Ethnic politics

Pointing to a number of informal dynamics in small societies that are supposed to
enhance cooperation and consensus, traditional studies on power-sharing posit that small states are
‘most likely’ candidates for stable, multiethnic democracy. These assumptions are, however,
challenged by the case study literature on small states which highlights a variety of informal
patterns that undermine democratic governance. Addressing this contradiction, the present paper
provides an in-depth analysis of power-sharing politics in Suriname, a small, culturally
heterogeneous country in South America that initially figured as a prominent case in consociational
theory. The analysis reveals that the smallness of Suriname strongly affects and shapes the nature
of democracy in the country. On the one hand, clientelism ensures that members of each ethnic
group included in power-sharing arrangements have access to state resources and services, thus
providing a large measure of political stability. On the other hand, clientelism undermines the
functioning of multiethnic democracy by a host of negative side effects, among which economic
and social dependency of citizens, executive dominance and authoritarian politics, endemic
corruption that goes largely unpunished, and state predation by elites. The upshot is that whereas
power-sharing arrangements in small societies might indeed be facilitated by a small population
size, there is a heavy price to pay in terms of the quality of democracy.

A sequel to the groundbreaking volume Race and Racism in Modern East Asia: Western and Eastern Constructions, the present volume examines in depth interactions between Western racial constructions of East Asians and local constructions of race and their outcomes in modern times. Focusing on China, Japan and the two Koreas, it also analyzes the close ties between race, racism and nationalism, as well as the links race has had with gender and lineage in the region. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this insightful and engaging 23-chapter volume offers a sweeping overview and analysis of racial constructions and racism in modern and contemporary East Asia that is unsurpassed in previous scholarship.


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations and Tables
Conventions
Preface

1. Introduction: The Synthesis of Foreign and Indigenous Constructions of Race in Modern East Asia and Its Actual Operation, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
I. Antecedents: A Detailed Examination of Early Western Racial Constructions of East Asians
II. Interactions: The Fusion of European and Asian Constructions of Race
III. Nationalism: Interactions between Race and Ethnic Nationalism in East Asia
IV. Gender and Lineage: The Impact of Domestic and Foreign Racial Constructions

PART I: ANTECEDENTS
2. East Asians in the Linnaean Taxonomy: Sources and Implications of a Racial Image, Rotem Kowner and Christina Skott
The Linnaean Revolution and View of Humankind
Sources of Linnaeus’ Racial Perspective on East Asians
The Essence of Asia: Swedish Views of China
Swedish Reports and Linnaeus’ Revision of His Human Taxonomy
Linnaeus’ Legacy and the Unfolding Racial View of East Asians
3. Constructing Racial Theories on East Asians as a Transnational “Western” Enterprise, 1750-1850, Walter Demel
The Founding Fathers of Racial Theories: Linnaeus, Buffon, Kant and Camper
The Second Generation: Multiple Directions
4. The ‘Races’ of East Asia in Nineteenth-Century European Encyclopaedias, Georg Lehner
Classifying the Peoples of Asia
The Encyclopedias' Main Sources for Remarks on the “Races” of East Asia
Chinese, Japanese and Koreans: Descriptions of East Asian peoples
Stereotypes of East Asians in General Knowledge
Visual Representations of Race in Works of General Knowledge
Concluding Remarks
5. The Racial Image of the Japanese in the Western Press Published in Japan, 1861-1881, Olavi K. Fält
Background
The Oldest People on Earth
The Shining Japanese Race
Weak and Inferior Race
Praising the Endeavors of a Poor Race
Conclusion

PART II: INTERACTIONS
6. The Propagation of Racial Thought in Nineteenth-Century China, Daniel Barth
The Background: Imperial China and the “Other”
Stage I (1846-1851): Marques and Wei Yuan
Stage II (1851-1855): Hobson and Muirhead
Stage III (1855-1872): The Self-Strengthening Movement
Stage IV (1872-1892): John Fryer and the Chinese Scientific and Industrial Magazine
Conclusion: Chinese Intellectuals, Social Darwinism and Race
7. Learning from the South: Japan's Racial Construction of Southern Chinese, 1895-1941, Huei-Ying Kuo
The South Seas as Japan’s Backyard, 1895-1914
Japan's Expansion into the Southern Chinese Networks, 1914-1928
Chinese Anti-Japanese Nationalism and Japanese Discourses on South Seas Chinese, 1928-1936
Southern Chinese as Non-Han Races, 1936-1941
Conclusions
8. “The Great Question of the World Today”: Britain, the Dominions, East Asian Immigration and the Threat of Race War, 1905-11, Antony Best
Immigration and “the Awakening of Asia”
The Prophets of Race War
Critics of White Solidarity
Finessing the Racial Divide
Conclusions
9. “Uplifting the Weak and Degenerated Races of East Asia”: American and Indigenous Views of Sport and Body in Early Twentieth-Century East Asia, Stefan Hübner
Sportive Citizenship Training in the Philippines
Chinese Cooperation and Acceptance of American-Style Modernization
Japanese Resistance and its Defeat by American Style Modernization
Conclusion
10. Racism under Negotiation: The Japanese Race in the Nazi-German Perspective, Gerhard Krebs
Early Nazi Views on the Japanese Racial Position
Becoming More Aryan
The Problem with the Japanese in the Nazi Worldview
Continuing Mutual Mistrust
The End
11. Discourses of Race and Racism in Modern Korea, 1890s-1945 , Vladimir Tikhonov
Race and Its Uncertainties
The Emergence of Race Theories in Modern Korea: One of the Logics of the “Civilized World”
“Race” and “Ethnic Nation” in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945
Conclusion: Race as a Path to Modernist Self-assertion?
12. The United States Arrives: Racialization and Racism in Post-1945 South Korea, Nadia Y. Kim
Contextual Background: America Marches In and Mass Mediates
The American Military, Whiteness, and Imperialist Racial Formation
American Mass Media, White Heroes, and Counter-Hegemony
Blackness and Imperialist Racial Formation
Racism and Invisibility in Korean “America”
Concluding Remarks
13. A Post-Communist Coexistence in Northeast Asia? Mutual Racial Attitudes among Russians and Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, David Lewis
Discrimination against Siberian Peoples as an Outcome of Racial Prejudice
The Origin and Legacy of Russian Attitudes to Asians
Racial Attitudes among Indigenous Siberian Peoples
The Communist Model of Racial Modus Vivendi
The Impact of Prolonged Racism on Indigenous Siberian Peoples
Marriage as an Anti-Racist Means in a Multi-Racial Society

PART III: NATIONALISM
14. Nationalism and Internationalism: Sino-American Racial Perceptions of the Korean War, Lü Xun
Descendants of the Mongolian Hordes: American Perceptions of the Chinese
The Ambitious Wolf: Chinese Perceptions of Americans
The Mirrored Self: A Nation-State in the Making
15. Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Racialized Chinese Nationalism, Yinghong Cheng
Gangtai Patriotic Songs: A “Colored” Political Genre of Pop Music
A Tacit Collaboration between the Party-State and Capitalist Cultural Producers in Hong Kong and Taiwan
The Interaction between Gangtai Patriotic Songs and Chinese Popular Nationalism
Analyses
Concluding Remarks
16. Japanese as Both a “Race” and a “Non-Race”: The Politics of Jinshu and Minzoku and the Depoliticization of Japaneseness, Yuko Kawai
The Historical Trajectories of Jinshu and Minzoku
Being a “Race” and a “Non-Race” in Present-day Japan: An Empirical Study
Conclusions and Implications
17. Ethnic Nationalism in Postwar Japan: Nihonjinron and Its Racial Facets, Rotem Kowner and Harumi Befu
Premises of Nihonjinron
Nihonjinron as a Manifestation of Japanese Nationalism
Nihonjinron and Its Concern with Origin, Blood and Racial Hierarchy
The Impact of Race-Related Tenets on Everyday Life
Functions of Ethnic Nationalism in Contemporary Japan
Concluding Remarks
18. Ethnic Nationalism and Internationalism in the North Korean Worldview, Tatiana Gabroussenko
The Soviet Discourse of the Outside World: Conditional Internationalism
The North Korean Worldview in the “Soviet Era”: Echoing the Soviet Paradigm
Mono-Ethnicity as a Special Korean Virtue: The Evolution of the North Korean World Vision under the Influence of Juche
North Korean Propaganda about Foreigners from Inclusive and Alienating Perspectives
Conclusion

PART IV: GENDER AND LINEAGE
19. In the Name of the Master: Race, Nationalism and Masculinity in Chinese Martial Arts Cinema, Kai-man Chang
From Anti-imperialist Nationalism to Cultural Nationalism
Masculinities That Matter
Conclusion
20. Sexualized Racism, Gender and Nationalism: The Case of Japan’s Sexual Enslavement of Korean “Comfort Women”, Bang-soon Yoon
Korean “Comfort Women”: Drawn in as Substitutes
The Nature of Victimization
Colonial Policies and the Mobilization of Korean Women
Treatment of Korean “Comfort Women”
Lives under Sexual Slavery
Nationalism, Gender and Sexual Violence
Conclusion
21. “The Guilt Feeling That You Exist”: War, Racism and Indisch-Japanese Identity Formation, Aya Ezawa
Power, Discourse, and “Mixed Blood”
The Indisch and the Dutch East Indies
The Indisch Community under Japanese Occupation
Indisch-Japanese Relationships
Indisch-Japanese Descendants
Conclusion
22. ‘The “Amerasian” Knot: Transpacific Crossings of “GI Babies” from Korea to the United States, W. Taejin Hwang
“An Act of Both Humanity and Patriotism”: The Amerasian Immigration Act of 1982
“Confucius’ Outcasts”: The Korean Amerasian “Plight”
Inter-country Adoption of Korean “GI Babies”
Living as a “Mixed-Blood Child” (Honhyeola) in Cold War Korea
“Half-American Also is American”: Towards Migration
Conclusion and Postscript

PART V: CONCLUSIONS
23. The Essence and Mechanisms of Race and Racism in Modern East Asia, Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel
The East Asian Contribution to the Study of Race and Racism
East Asia’s Role within the Rise of Racial Theory and the Resulting Hybridity
Sources and Manifestations of Racism
The Close Links between Racism and Nationalism
The Role of Gender and Lineage in Constructions of Race and Racism
East Asia and the Future of Race and Racism
Contributors
Bibliography
Index

Представленные в книге очерки посвящены выяснению истории постижения человеческого разнообразия СССР, в ходе которого оно анализировалось, формулировались идеи, формировались на их основе представления и политические символы, разделявшиеся исследователями, а затем политиками, публицистами, посредством которых СССР репрезентировался его гражданам и внешнему миру.

This newspaper column from 2003 examines how Indians in Trinidad and Tobago are misled, guided by so many fears, the encouragement of feelings of victimhood, and smallness of vision. There is an important contribution for Indians to make to the building of this New World civilisation, which is still in its infancy and only half-made. What is needed is a vision, mission and leadership not griping about “discrimination”, but looking fearlessly to the future.

Kotsur V.V. National Minorities of Ukraine in the Context of Social and Political Transformations of the 90s Years of the XXth Century – the Beginning of the XXIst Century
У  дослідженні національні меншини України розглядаються в контексті суспільно-політичних трансформацій 90-х рр. ХХ ст. – поч. ХХІ ст. на тлі зовнішньополітичних впливів держав-сусідів та геополітичних викликів початку нового тисячоліття. До основних проблемно-змістових блоків дослідження належать формування правового статусу етнічних меншин, їхня культурно-громадська діяльність; реалізація державної етнонаціональної політики та гармонізація міжнаціональних відносин; вплив російського та європейського цивілізаційних чинників на етнополітичний розвиток України в умовах глобалізації; соціально-професійна стратифікація, особливості регіональної ідентичності, електоральної та іншої суспільної поведінки; удосконалення нормативно-правової бази задля забезпечення умов розвитку національних меншин України; інформаційні запити національних меншин та їх участь у виборчих перегонах тощо.
Особливістю українського етнополітичного простору стала відсутність політичних партій нацменшин загальнонаціонального масштабу, хоча на місцевому рівні нацменшини мали вільний доступ до представницьких органів влади. Проте постійне переформатування центрального органу управління етнонаціональними процесами негативно позначилося на координації та оперативності ухвалення рішень у сфері етнополітики.
У дослідженні наголошується на тому, що російська агресія проти України кинула серйозні виклики усій світовій спільноті насамперед тому, що була зроблена ставка на національні меншини з метою запуску дезінтегративних процесів задля отримання контролю не лише над деякими регіонами, а й над усією країною. Істотною загрозою єдності країни дотепер залишаються спроби проросійських політичних сил нав’язати суспільству ідеї федералізації України; заперечити українську національну ідентичність; дискредитувати державу у світі та посіяти розбрат у всіх сферах суспільного життя – культурній, духовній, політичній. Автором запропоновано низку рекомендацій щодо гармонізації міжнаціональних відносин в Україні задля забезпечення її подальшого стабільного розвитку.

Ключові слова: Україна, національні меншини, корінні народи, етнополітика, етнос, нація, національно-культурна автономія, сепаратизм, гібридна війна, «русский мир», геноцид кримськотатарського народу, агресія, національна єдність, цивілізаційний розкол, європейський вибір, соціокультурні стандарти.

The  researches national minorities of Ukraine in the context of social and political transformations of the 90s years of the XXth century – the beginning of the XXIst century in the light of the foreign policy influence of the neighbor states and geopolitical challenges at the beginning of a new century. To the main problematic and contextual blocks of research belongs the formation of the legal status of the ethnic minority, their cultural and public activity, realization of state ethnic and national policy and harmonization of international relations, influence of Russian and European civilization factors on Ukrainian ethnic and political development under the globalization circumstances; social and professional stratification, peculiarities of regional identity, voting and other social behavior; improvement of regulatory and legal framework for ensuring of electorate development conditions of Ukrainian national minorities; information inquiries of the national minorities and their participation in the electorate races as well as others.
The peculiarity of the Ukrainian ethno-political space became the lack of political parties of national minorities, although local minorities had free access to representative bodies of power. However, the constant reformatting of the Governmental Central Body of ethnonational processes negatively affected the coordination, efficiency of decision-making in the field of ethnopolitics and funding of this socially important area.
The research highlights that Russian aggression against Ukraine has thrown serious challenges to the entire world community, first of all because national minority bid has been made to launch decentralized processes to gain control over not only some regions, but also over the whole country. Some significant threat to the country unity till our time were the attempts of the pro-Russian political forces to impose the society the ideas of Ukraininan federalization; to object Ukrainian national identity; to discredit the state in the world and to sow enmity in all spheres of public cultural, spiritual and political lives.
For a long time, Ukraine has succeeded in preventing internal conflicts on the ground of ethnicity, and this despite the active attempts from the outside to disrupt peace among different nationalities on its territory. At the same time, a number of strategic errors were made in the field of national building. It is primarily about the Crimean Tatars policy, which were considered by the Ukraine government as a greater threat than «the Russian world». The question of land issue to repatriates should be added as well. The adaptation of the Crimean Tatar people on their native land was rather slow, as it had to resist to the Pro-Russian forces controlled by Russian intelligence agencies. The fears of Ukrainian political leadership to give national cultural autonomy to the Crimean Tatar people resulted in catastrophic consequences in the form of the state-annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. After the demise of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation did not leave the plan to revive allied formations. In order to do this, it was necessary to prevent the successful progress of the young Ukrainian state, so the national minorities in it were under the gun of the Russian Federation special services. The rate was made on the artificial formation of conflict zones on the cross-national ground. Conflict regions in Ukraine were Crimea, where the interests of Crimean Tatars were artificially clashed against Russians, Transcarpathia, which played the scenario of political Rusyn, Donbass, where the Russian-speaking population was intimidated by compulsory ukrainization. External and internal manipulation, especially during the parliamentary and presidential elections, weakened the Ukrainian society, hampered democratic European progress.
However, as the result of the Russian-Ukrainian armed confrontation valuable guidelines of the Ukrainian population have been changed, namely: the decisive were not nationality or language, but the attitude to the independent sovereign Ukraine. In the conditions of the «hybrid war», the establishment of interregional relations with the participation of ethnic communities and territorial communities was accelerated to ensure victory and implementation of European choice for Ukraine.
The author proposed a number of recommendations to the harmonization of interethnic relations in Ukraine in order to ensure its further sustainable development.

Key words: Ukraine, national minorities, first nations, ethnic politics, ethnos, nation, national and cultural autonomy, separatism, hybrid war, «Russian world», genocide of Crimean Tatar folk, aggression, national unity, civilization split, social and cultural standards.

Az elmúlt évtizedekben növekvő számú szakirodalom vizsgálta a választási szabályok és intézmények különböző lehetséges hatásait a pártrendszerekre mind a régóta fennálló demokráciákban, mind pedig a demokratizálódó országokban. A választások mindazonáltal kulcsszerepet játszanak számos olyan közép- és délkelet-európai országban is, pontosabban Észtországban, Magyarországon, és több egykori jugoszláv államban, Horvátországban, Szerbiában és Szlovéniában, amelyek az 1990-es évek elejétől kezdve, a választott formában hoztak létre döntően személyi elvű kisebbségi autonómiákat a túlnyomórészt csekély létszámú és szétszórtan elhelyezkedő belső kisebbségi közösségeik számára. A modell keretében a külön választói névjegyzékekben regisztrált kisebbségi szavazóknak lehetőségük van közvetlenül vagy közvetett úton létrehozniuk kisebbségi önkormányzataikat vagy tanácsaikat, az autonómia intézményes letéteményeseit a különböző szinteken. Ugyanakkor a választásokat széles körben egyfajta politikai intézményként is határozzák meg, amelyek nem csupán termékei egy politikai folyamatnak, hanem egyben olyan komplex strukturáló tényezők összessége, amelyek lehetőségeket is kínálnak, de intézményi akadályokat is emelnek az alternatívák útjába. Ennek következtében, a választásokat – Sartori kifejezésével élve – „a politika legmanipulatívabb eszközeként” tartják számon. Számos közreműködő szereplő ugyanis, így maguk a szavazók, illetve a jelölő szervezetek és jelöltek igyekeznek stratégiailag, racionálisan felhasználni a választásokat a saját céljaik érdekében, befolyásolni és irányítani a választási szabályokat és intézményeket, miközben egyidejűleg azok is komoly hatásokat fejtenek ki rájuk. A tényleges képviselők pozícióba helyezésén kívül a választási rendszerek még számos további funkciót is ellátnak, így sajátos módon egyszerre tekinthetők a politikai eredmények okainak és következményeinek is, amelyek gyakorta nem is igen válaszhatók szét élesen egymástól. Az utóbbiak vonatkozásában Duverger különítette el a mechanikus és pszichológiai hatásokat, azokat, amelyeket egy választási rendszer kifejthet a pártokra és választókra nézve: utalva egyrészt arra a mechanizmusra, ahogy a választási szabályok a szavazatokat mandátumokká alakítják, másrészt pedig arra, hogy ezek miként ösztönzik arra a szavazókat, hogy fokozatosan stratégiailag szavazzanak.
Ezeknek a lehetséges hatásoknak a feltárása és elemzése a kisebbségi önkormányzati/tanácsi választások esetében azonban még várat magára. A legfontosabb elemeken túlmenően (választási formula: többségi vagy arányos, a szavazólap szerkezete, a körzetnagyság), a fenti esetekben ugyanis számos más intézményi tényező is komoly hatással bír, beleértve, hogy mind a választóknak, mind a jelölő kisebbségi szervezeteknek milyen hozzáférésük van a választási folyamathoz, miként alakul a képviseleti testületek közösségi megalapozottsága, legitimációja, vagy éppen a választások tényleges napjának meghatározása. Az NKFIH posztdoktori kutatási programja által támogatott tanulmány célja, hogy elméleti megközelítésben, de összehasonlító módon, a választási statisztikákat, országtanulmányokat, valamint a kisebbségi vezetőkkel folytatott interjúkat alapul véve, szisztematikusan feltárja a választások potenciális hatásait ezekben a speciális, kisebbségi kontextusokban az érintett öt országban. Köztük a hatást a részvételre (konkrét választói részvétel, érvénytelen szavazatok, elvesztegetett szavazatok), a versenyre (szervezetek effektív száma, a szavazatok és mandátumok megoszlása), vagy a kisebbségi szervezetek ciklusokon túlmutató stabilitására és változására nézve, amelyek által kíván hozzájárulni a kisebbségi választások főbb jellemzőinek megértéséhez.

The early ethnological works of Alfred Métraux are analysed bearing in mind his first fieldwork trip to the Chiriguano, in 1929. The paper discusses personal, academic and professional features of Métraux’s ethnological experience, the nature of the 1929 trip and his concrete relationships with the Chiriguano groups and individuals. Next, we analyse his ideas on material culture as a privileged means of understanding the synthesis of Andean, Chaco and Amazonian cultural influences. Finally, the dilemmas and limitations of his analytical approach regarding Créole cultural influence and social and cultural change are discussed. [Key words: Alfred Métraux, Chané, Chiriguano, material culture, change.]
Se analiza la etnología temprana de Alfred Métraux a la luz de su primer viaje de campo a los chiriguanos, en 1929. Se discute el perfil personal, académico y profesional de Métraux, las peculiaridades de su trabajo de campo en 1929 y sus relaciones concretas con los indígenas chiriguanos en el terreno. Se examinan luego sus ideas sobre la cultura material como campo experimental privilegiado para rastrear procesos de síntesis de influencias culturales andinas, chaqueñas y amazónicas, así también sus dilemas y límites a la hora de interpretar el factor de la influencia criolla y el proceso de cambio social y cultural en un sentido amplio. [Palabras clave: Alfred Métraux, Chané, Chiriguano, cultura material, cambio.]

A kötet szakpolitikai esettanulmányként közel két évtized magyarországi kisebbségpolitikájának az egyik legjelentősebb szeletét, a nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek jogairól szóló 1993. évi LXXVII. törvény körüli, szabályozóként értelmezett ágazati döntéshozatali folyamatokat mutatja be és elemzi. Keretein belül a politikatudomány közpolitikai megközelítésének fogalom- és eszközkészletét hasznosítja, további vezérfonalául pedig a demokráciaelméletekkel szorosan összefüggő hatékony közéleti részvétel koncepciójának vizsgálata szolgál. A politológiai szemléleten kívül egyes részletek kifejtésénél szükségesnek tart bizonyos politikatörténeti és közigazgatási összefüggésekre való utalást. Fókuszában a hazai és nemzetközi szempontból egyaránt rendkívül fontos, a nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek egyéni és közösségi jogait, köztük autonómiáját szabályozni, illetve a többség és kisebbség kapcsolatát rendezni hivatott jogszabály helyezkedik el, amellyel kapcsolatban a törvényen túlmutató, illetve alapvető elméleti és gyakorlati, politikai és szakmai kérdések, problémák és dilemmák vetődnek fel. Ezek némileg magyarázatul is szolgálnak arra, hogy miért kerül a jogi norma rendre a politikai és tudományos figyelem homlokterébe. Magának a törvénynek a léte, akárcsak a benne foglalt, nemzetközi összehasonlításban is meglehetősen kiterjedt és progresszív kisebbségvédelmi rendelkezések kétségkívül nagyra értékelendőek, miként az is, hogy a jogalkotók pártpolitikai kötődéstől és kormányzati ciklusoktól függetlenül törekednek annak korrekciójára, a felmerülő kérdések kezelésére, valamint a kialakult hiányosságok orvoslására. A módosítások sorában a legjelentősebbnek a 2005. évi CXIV. törvény bizonyult, amelyet az eredeti jogszabály mellett a kötet azonos szempontok alapján elemez.

The electoral results in the
provincial elections to the north
and the east provincial councils
held recently, clearly point out
to the rise in Tamil nationalist
sentiment resulting in the
overwhelming victory of the
Tamil National Alliance.

Conventional models of clientelism often assume poor voters have little or no choice over which local broker to turn to for help. Yet communities in many clientelistic settings are marked by multiple brokers who compete for a following. Such competition makes client choices, and the preferences guiding such choices, pivotal in fueling broker support. We examine client preferences for a pervasive broker—slum leaders—in the context of urban India. To identify resident preferences for slum leaders, we conducted an ethnographically informed conjoint survey experiment with 2,199 residents across 110 slums in two Indian cities. Contra standard emphases on shared ethnicity, we find residents place heaviest weight on a broker's capability to make claims on the state. A survey of 629 slum leaders finds client-preferred traits distinguish brokers from residents. In highlighting processes of broker selection, and the client preferences that undergird them, we underscore the centrality of clients in shaping local brokerage environments.

It’s our turn to eat is much more than the story of John Githongo, a portly upper-class man in his mid-40s which dreamed of changing a country’s history of sleaze, state-capturing and ethnic identification. Githongo’s story is the personification of a change of mentality in a new generation of Kenyans which want to modernize its institutions and forget the times when your luck and wealth depended on if you shared ethnicity with the president.

This article explores how civic mobilizations that emerge in deeply
divided societies navigate their ethnopolitical frameworks and assesses
their capacity to effect civic political change within such
contexts. The article examines these questions through the case of a
citizens’ protest and direct democracy movement that emerged in
the postwar state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014. It concludes
that the movement adapted to its ethnicized political environment
by adopting an approach of limited political engagement and that,
rather than trying to effect short-term political change, it chose to
pursue a long-term shift in civic consciousness.

Firstly, the Roman Catholic «prehistory» of contact between the Panoan groups of Bolivian Amazonia and Jesuit, Franciscan and lay clergy missionaries is described. The paper then analyses the continuity of the evangelization process by diverse evangelical denominations, describing three missionary experiences with the Chacobo since 1955 to the present day. Finally, general insights are proposed relating the anthropological problem of religious conversion.

“An Insider's View of the Last Campaign” is presented as a personal narrative in order to provide a closer, "insider’s," view of how one of America's most powerful local political clubs - The Madison Club of Brooklyn fell apart. The result was the end of the group's seventy-five year reign over politics and patronage. In the years to come political historians will probably argue that the once invincible Madison Club candidates lost to a rag-tag group of political novices because of issues such as corruption and capital punishment. The insider’s view shows something very different. It shows individuals and groups wrestling with each other over personal needs and aspirations tinged with racial, religious and ethnic undertones. In other words, this chapter shows that politics is a very human game.

This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the historical and sociological record. It forwards a subtler and more historically consistent understanding of the place of ethnicity in politics and society, which is more complex, more fluid, and looser than the popular model posits. Finally, a suggestion for moving beyond the ‘African-Indian rivalry’ hypothesis is forwarded, distinguishing ethnic mobilisation from ethnic politics, and understanding ethnic mobilisation as a by-product of insecurity in a ‘half-made society’.

(ENG) SUMMARY: Information about linguistic affiliation was always collected according to the notion of the mother tongue. Although in demography, mother tongue is seen as a more objective component of ethnonational affiliation, research results suggest significant disparities that are correlated with changes in ethno-statistical nomenclature and flotant behavior of particular ethnic groups. The divergence between language and nationality in Serbia“s population censuses unambiguously indicate that several ethnic communities can simultaneously declare the same mother
tongue, but also that members of the same ethnic group can declare different mother tongues. The oscillations that occur in changes in the size of the population of certain ethnolinguistic modalities are milder than the variability of ethnonational modalities. The most expressive statistical imbalances were recorded in ethnic groups which were introduced into statistical nomenclature due to the targeted ethnonational stratification of the existing nations.
Ethnic dissolution of the existing people simultaneously caused the process of linguistic stratification, by the principle of joining »affiliated« mother tongue, most often of dialectical diversity of existing languages. Changes in the statistical nomenclature of languages that were adjusted with the initiation of new ethnonational modalities during the XX and the beginning of the XXI century serve as a statistical verification of the linguistic stratification of existing languages according to the principle of domination of the subjective understanding of the national identity. In terms of census statistics, this means that the processes of national homogenization, which were based on the language as a factor of integration during the nineteenth century, were replaced by modern processes of linguistic (primarily dialectical) homogenization based on an unstable and statistically unreliable trait of ethnicity, which makes it a peculiar absurdity, both in theory and in practice.
Keywords: census, mother tongue, statistical nomenclature, ethnicity, Serbia


(SI ) Abstract/IZVLEČEK: Prispevek prikazuje kronološke spremembe statističnih nomenklatur jezikovne pripadnosti v popisih prebivalstva Srbije, prav tako pa preučuje vpliv uvedbe novih etnonacionalnih opredelitev na kategorizacijo jezikov.
Uporaba koncepta maternega jezika je bila raziskana s primerjalnimi analizami števila prebivalcev posamezne nacionalne opredelitve in pripadajočega maternega jezika. Z namenom odkrivanja diverzifikacije maternega jezika znotraj istih etničnih skupin je bila uporabljena tudi metoda prečenja etnostatističnih podatkov. Rezultati raziskave kažejo različne stopnje neskladja med številom nacionalno opredeljenih prebivalcev in številom prebivalcev s pripadajočim maternim jezikom. Visoko odstopanje pri skladnosti nacionalne in jezikovne pripadnosti je še posebej očitno v novo uvedenih etnonacionalnih modalitetah. Po drugi strani pa rezultati kvantitativnega raziskovanja kažejo, da je kazalnik maternega jezika kljub izrazitemu procesu etnolingvističnega razslojevanja, še vedno bolj objektiven v primerjavi z nacionalno pripadnostjo, kar mu daje položaj metodološkega korektiva, ne zgolj v etnodemografskem, temveč tudi v drugem sociometričnem raziskovanju.
Ključne besede: popis prebivalstva, materni jezik, statistična nomenklatura, nacionalna pripadnost, Srbija


(IT) Abstract/SINTESI: In questo contributo vengono presentati in senso cronologico i cambiamenti delle nomenclature statistiche relative all'appartenenza linguistica nei censimenti della popolazione in Serbia. Inoltre, è stata analizzata l’influenza dell’introduzione di nuove modalità etnonazionali sulle categorizzazioni linguistiche. Abbiamo esaminato l’uso del concetto di lingua materna attraverso le analisi comparative del numero degli abitanti caratterizzati da una certa dichiarazione nazionale e della relativa lingua materna. Nell’analisi abbiamo anche impiegato un
approccio di intersezione dei dati etnostatistici con l’obbiettivo di individuare le diversificazioni della lingua materna all’interno degli stessi gruppi etnici. I risultati della ricerca implicano vari livelli di disparità tra il numero degli abitanti dichiaratisi in senso nazionale e il numero degli abitanti delle lingue relative. Le deviazioni rilevanti dalla compatibilità tra all'appartenenza nazionale e quella linguistica sono soprattutto visibili nelle modalità etnonazional recentemente introdotte. D’altra parte i risultati delle ricerche quantitative dimostrano che, nonostante il marcato processo di stratificazione etnolinguistica, gli attributi della lingua materna sono più obiettivi rispetto all'appartenenza nazionale, il che li rende un correttivo metodologico non solo nelle ricerche etnodemografiche,ma anche in tutte le altr e ricerche sociometriche.
Parole chiave: Censimento della popolazione, lingua materna, nomenclatura statistica, appartenenza nazionale, Serbia

This paper uses A. Wimmer's multilevel process theory to assess the dynamics of Flemish and Walloon ethnic groups through the ages and explain how political events have changed the Roman multilingual frontier into a political salient linguistic border. Moreover the article highlights how identity is being used today and how other factors, like a Brussels regional identity complicate contemporary relations and keep the conflict alive.

From the Workshop Report: What do we want out of this workshop? Essentially, three things First: we want to define the space between storytelling and evaluation. This is an area that has not been adequately explored. This is a mapping process which begins when you bring people who have a background, skills and expertise in evaluation with those who are working in the areas of storytelling. Second, we would like to begin to develop common
understandings about what the major issues, themes and challenges are, as well as what the successes have been; to learn from our successes so that we know better what to do, what to continue doing, and what not to do. Finally, we want to move towards the development of more systematic tools for actually evaluating and assessing the storytelling initiatives.

The existence of Ombudsman promotes good governance around the world by ensuring administrative accountability and transparency. The necessity for the office of Ombudsman has been felt in Ethiopia ever since 1991 and the 1995 FDRE Constitution makers incorporated provision for democratic institutions in Article 55 of the constitution. In 2000, the parliament in Ethiopia passed the Ombudsman Act in pursuance of Article 55 of the FDRE constitution. The objective of this paper is to provide an analytical overview of the awareness and perceptions of civil servants about Ethiopian Ombudsman institution as a mechanism of good governance by focusing on south wollo zone civil servants. To achieve this objective explanatory research approach was used. First quantitative data collected and followed by qualitative data. The quantitative data interpreted using SPSS version 20 and verified against qualitative data and existing literature. Using these researcher reach upon the following finding. Thus, the finding shows that although the importance of ombudsman as mechanism of promoting good governance is accepted as indispensable part of democratization process, the office, however, has not yet been reach grass root level and the provisions of the act have remained as dead letters.

Neben der Han-chinesischen Mehrheitsgesellschaft leben in der Volksrepublik China (VRCh) insgesamt 55 offiziell anerkannte ethnische Minderheiten (shaoshu minzu 少数民族), die zusammen rund 8,5% der Bevölkerung ausmachen (knapp 114 Mio. Menschen). Die meisten dieser ethnischen Gruppen haben ihre Position innerhalb der VRCh mehr oder weniger akzeptiert, wenn auch zum Teil widerwillig. Sowohl bei Tibetern als auch bei Uiguren führt die chinesische Minderheitenpolitik zu offenem Widerstand, der auch im Ausland zur Kenntnis genommen wird. Dennoch existieren neben vielen Parallelen auch weitreichende Unterschiede zwischen der jeweiligen Lage dieser beiden Ethnien in China, was den Vergleich äußerst interessant macht.
Der Beitrag gliedert sich in drei Abschnitte: Er stellt zunächst knapp die Ausgangslage der beiden Minderheiten und ihre Stellung innerhalb der VRCh dar. Zweitens widmet er sich der Minderheitenpolitik, die beispielhaft anhand der Wirtschafts- und Entwicklungsförderung und im Bildungsbereich dargestellt wird. Drittens geht er auf die offenen Ausbrüche von Widerstand ein, die sich vor allem seit 2008 in beiden Fällen deutlich zugespitzt haben. Das Fazit diskutiert die Reaktionen der chinesischen politischen Führung auf diese Herausforderungen.

In 1995 the FDRE constitution institutionalized multi-party democracy and since then Ethiopia held five consecutive national elections which tested the journey of Ethiopian democratization process. The central objective of this paper is to explore democratization process in Ethiopia by focusing on the challenges and prospects of post 1991 situations. To this end qualitative methodology was employed to gather data from secondary sources. For this purpose journal Articles, official documents, constitution and other legal documents and policies were used. Based upon the data the study revealed that the post 1991 FDRE Constitution espouse new democracy friendly laws and orders which contain detail lists of human rights, introduction of multi-party politics and commencement of democratic institutions which are amicable development for democratization process in the country. However, there are problems in implementing these opportunities on the grounds. Among others, the 2005 election aftermath political and legal measures (CSO Law, Press Law and Anti-Terrorism Law), authoritative nature of Ethiopian politics, weakness of actors in democratization process, Political polarization among political parties, weakness of democratic institutions and corruption are the major challenges to the realization of democratization process in Ethiopia. Hence, the study implies the need for reforming the 2005 election aftermath politico-legal measures on the one hand and strengthens actors in democratization process and democratic institutions on the other hand.

Ключевые слова: этническая политика, конфликт, Ферганская долина, межэтнические браки В этой статье я буду рассматривать сложившуюся после событий в городе Ош ситуа-цию сквозь призму динамики отношений внутри этнически смешанных семей, на примере той поддержки и контроля, которые обеспечиваются отношениями родства и свойства, и того, каким образом эти последние сохраняют или изменяют свои фор-мы в результате конфликта. Я детально изучу эти узы, которые затрудняют вспышки конфликта и благодаря которым потенциальные (этнические) враги становятся непо-средственно связанными между собой. Я утверждаю также, что хотя патрилинейные родственные связи не являются частью политической системы, все-таки вопрос о национальности делает рискованным заключение межэтнических браков.