Nation-State

We live in a globalized world in which a person in Burkina Faso can identify with Star Wars heroes, and in which a New York trader drinks the same Starbucks coffee as his Taiwanese counterpart. How are individuals socialized in Rome, Bombay, and Tokyo? To answer this question, a unique investigation has been carried out using two scales of analysis usually tackled separately by global studies: the scale of the cosmopolitan world and its global narratives, imaginaries, iconographies; as well as the scale of everyday life and socialization to otherness. This two-fold perspective constitutes the innovative approach of this volume that endeavors to address an operationalization of the cosmopolitan perspective and reacts to current debates and new research findings.
This book was first published in 2016 as Pluriel et commun. Sociologie d’un monde cosmopolite by Les Presses de Sciences Po.
Vincenzo Cicchelli is Associate Professor of Sociology at Université Paris Descartes and Research Fellow at GEMASS, Université Paris Sorbonne/CNRS. At Brill, he is the co-editorin-chief of Youth and Globalization (with Sylvie Octobre), the series co-editor of Youth in a Globalizing World (with Sylvie Octobre), and the series co-editor of Doing Global Studies (with Stéphane Dufoix). He has published (with Sylvie Octobre) Aesthetico-Cultural Cosmopolitanism and French Youth. The Taste of the World (Palgrave, 2018).

“Vincenzo Cicchelli has written a new and much needed book. He explores people’s experiences of a shared and plural world, and the tangible, ordinary mechanisms of global society that are shaping the cultural imaginaries and the lives of individuals today. Plural and Shared is a major contribution to understanding the cultural shifts of our time and how cosmopolitanism may be understood in this context.”
– David Held, Professor of Sociology, Durham University

“Timely and important, […] a well-written and meticulously researched monograph that stands as a major contribution to the growing body of literature on cosmopolitanism. It is a ‘must read’ for anyone wanting to understand the historic and modern forces shaping our increasingly globalizing and cosmopolitan world.”
– Elijah Anderson, Professor of Sociology, Yale University

“Cicchelli has written a thought-provoking book about an important and timely topic: how can we come to terms with the cosmopolitan world, which we share but which is inherently plural, composed of different cultures and outlooks on life? To address that conundrum, the book lays foundations for a cosmopolitan sociology and shows how it can be applied to examining the cultural, subjective and experiential dimensions of global society. It is a must read for all interested in global studies and cosmopolitanism.”
– Pertti Alasuutari, Professor of Sociology, University of Tampere

A discussion of why states can't effectively apologize for historical injustices, through a consideration of how metanoia operates within the modern apoology and whether that dynamic is adaptable to statements made by a collective or group of people (i.e., a state). This is drawn from _The Rhetoric of Official Apologies_, (Eds. Villadsen and Edwards), Lexington, 2020

Despite being anchored in the cultural ethos, the law, and public opinion, Israel’s definition as the nation-state of the Jewish People has been at the heart of public and intellectual discussion for many years. However the literature on the subject lacks systematic discussion of the varied justifications emerging from political thought as the basis for the nation-state. This paper comes to fill this void by clarifying the differences between the various justifications and presenting each one within a broad conceptual framework. The article covers the following claims:
1. The nationalist-cultural claim
2. The politico-institutional claim
3. The republican and communitarian claim
4. The libreral-individualistic claim
5. The utilitarian claim
6. The democratic claim
7. Claims unique to specific cases
Presentation of the claims is not intended to replace discussion of each claim’s significance as regards its relevance to the Israeli context or to other cases, and the question of whether they outweigh counterclaims against the nation-state. However such presentation of the claims provides the necessary basis for the aforementioned discussion on a deeper level and from a broad perspective.

Le concept de nation chez M. Mauss comparé à la question actuelle des identités nationales et culturelles en Europe. À partir d'études de cas de l'histoire politique contemporaine, aussi différents l'un de l'autre que la formation des nations balkaniques, au tournant du dernier siècle, et la situation des immigrés en France ou des migrants en Europe, j'essaie de montrer que les concepts de 'nation', 'nationalisme' et 'citoyenneté' doivent être appréhendés autant comme des constructions identitaires que politiques et juridiques. Il importe donc de concilier les approches historique, sociopolitique et anthropologique de l'idée de nation et essayer de comprendre la construction des identités, des relations interethniques et des valeurs interculturelles dans le monde actuel, que ce soit en Europe, en ex-Yougoslavie ou au Maghreb.

This paper seeks to examine the relation between democracy and violence. It will first offer an historical overview of the emergence of democracy in relation to three major political events: the English civil war from 1640-1660; the American war of independence and the drafting of the Bill of Rights; and the French Revolution. It will propose that, apart from the fact that each of these struggles was marked by large-scale and protracted violence, they also shared a common discourse – the discourse of rights, understood proprietorially. The paper will argue that the emergence of democracy as articulated through this discourse of proprietorial rights was, in turn, closely related to the emergence of the contemporary form of the nation-state, and that, consequently, it is founded on a paradox: the discourse of the nation (or nationalism) has been historically an exclusivist one, while the discourse of democracy seeks, by definition, to be inclusive. It will argue that the colonial moment served on the one hand, to disseminate the discourses of nationalism and democracy; while on the other, it complicated the paradoxical relation between them further, when the discourse of rights (integral to both) often emphasized community rights over individual rights, at least in colonial South Asia. The contours of community, then and since, have been overwhelmingly determined by the personal law system and the communal patriarchates. Given that, this paper will argue that the tensions between the exclusivism of such communalisms and the inclusivism of the democratic discourse leads inevitably to the production of cultures of violence. It will conclude by questioning the sustainability of a rights-based understanding of democracy.

In today’s globalisation, countries compete with each other in the same manner as the multinational corporations do. Recently, the term ‘nation-brand’ has appeared, together with a nation-brand index that tracks how a particular country's reputation responds to activities, promotions and events at home and around the world. Countries, like corporations and products have brand values and reputations. These ‘branding’ factors are analogous to identity formulation on a national and personal level. For example, visual motifs and icons have a dramatic impact on how successful that country is in attracting tourists, foreign investment, capital, talent, cultural relations and political allies. Such manifestations of identity are vital to the marketing of products and services abroad. In order for a country to develop itself as a competitive nation-brand, it needs to have a strong national identity. The paper will argue that in a same manner as the corporate identity, the national identity serves as a foundation on which the ‘brand image’ is built. The brand’s image is a representation of the brand’s culture (in this case the nation’s culture); therefore, how the image is formed and what kind of form it takes should be of concern to the government, the industry and the local communities. For that reason, strong interdisciplinary partnerships need to be established, as only then the communication of the country’s image can bring success in the above-mentioned areas of interest.

A historiographic and interpretative methodology will be used to present the analogous case of corporate and national identity formulation.  The current political situation in Macedonia will be used to exemplify the argument. This paper will address the subtheme ‘Identities/Subjectivities’ for the conference and will engage with activities in the boundaries of corporational-ism and nationalism.

Political philosophy has long treated the nation-state as the starting point for normative inquiry, while paying little attention to the ongoing legacies of
colonialism and imperialism. But given how most modern states emerged,
normative discussions about migration, for example, need to engage with the colonial and imperial history of state immigration controls, citizenship practices, and the nation-state more generally. This article critically reviews three historical studies by Adom Getachew, Radhika Mongia, and Nandita Sharma that engage in depth with this history. The studies historicize concepts that are central to discussions in political philosophy: the categories of citizen and migrant, the concept of ‘nationality,’ and the principle of self-determination. I argue that this historicized form of conceptual analysis helps us challenge the default authority of concepts that are deeply embedded in the political structures that we inhabit.

This chapter discusses the evolution of minority policies in Poland after 1945 in the
context of the processes of ethnic homogenization and nationalization of the Polish state. It analyses the impact of political changes and ethnic structure on the national and minority policy of Poland at various stages of historical development of the country. It also explores whether, and if so, to what extent, the process of national consolidation in Poland has been completed, i.e. to what extent the national identity has prevailed over the regional or linguistic identities. The findings reveal that, after 1989, the minority issue is no longer a relevant factor in Polish politics, remaining within the confines of the dispute over the nature of the Polish identity between the conservative-nationalist and the leftist-liberal segments of Polish politics. At the same time, however, minority rights are not, despite the wording of the Constitution and relevant legislation, relegated to the level of democratic discourse by the political elites, but in many cases are rather seen as a challenge to the stability of the Polish statehood.

Who acts in during international relations? From state theory generally, and the field of International Relations specifically, the readymade answer is: ‘states do’ – so long as we assume states to be the high-modern regime of nation-states that so dominantly sorted-out conceptual possibilities of political agency during the 20th century. An alternative approach to global politics, in contrast, searches for political power beyond the state. Contemporary shifts toward neo-liberal and other transnational regimes are reshaping the political landscape to enable entities beyond the state to gain importance in governance. We are, thus, left with two options: We see states as entities capable of acting on the stage of global politics, or we see states as one of many patterns through which political activity is enacted. This dichotomy neatly parallels how agency has been conceptualized in social theory: Either we swallow the bitter pill of essentializing a high-modern model of human nature to understand how actors establish, maintain, and transform political order, or we join the deconstruction camp and dissect the mechanisms, techniques, and discursive patterns that surround this model of human nature, which will then one day probably be ‘erased, like a face drawn in the sand at the edge of the sea.’ We develop this tension in our paper about who or what acts during international relations.

This collection of essays examines how Southeast Asian women writers engage with the grand narratives of nationalism and the modern nation-state by exploring the representations of gender, identity and nation in the postcolonial literatures of Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Bringing to light the selected works of overlooked local women writers and providing new analyses of those produced by internationally-known women authors and artists, the essays situate regional literary developments within historicized geopolitical landscapes to offer incisive analyses and readings on how women and the feminine are imagined, represented, and positioned in relation to the Southeast Asian nation.The book, which features both cross-country comparative analyses and country-specific investigations, also considers the ideas of the nation and the state by investigating related ideologies, rhetoric, apparatuses, and discourses, and the ways in which they affect women’s bodies, subjectivities, and lived realities in both historical and contemporary Southeast Asian contexts. By considering how these literary expressions critique, contest, or are complicit in nationalist projects and state-mandated agendas, the collection contributes to the overall regional and comparative discourses on gender, identity and nation in Southeast Asian studies.

Poulantzas wrote well before the current hype about globalization took off and before claims about the death of the nation-state had become common. But his work during the 1970s did address some key issues involved in a serious Marxist analysis of the relation between (a) changes in the capitalist economy on a world scale and (b) the basic form and functions of the contemporary capitalist national state. These issues were first broached in a lengthy and important essay on ‘The Internationalization of Capitalist Relations and the Nation State’ (1973b in French, 1974b in English, but cited below from 1975, 37-88). They were further discussed in three books, Classes in Contemporary Capitalism (1975), Crisis of the Dictatorships (1976), and State, Power, Socialism (1978). My contribution to this volume will review Poulantzas’s overall argument in the 1970s, noting how it changed in some key respects during this period, and distinguishing between his general theoretical approach and its particular application to Europe (especially France, Greece, Portugal, and Spain) in a specific phase of imperialism. I argue that Poulantzas’s general approach is theoretically more sophisticated and strategically more relevant to the left than much of the current ‘globaloney’ over the future of the national state in an era of globalization. However, I also suggest that his general approach was marred by class reductionism and that he also failed to anticipate future changes in the internationalization of capital. This in turn meant that his specific prognoses were, in key respects, mistaken. Nonetheless his analyses can be improved by introducing additional theoretical considerations which are consistent with the overall Poulantzasian approach as well as by noting certain novel features of the current phase of imperialism. Accordingly, my paper is divided into two main parts: first, a critical appreciation of Poulantzas’s arguments and, second, an account of current changes in the national state from a modified Poulantzasian stance. It concludes with some more general comments on the relevance of Poulantzas’s work and my own remarks to possible changes in the European Union considered in state-theoretical terms.

The author analyzes the ideas of the British (Scottish) philosopher
D. Hume about the nation. Hume examined the history of mankind as
the history of the rise and fall of developing nations. It is shown that he
recognizes the existence of nations in all countries and all epochs, and
understands the nation as a basic and universal unit of development of
human race. In Hume’s understanding, the nation is demographically
self-contained, sustainably reproducing the community of people, whose integrity is based on the provision of traditional laws of justice by the civi authorities. 捯e unity and identity of the nation are determined by the overall understanding of justice.

We, the people' is the most popular phrase from the constitutions. In spite of the fact that the number of countries including preamble as part of their constitution has been on the rise, preambles have received scant attention in academia. The importance of preambles has been established in multiple studies yet preambles have been looked at in isolation from socioeconomic environmental contexts. Our article attempts to present a unique insight by correlating preambles with the socio-economic, environmental, and infrastructural context within which they exist. It explores whether these correlations exist and if they do with which features and to what extent and the possibility of a causal link.

We pursue a statistical study between various indicators that reflect the growth of a country and the presence or absence of various elements in preambles across the world. Our study finds that correlations exist between the economic-social-environmental and infrastructural context of a nation-state and different elements in their preambles. Our study rigorously engages with patterns in development indicators across years to provide correlational insights into the role of preambles not just as a dormant reference but as active fragments of the socio-political-economic reality of a nation-state. We hope our article establishes grounds for a further study of the manner in which preambles and the non-political aspects of a nation-state can engage with each other.

The present article investigates the family in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia as the intermediary institution between the individual and the state, and as the site of reproduction of the social order through the control over the woman's body. The role of the family is examined here with the theoretical contribution of Foucauldian biopolitics intended as the state's political regulation of the biological element through power consolidation and preservation strategies. Women activists' actions aiming at the reform of the guardian-ship system in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia will be critically examined in the context of the wider regional challenges and movements. The article also interrogates the role of women in the authoritarian nation-state, and how it is constructed at the intersection be- tween the family, sexuality, reproduction and religion.

Kırım, tarih öncesi dönemden beri Güney Ukrayna’nın bozkırlarla kaplı hinterlandını Karadeniz’e ve ötesine bağlayan bir geçiş bölgesi olmuştur.

Yüzyıllar boyunca Osmanlı ve Rus imparatorluklarının, sonrasında da Sovyetler Birliği ve Ukrayna devletinin parçası olan Kırım’ın tarihi, ev sahipliği yaptığı kültürlerin ve halkların izlerinden de anlaşılacağı üzere, çok daha gerilere uzanır: Antik Yunanlar, Gotlar, Bizanslılar, Moğollar, Ruslar ve en önemlisi Kırım Tatarları bu topraklarda yaşamıştır.

Tarih ve siyaset bilimi profesörü Paul Robert Magocsi, bölgeyle ilgili şimdiye kadar yazılmış en temel ve güncel metin olan Şu Mübarek Topraklar’da, üç bin yılı aşkın zamandır Kırım’ın bozkırlarına, dağlarına ve deniz kıyılarına akın eden bu toprak­larda yaşamış halkları ve yarattıkları medeniyetlerin hikâyesini görseller eşliğinde anlatıyor.

“Umuyorum ki bu kitap Türkiyeli okurlara kendi ülkelerinin tarihsel jeopolitik alanını (Karadeniz ve çevresindeki tüm topraklardan bahsediyorum) daha iyi anlamalarında yardımcı olacaktır.” Paul Robert Magocsi
http://kitap.ykykultur.com.tr/kitaplar/su-mubarek-topraklar-kirim-ve-kirim-tatarlari

A közművelődés az intézményes elitkultúra termelése szempontjából egy nehezen vagy kevésbé látható terület, ami a kultúraközvetítés, terjesztés és termelés szempontjából (történjen az akármilyen médiumon keresztül) a kultúrpolitikák mindennapi működésének egyik legfontosabb területe. Szerves része a modern nemzetállamok működésének, így azok gazdasági, politikai, társadalmi viszonyaitól nem elválasztható terület. A közművelődés kultúrpolitikákban elfoglalt helyét szociológiai és antropológiai perspektívából vizsgálom, így ebben a cikkben nem a kultúra intézményes fogalmával dolgozom, hanem azt a társadalmi tapasztalat és a megélt viszonyok szimbolikus keretezéseként gondolom el.

This article discusses the transformation of the Moroccan state under contemporary neoliberal globalization, and considers what this transition means for the ways in which scholars view state-society interplay in Morocco and the Arab world more generally. Specifically, it examines the protest of unemployed graduates in Morocco, suggesting that public demonstrations are not only a means to communicate and mobilize demands, but also a technology to reclaim and reproduce a particular “truth” in public. This truth does not necessarily equate with the reality of the neoliberal state as a dispersed material force. As such, by looking at the case of Morocco, we hope to instigate further debate on the nature of the state and its specific relation to phenomena as globalization, society and social protest.

Nationalism is one of the most potent political forces on the world stage today. Fusing the intractability of cultural politics with the power of the state, nationalism organizes individuals into cohesive political communities that are unique, exclusionary, and wedded to mythologized histories. Nationalism sometimes inspires violence and xenophobia, but it also supplies the wellspring for sentiments such as patriotism and self-sacrifice. The deep emotions that nationalism taps into make it a powerful tool in the hands of demagogues, who manipulate nationalist sentiments for political gain. In this book (divided in two volumes) 48 scholars offer several competing explanations of nationalism and nationality: from antiquity to the present day.

***

La nazione (come forma politica) e il nazionalismo (come ideologia) – visti nei loro rapporti con la democrazia e lo Stato – continuano ad occupare la scena storica e a influenzare la lotta politica. Ma, dopo la fioritura di pubblicazioni e ricerche avutasi negli anni Ottanta del Novecento, sembra essersi affievolito l’interesse degli studiosi nei loro confronti. Probabilmente è venuto il momento di rimettere mano ad un lavoro critico-analitico su questi temi, che tenga conto di come è andato evolvendo il quadro storico mondiale. Quest’ultimo è esattamente l’obiettivo perseguito dal presente volume, che raccoglie gli Atti del convegno svoltosi a Perugia il 15-17 settembre 2016: quarantacinque saggi originali (in due grossi tomi) che offrono una panoramica aggiornata e completa degli studi sul concetto di nazione, sulle dottrine del nazionalismo e sui movimenti nazionalisti ancora oggi attivi a livello internazionale. Con un’attenzione particolare al modo con cui le culture politiche italiane otto-novecentesche hanno affrontato il tema dell’identità nazionale.

이 글은 동아시아와는 역사문화적 맥락이 상당히 다른, 북유럽 지역의 아이슬란드 국가 사례를 통해, 개인이름에 대한 통치가 어떻게 국민 공동체를 운영하기 위한 문화정치의 맥락을 가지는 지를 질문한다. 19세기 이후 대두하는 아이슬란드의 민족주의는 언어와 역 사, 문화영역을 통해 전개되었고 이는 국가가 엄격하게 개인의 이름을 관리하는 이름 정책으로 이어졌다. 글로벌 추세가 뚜렷해지는 1990년대에 이름위원회가 설립되고 "개인이름법"이 개정되어, 아이슬란드 문화 정체성을 가진 (외국 출신이 아닌) 국민에게 특히 더, 이름을 통해 아이슬란드어의 순수성을 지킬 의무가 부과되었다. 즉 부/모칭사를 사용하는 이름체계를 유지하고 언어문법상 젠더가 판정된 이름등록부에서 자녀의 성별에 따라 이름을 선택해야 하는 제한이 가해졌다. 그러나 2010년대로 접어들면 아이슬란드 국민정체성을 가진 국민들의 자유가 더 제한된다는 비판이 나오면서 개인이름법에 대한 대대적인 개정작업이 예고된다.  이에 2019년에 통과된 "젠더자율법"은 개인이름법이 전제로 하는 젠더 이분법을 무용지물로 만들면서 전통을 벗어나 탈근대의 차원에서 국가공동체의 정체성을 새로이 구축하려는 시도로 볼 수 있다.
This article explores how governing personal names in Iceland contains the context of ‘cultural politics’ to maintain the nation-state identity. Nationalism in Iceland, which emerged in the 19th century, has developed by the means of language, history, and cultural resources and has resulted in naming policies whereby the government strictly controls individuals’ names. In the 1990s, when globalization has taken hold, the Icelandic Naming Committee was established and the present Personal Names Act was enacted, imposing a heavier duty on the Icelandic people (without foreign background) to protect the purity of the Icelandic language through their names. In other words, restrictions were imposed on maintaining the patronymic/matronymic naming system and selecting names according to gender only from the personal name register where each name’s gender was already decided by grammatical gender rules. A person could petition the committee to add a a new name to the register. By the 2010s, however, it earns criticism that this name law restricts the freedom of people of Icelandic heritage compared to people of foreign heritage in terms of selecting names. The Gender Autonomy Act of 2019 disables the gender binary which the naming law presupposes and will require a complete revision of the naming law. The enactment of the Gender Autonomy Act can be interpreted as an attempt to reconstruct the Icelandic national identity from a new dimension beyond tradition.

В статье рассматриваются основные теории национализма в западном политическом дискурсе, анализирующие неоднозначность функций и вызовов для современной нации-государства. Рассмотрев ключевые этапы развития национализма в европейских странах как постоянную борьбу различных лояльностей (религиозной, национальной/государственной, этнической), автор подчеркивает, что изменение отношения к современному национализму тесно связано с упадком традиционных функций государства глобальной  эпохи, инструментальной ролью национализма для правящих элит и идеологическими вызовами современной социальной науки в форме постмодернистского распада.

A reflection on the interaction between the concepts of nation, justice and friendship in the works of
Albert  Camus,  particularly  through  the  book  Lettres  à  un  ami  allemand.  Here,  we  will  explore
different forms of national identity through the idea of love of  the country. Therefore we introduce the
discussion about means and ends in politics with the work Les Justes. That way we will approach the
consequences of unconditionality of such feelings. Finally, together with Camus, we will argue that
justice must be a conditioning element in this relationship. We will conclude this discussion with a
brief reflection about the possibilities surrounding the transnational identities.

The cardinal role of tragedy in Morgenthau's theory of international politics has hardly gone unnoticed. Indeed there is now a considerable corpus of literature that established the importance of tragedy as a central concept around which Morgenthau's theory revolved. This paper builds upon this already developed framework and employs tragedy not as an analytical category but as a metaphor employed by Morgenthau to approach the nation-state. It is claimed that the idea of tragedy underpinned his notion of the nation-state inasmuch as it did his view of individual human beings. As such the notion of tragedy informed consistently Morgenthau's analyses of national tragedies that were like the self-defeating nationalism of Germany. It also informed his efforts to avert potential national tragedies from materialising as his attempts to influence US foreign policy demonstrated. It is finally claimed, that far from a descent into despair, Morgenthau's realism signified a conscious effort to go beyond the tragedy of the nation-state.

The marriage of computers and telecommunications, the integration of these technologies into a multimedia system of communication that has global reach, and the fact that they are available worldwide at low cost seems to be bringing about a fundamental transformation in the way humans communicate and interact. But however much consensus there may be on the growing importance of information technology today, agreement is far more elusive when it comes to pinning down the impact of this development on security issues.This volume focuses on the role of the state in defending against cyber-threats and in securing the information age. The notion that is most uncritically accepted within the overall information security debate is that state power is eroding due to the effects of information and communication technology and that the state is unable to provide security in the information age. This volume challenges the unidimensionality of this statement. Without denying that new challenges for the state have arisen, authors in this volume argue that too much credence is often given to the spectre of an erosion of sovereignty.Written by scholars in international relations, the manuscript is captivating with the significance and actuality of the issues discussed, and the logical, knowledgeable, and engaged manner of presenting the issues. The essays intrigue and provoke with a number of "fresh" hypotheses, observations, and suggestions and contribute to mapping the diverse layers, actors, approaches, and policies of the cybersecurity realm.

Özet:
Bu çalışmanın amacı, kendi kaderini tayin hakkının evrimsel gelişimini ele almaktır. Çalışma, bu bakımdan, dört ana safha üzerinden temellendirilmiştir: Fransız Devrimi ve Avrupa'da milliyetçiliğin yükselmesi, I. Dünya Savaşı ve Paris Barış Konferansı, BM'in kurulması ve dekolonizasyon sürecinin başlaması, komünist rejimlerin yıkılması ve yeni modellerin ön plana çıkması. Çalışmanın ortaya koyduğu üzere, kendi kaderini tayin hakkı bu yolculukta neredeyse iki asır boyunca ulus-devletle özdeşleştirilmiştir. Ancak küreselleşme, bu özdeşliği bozmaya aday bir gelişme olarak, kendi kaderini tayin hakkının özerklik, çokkültürcülük, daha demokratik yönetimler gibi yollarla da sağlanabileceğini ortaya koymuştur. Çalışma bu evrimsel süreci kabul etmekle birlikte, kendi kaderini tayin hakkı ile ulus-devlet ve milliyetçilik arasındaki güçlü bağın küreselleşmeye rağmen devam ettiğine işaret etmektedir.

Summary:
This study aims to delineate the evolution of the right of self-determination. From this point of view the study is based on four stages: French Revolution and the rise of nationalism in Europe, First World War and Paris Peace Conference, United Nations and the process of decolonization, the end of communist regimes and the emergence of new models. As the study indicates, in this journey the right of self-determination has been equivalent to the nation-state. But globalization, while offering new ways of self-determination such as different autonomy models, multiculturalism, more democratic governments, as a result, has risen as an alternative for that equation. Although the study accepts this evolution of the right of self-determination, it also draws attention to the fact that the strong relationship between the right and nation-state and nationalism has despite globalization continued.

The global number of refugees, asylum-seekers, and those displaced within their countries are at record levels in the post-World War II era. Meanwhile, efforts by relatively wealthy and powerful nation-states to exclude unwanted migrants through enhanced territorial control have reached unprecedented heights, producing great harm—most notably premature death—for many. The factors driving out-migration from homelands made unviable, coupled with multiple forms of violence experienced by migrants, demonstrate the need for an expansion of rights—conceived of as both entitlements and sites of struggle. So, herein, I assert the need for " the right to the world " —specifically a right to mobility and a just share of the earth's resources—to help realize the promise of a dignified life for all. In making the case for such, the article offers a critical analysis of the contemporary human rights regime and of the " right to the city. "