is taken, but the health-related work is extended beyond personal care and self-surveillance to also include the volunteer work done by many concerned citizens in their contributions of time, energy, and money to support campaigns for the cure.

In this chapter, I argue that while the appropriation of the language and themes of the early women’s health movement frames pink ribbon activism as a highly personal, emancipatory, and socially-responsible individual effort, this brand of breast cancer activism instead serves to fund a limited biomedical research agenda that is largely shielded from public scrutiny.  This agenda has been universalized through endearing “hero” narratives of personal struggle that inspire civic engagement by complicit consumers rather than critical activists. Pink ribbon activism problematically diverges from the women’s health movement’s demand for participation in setting the research agenda and determining treatment strategies. This neglect is troubling, given that breast cancer discourse is so fraught with contested knowledge claims regarding disease aetiology, prevention, and treatment. While the pink ribbon message offers hope and optimism, it does so by suppressing many counterclaims, disputes, and ambiguities surrounding the problem of breast cancer. Instead of soft “pink”, a more critical social response to breast cancer is needed in order to ensure women’s informed participation in addressing this serious challenge to women’s health.

"‘This book illuminates the fascinating life of Eva Gore-Booth. Often lost in the shadow of her more famous sister, Constance, Eva finally emerges as a key figure. Historian Sonja Tiernan has written an exciting and vibrant life of this extraordinary woman, at once an intrepid feminist, pacifist and advocate for social justice.’
Professor Maria Luddy, University of Warwick

This is the first dedicated biography of the radical Irish writer and political activist, Eva Gore-Booth. A vast body of material from private collections and state archives has been used to uncover this remarkable life history.

Born into West of Ireland Anglo-Irish landed gentry, Gore-Booth dramatically rejected her aristocratic heritage, choosing to live and work amongst the poorest classes in industrial Manchester. Her pioneering work on behalf of barmaids, circus performers, flower sellers and pit-brow lasses is traced here with clarity and enthusiasm. The story of Gore-Booth's life is captivating and provides new insights into key political issues of early twentieth century Ireland and Britain. A prolific author who enjoyed a place within W.B. Yeats' literary circle, Gore-Booth also fostered a well-deserved reputation as a determined and successful political activist, at one stage defeating no less an adversary than Winston Churchill. This ground-breaking book reveals Gore-Booth’s experiences of militant pacifism during the Great War, her campaign to reprieve Roger Casement's death sentence, her instrumental role in the fight for sexual equality in the English workplace and her unwavering struggle for Irish independence. Her close bond with her sister, Countess Markievicz, an iconic and sometimes divisive Irish nationalist, offers the reader a new dimension into Markievicz's personal life.

Comprehensive and engaging, this book establishes Eva Gore-Booth as a significant player in Irish and British politics and as a major figure in literary, women’s and trade union history."

One of the ways to account for the inability of the French feminist movement to think differences among women (as illustrated by the recent controversies around the wearing of the Islamic veils) is to examine its firm allegiance to the dominant universalism that strongly pervades the French contemporary left, all the way from its more moderate, republican, tendencies, to its more radical, Marxist, tendencies.

The two major strands of French feminism, that I will identify here as radical and liberal, share a complex, ambivalent relationship with political universalism. On the one hand, the history of both radical and liberal feminism for the past 30 years, in line with a long history of feminist protest, has consisted in unmasking the false universalism that hides the male political subject. However, on the other hand, these two tendencies have in the same move reaffirmed their loyalty to the universalist framework, by universalizing the category of women.

I argue that this dominant feminist commitment to universalism should be understood as the sign that universalism still plays out as a dominant constraint on any attempt to redefine equality in the French universe of political discourse (Jenson 1998; Scott 2004). In other words, this commitment to a universal vision of gender has been a discursively constrained response to the gender blindness of the French political left, whether Marxist or Republican.

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Der Ruf nach Selbstbestimmung war einst ein Aufbruchssignal der Frauenbewegung. Inzwischen ist die Forderung vielfältig kritisch reflektiert worden. In den Sozialwissenschaften wird die Vorstellung eines autonomen Selbst in den so genannten Gouvernementalitätsstudien auseinandergenommen. Wer kann hier von wem lernen?

The women’s movement has become increasingly entangled with the
“
secularism versus Islamism” debate in today’s Turkey. While secular feminists
believe that escalating authoritarianism and Islamic revivalism threaten
gender equality and the gains of the women’s rights movement, Islamist
women contest the

“western/secular” ideal of gender equality on account of
its being antithetical to the Islamic canon. The mutual marginalization by
feminists and Islamists, mainly fueled by partisan politics, harms the much
needed solidarity among women’s groups to solve the problems women face
in Turkey, such as violence and unequal political participation. Moreover, this
polarization has the harmful effect of reinforcing patriarchy: men, therefore
face no challenges and simply continue to remain the sole producers and
controllers of socio-political policies and epistemic resources. Hence, there
seems to be a pressing need for secular feminists and Islamists to start a
dialogue and focus on problems and issues they share in common, so as to
seek urgent solutions to them. This article inquires into the viability of such
an alliance through the proliferation of deliberative platforms where civil
society organizations can meet at a safe distance from partisan politics and
enter productive dialogue and generate policies to resolve the crucial
problems women are facing in Turkey.

Follow-up to the Fourth World Conference on Women and to the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly entitled “Women 2000: gender equality, development and peace for the twenty-first century”. Tackling issues with Respect to Women’s access to information and opportunity remedies, and a way forward for ascertaining women’s social protection, public services and investments in sustainable infrastructure.

***Description of this Reading***:
This is chapter six of my dissertation with only eleven pages available for preview here on Academia.edu.  It chronicles the beginning of Bethune's NCNW.  Readers gain a sense of her organizing principles, why she felt it was necessary to "pool" Black feminine political energy at this time, in the mid 1930s.  You will also get a sense of the friction she encountered from other Black activist women--an aspect of her political career that has not been properly examined.  In my narrative, archival/primary source research takes precedence.  Pulling particularly from newspapers of that era lend a more complete picture of the dynamics between these particular Black women activists.


***Near Future Plans for this Chapter***:
I am in the process of redeveloping this chapter to self-publish as part of a three-book series, "A Passion For Social Equality," covering Bethune's political activism during the 1930s and 1940s.  POLITICAL ADVOCACY FOR JUSTICE is the title of the third book, forthcoming.

POLITICAL ADVOCACY FOR JUSTICE will include an expanded narrative, interpretation, and analysis of Bethune's activism during the prewar period, from 1940-1941, and material regarding her activism during WWII.  (Some of the former material has already been published in my chapter two of THE ECONOMIC CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT; see http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415537360/.)

***On Book Series: "A Passion For Social Equality"***
The first book of this series has been published, entitled PUSHING THE LIMITS OF THE COLOR LINE: MARY McLEOD BETHUNE AND THE NEW DEAL.  It can be viewed at: https://www.createspace.com/4283303  or the Amazon link on this page.

Woman's Theology - Black Women's Awakening is a chapter in the book Perspectives on Black Theology. Black Women have long been disenfranchised in our American society. Realizing the program format of Feminist nor the objectives of Black Theology adequately address the needs of Black women, Black women scholars created a organizational format that better served the needs of Black women in American Society. The contributions and value of Black women have long been ignored. Defining the roles of black women in American society was done by white society without giving consideration to the value of Black Women. This chapter of the book "Perspectives on Black Theology" gives insight into the foundation of Womanist Theology, Black women's interest to self-define and recommends strategies for Womanist to achieve the goals they seek to accomplish.

The present paper maps the terrain of activism in the feminist and the Women’s Movement in India. The Indian women’s movement is extremely diverse; the cultural, historical, geographical, religious, political and regional factors specifically contribute to this diversity. Such a rich diversity makes it very difficult to comment and describe the movement in its entirety. It is possible to talk about the main issues in terms of evolution of this movement, its main currents and broad trends. The women’s movement is not a homogeneous group or federation of different groups. There is no one voice but there is a basic acceptance of women’s oppression and the belief that that it can be eliminated.
Key-words:Feminism, Women´s Movement, activism

Despite its disapproval of the modernization of the woman’s role in the society, the
NSDAP could not prevent the consolidation of a female leadership within the party. This
was until 1945 in charge of leading the Reich´s woman´s corporation, organized in the
NS-Frauenschaft and the Deutsches Frauenwerk.
After a brief introduction into the structure of female organizations within the NSDAP,
the article aims at giving an overview over the recruitment and training of the women
cadres.
The last part of the article is based on a wide range of biographical sources and deals
with the socio-biographical and motivational profiles of the National Socialist female
leadership.
The article aims at proving the direct female influence on the establishment of a
woman´s leadership within the Nazi Party – in terms of defining its competences as well as
its political role and function for the women in the Third Reich. The article also shows that
the possibilities of female political participation within the Third Reich were not as limited
as the Nazi-propaganda would suggest. Instead they expanded, particularly through the
nazification of previously conservative and nationalist female political engagement.

"In 1932, Ladies’ Home Journal (LHJ) ran an extensive campaign, orchestrated by public relations
pioneer Edward Bernays, to persuade American women to end the Great Depression through
consumer purchases. Although the campaign failed, it is historically significant, illustrating how PR
and magazines worked together to prescribe women’s roles—a point little explored by feminist
historians. While some women read the campaign hegemonically, others resisted its message, even
adapting campaign language to suggest alternative plans. Foremost among these, I argue, was
Eleanor Roosevelt (ER), whose 1933 book title, It’s Up to the Women, is identical to the campaign’s
slogan. Attributed to ER alone, the slogan has been reprised in twenty-first-century Democratic
presidential campaigns and used elsewhere. Patriotic shopping has also reemerged in recent crises.
Although less important to feminists, FDR’s (Franklin D. Roosevelt) famous “fear” line from his First
Inaugural address resembles language in LHJ’s campaign. Thus, the campaign can be seen not
only as a site where the contested nature of women’s roles was played out but one that illustrates
how media language can be repurposed to shape changing cultural and political messages."

Synopsis The article examines how feminists expand the confines of the political, rethink political values in the Turkish context and contribute to the democratization of the polity. The focus is on a feminist monthly entitled Pazartesi. It is argued that, through the journal, feminists introduce gender issues that have not been voiced in the public domain; they rethink popular culture through feminist lenses and redefine public discourse with their women centered intervention. Prompted by women's experiences, they challenge the confines of political debate by raising an oppositionary voice to the policies of the state concerning Kurdish and Islamist issues. This feminist intervention into public discourse strengthens civil society and deepens democratic practice, introducing a richer concept of citizenship that expands women's opportunities to raise a political voice.

Women’s suffrage as a controversial issue among Dutch feminists,
1870-1900
Female suffrage was not the Dutch women’s movement’s central issue from the beginning, nor did contemporary social reformers conceive it as part of the democratisation process they favoured. This article explores the public debate on women’s suffrage against the backdrop of the movement towards universal suffrage in its first three decades. Due to sources refraining from stating the obvious, it remains obscure why exactly parliamentary politics continued to be seen as an exclusively male domain for so long. What is clear, is that conservative feminists
associated the demand for women’s suffrage with a radical strand of feminism which they abhorred.

In this article I approach the mobilization of women outside the realm of politics and inside NGOs in Romania and Poland, by analyzing some of the most important contextual elements that shaped their activities, interests or causes. In this manner, I present both similarities and differences between the communist legacies in the two countries, the effects of democratization and economic change, the civil society development and Western funding, elements of national culture, as well as transnational and EU actors. Issues such as interactions with the political sphere, network building and alliances, as well as differences between Western and Eastern countries are described throughout this endeavor. Conclusions are then drawn to stress out how different contextual elements have impacted women's movements in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries.

Se analizan las estrategias que desplegó la Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito en Twitter en 2018, en ocasión del primer debate legislativo en torno al proyecto de ley por la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo en Argentina. En el marco de la movilización reconocida mundialmente por su alcance y envergadura como la "marea verde", se generó un intenso ciberactivismo feminista por #abortolegal en el país. En el artículo se traza un mapa con hitos, modalidades y hashtags aglutinantes durante el proceso, focalizando en la plataforma Twitter, por la centralidad que adquirió en el debate público, a la vez que se analiza la respuesta generada desde sectores contrarios a la legalización del aborto. Los datos se recolectaron mediante técnicas de scraping.

My effort to sum up what we know about protest for non-specialists and students, with a special focus on how protestors view and feel the world and make strategic decisions. Translations currently underway into Turkish, Arabic, and Portuguese.

This encyclopedia entry underscores the politics and ethics of scale in reading women’s movements in the global south – how they have always been simultaneously regional, national and transnational in scale (materially if not always imaginatively) and consequently, read through the twin lens of the global and the local. Questions of scale that emphasise points of connection, proximity and intimacy – rather than separation, distance and distinctness – might even come to displace an opposition between the local and the global as conventionally conceived in terms of a series of binaries that ultimately reproduce unequal power relations.

Özet: Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları olarak kadın hakları örgütleri, hakların devlet tarafından tam anlamıyla garanti altına alınmadığı koşullarda savunuculuk anlamında çok önemli roller üstlenmektedirler. Bu örgütlerin kamu kuruluşlarıyla olan ilişkileri, bu kuruluşlardan biri olarak siyasi partiler hakkındaki görüşleri de bu bağlamda önem taşımaktadır. Tunus ve Türkiye'deki kadın hareketleri örnekleri üzerinden Ortadoğu bölgesi özelinde bir analize yer veren bu makalede kadın örgütlerinin siyasi partiler karşısında özerkliklerine önem verdikleri, laik veya İslamcı olsun, siyasi partilere feminist politika üretme konusunda güvenmedikleri ortaya çıkmaktadır. Tarihsel olarak baktığımızda ise partilerin iktidarı paylaştıkları durumlarda kadın örgütlerinin daha güçlü olduğunu söyleyebiliriz.

What is extractivism? Why is Latin America and the Caribbean the most dangerous region in the world for land defenders, environmental leaders, and activists? What are the impacts of extractivism on communities affected, women, indigenous and Afro-descendants? How do they stand before this process and what are their struggles and claims? What role do States, multinational corporations and other actors play in extractivism? Are there alternatives to extractivism? These are some of the questions that "Pacha: defending the land. Extractivism, Contests, and Alternatives in Latin America and the Caribbean "tries to respond. Visiting the protagonism of the communities affected by extractivism, we also want to show the multiplication of alternatives to development that generate diverse strategies for the defence of land and traditional ways of life, as well as the creation of new paradigms such as Good Living derived from knowledge and perspectives of the region's people.

Jelen tanulmány a Nőkért Egyesület „A magyar feminizmus története” című vándorkiállítása kísérőjeként a hazai nőjogi törekvéseket tekinti át az előfutároktól napjainkig, Bárány Péter 1790-es, az özvegyek nevében írt beadványától a 2013-as Nőkongresszusig. A nők helyzetéről, szerepéről már a 18. század végén jelentek meg röpiratok, újságcikkek, a dolgozat ezek közül azokra koncentrál, amelyek elsősorban nem esszenciális vagy instrumentális alapon, hanem alanyi jogon szorgalmazzák a nők helyzetének javítását, jogaik, lehetőségeik kiterjesztését. Külön fejezet foglalkozik a XX. század eleji feministák egyesületével, majd az 1945 és ’89 közti időszakot vizsgáló rész feltárja a feminizmussal szembeni mai bizalmatlanságnak a szovjet „emancipációban” keresendő lehetséges okait. A rendszerváltáskor létrejött Feminista Hálózat történetének áttekintése után a tanulmány a hazai Gender Studies oktatás intézményesülésének kezdeteit idézi fel, majd a jelen nőjogi csoportok bemutatásával zárul.

Kulcsszavak: női szerepek, választójog, emancipáció, a feminizmus előfutárai, női munkavállalás, Feministák Egyesülete, A Nő és a Társadalom, Bédy-Schwimmer Rózsa, Kőrösi Zsuzsa, Feminista Hálózat, Nőszemély, magyarországi Gender Studies, családon belüli erőszak önálló törvényi tényállása, nőkongresszus

In this co-authored piece, we examine the uses and applicability of feminist consciousness-raising to the making of contemporary online feminisms. In doing so, we are specifically interested in how, both historically and in the present, feminisms have been invested in a confessional politics, one that confesses to the feminist community, be it at a small meeting or online to an unknown number of participants. As a particular incarnation of confessionality, certain aspects of consciousness-raising continue to exist today in online feminist engagements. Looking at feminist media such xoJane (2011–16) and Jezebel (launched 2007), we explore the contemporary inheritances of the consciousness-raising technology, with an eye to thinking about how it produces particularly sexed, racialized, and sexual subjects.

First- and second-wave Western European feminists struggled to realize full access to civil rights for women and the creation of a participatory democracy that ensured social solidarity. They consequently stressed the fact that in addition to the struggle for civil rights, women needed to contest the dominant images of womanhood. However, the initial deeply political commitment to participatory democracy and social justice included goals which, with hindsight, simultaneously served the neoliberal vocabulary of autonomy, choice, and meritocratic advancement. The ethical–political second-wave nuance, one geared toward justice for all rather than merely toward equality and emancipation, needs to be reactivated in the context of twenty-first-century feminist activism. The challenge for twenty-first-century third-wave feminists, therefore, is to develop and practice an activism that continues truly to connect the local and the global, the private and the public, the personal and the political, the empirical and the symbolical.

According to sociological and cultural data, women appear as the central position of the family institution. Considering the qualifications of women with in the family institution, women can be defined socially as a wife, biologically as a mother, and culturally as a teacher. In the spiritual sense, the woman was seen as a unifying element, a figure holding the family together.