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Metin Heper

  • I consider myself first and foremost as an academic, drawing upon what Francis Bacon in the early seventeenth pointed... moreedit
Research Interests:
... may seem bigoted and fanatical, but one should not think that all those who cover them-selves are bigoted fanatics.”17 Ahsen Unakıtan, wife of ... We ourselves shall not solve the turban issue; however, [sooner or later] the issue... more
... may seem bigoted and fanatical, but one should not think that all those who cover them-selves are bigoted fanatics.”17 Ahsen Unakıtan, wife of ... We ourselves shall not solve the turban issue; however, [sooner or later] the issue will by itself be resolved.”20 Hilmi Çelik, minister of ...
... of opinions about what should be done among the people who were familiar with the needs and interests of groups within the community.26 Although some British thinkers such as ... For the Atatiirkian emphasis on science, see Serif... more
... of opinions about what should be done among the people who were familiar with the needs and interests of groups within the community.26 Although some British thinkers such as ... For the Atatiirkian emphasis on science, see Serif Mardin, 'Religion and Secularism in Turkey ...
... leadership to his own protege, Biilent Ecevit, at the Republican People's Party40 Congress in May 1972—despite having served as leader for thirty-four years: he was the first leader of a major Turkish... more
... leadership to his own protege, Biilent Ecevit, at the Republican People's Party40 Congress in May 1972—despite having served as leader for thirty-four years: he was the first leader of a major Turkish political party to react in this manner.41 Turkish his-torian Sina Ak§in came ...
... eds.), State, Democracy and the Military: Turkey in the 1980s (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1988); Metin Heper and Aylin Güney, “The ... In July 2004 Minister of Justice Cemil Çiçek blocked the insertion of a provision to... more
... eds.), State, Democracy and the Military: Turkey in the 1980s (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1988); Metin Heper and Aylin Güney, “The ... In July 2004 Minister of Justice Cemil Çiçek blocked the insertion of a provision to the Penal Law that would have penalized those ...
... Kenan Evren, the Chief of General Staff in March 1978–July 1983 and the leader of the 1980 junta, once observed: We were afraid that if ... View all notes. In August 2006, General Yaşar Büyükanıt succeeded General Özkök as Chief... more
... Kenan Evren, the Chief of General Staff in March 1978–July 1983 and the leader of the 1980 junta, once observed: We were afraid that if ... View all notes. In August 2006, General Yaşar Büyükanıt succeeded General Özkök as Chief General Staff and stayed in post for two years. ...
... Following Kılınç's suggestion that Turkey should perhaps think of developing close relations with Iran and Russia, Chief of Staff General Hilmi ... General Kenan Evren, who had led the 1980 military intervention as chief of... more
... Following Kılınç's suggestion that Turkey should perhaps think of developing close relations with Iran and Russia, Chief of Staff General Hilmi ... General Kenan Evren, who had led the 1980 military intervention as chief of staff, corroborated what both Özkök and Karadayı had ...
... Recep Tayyip Erdoğan belongs to Turkey's cultural periphery. He was born in Kasımpaşa (1954), a lower middle-class district in Istanbul. ... 86 In his legal opinion, Professor Turhan Tufan Yüce arrived at the same conclusion.... more
... Recep Tayyip Erdoğan belongs to Turkey's cultural periphery. He was born in Kasımpaşa (1954), a lower middle-class district in Istanbul. ... 86 In his legal opinion, Professor Turhan Tufan Yüce arrived at the same conclusion. ...
... The first such party, the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi; MNP), established in January 1969, subscribed to the idea that Islamic order was incompatible with a secular order ... It was at this juncture that the chief of the... more
... The first such party, the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi; MNP), established in January 1969, subscribed to the idea that Islamic order was incompatible with a secular order ... It was at this juncture that the chief of the General Staff, Hilmi Özkök, made an important statement ...
ABSTRACT The article takes issue with two hypotheses often claimed in the literature-that the Ottoman centuries extending from the sixteenth to the nineteenth evince a progressive development from a centralized to a quasi-feudal polity,... more
ABSTRACT The article takes issue with two hypotheses often claimed in the literature-that the Ottoman centuries extending from the sixteenth to the nineteenth evince a progressive development from a centralized to a quasi-feudal polity, and that during the course of the nineteenth century progress had been made toward a constitutional government. It is noted that throughout the period in question, in fact, two types of relationship existed between the center and the periphery: power politics and a degenerated form of patron- client relationship. The change that took place has been no more than a segregative change. Change in the periphery itself was not evolutionary, let alone revolutionary. At times it showed signs of involution; any weakening of the central control led to maximum legal irresponsibility.
Political modernization is a difficult concept to grapple with1. The traditional approach is to view the political systems of industrially developed Western countries as a model of, or sometimes even as a synonym for, a politically... more
Political modernization is a difficult concept to grapple with1. The traditional approach is to view the political systems of industrially developed Western countries as a model of, or sometimes even as a synonym for, a politically developed polity.
IN TERMS OF THE HISTORICAL CATEGORIES FORMULATED BY S. N. Eisentadt, the origins of the Ottoman-Turkish polity were imperial-bureaucratic rather than imperial-feudal or patrimonial. The regime was not patrimonial because the centre had... more
IN TERMS OF THE HISTORICAL CATEGORIES FORMULATED BY S. N. Eisentadt, the origins of the Ottoman-Turkish polity were imperial-bureaucratic rather than imperial-feudal or patrimonial. The regime was not patrimonial because the centre had its own distinctive normative system; the values of the centre were just a pale reflection of those of the periphery. The regime was not imperial-feudal for the centre did not have to face civil societal groups able to challenge it and impinge upon it. The members of the periphery could not develop horizontal loyalties; instead they competed among themselves for a limited number of privileges such as tax-farming rights or quotas for import or export which the centre granted. The Ottoman-Turkish peripheral elements did not develo into an aristocracy or a bourgeoisie with political influence. Consequently, the efforts towards modernization initiated during the nineteenth century took on a particular twist. Modernization meant Westernization, which in tu...
ABSTRACT Until recently, although they did not subscribe to political Islam, religiously‐oriented political parties in Turkey were closed down because their leaders could not prevent some militant members from making statements... more
ABSTRACT Until recently, although they did not subscribe to political Islam, religiously‐oriented political parties in Turkey were closed down because their leaders could not prevent some militant members from making statements provocative to the secular and democratic regime in that country. Turkey has had a cultural‐cum‐civic nationalism; consequently, even Turkey's long‐standing Kurdish problem, which in recent years has been brought under control, did not give rise to ethnic nationalism. Nonetheless, the military, which in the post‐19 60 period has intervened in politics several times, has continued to perceive political Islam and the ethnic question as critical threats for Turkey. Here the generally inept performance of political actors was a major contributory factor. On the eve of the twenty‐first century, however, Turkey has begun to be governed by a stable and effective coalition government that has enabled the Turks to look into the future with greater optimism.
... Democracy Unique to Turkey) (Ankara: Arkadaş, 2004); Erol Manisalı, İslâmcı siyaset ve cumhuriyet (Islamic Politics and the Republic) (Istan-bul: Derin, 2006); and ... and, as a result, (1) the Turkish people, the pious as well as the... more
... Democracy Unique to Turkey) (Ankara: Arkadaş, 2004); Erol Manisalı, İslâmcı siyaset ve cumhuriyet (Islamic Politics and the Republic) (Istan-bul: Derin, 2006); and ... and, as a result, (1) the Turkish people, the pious as well as the nonreligious, have come to have loyalty to the ...
In its conventional Weberian version, “the state” is used to refer to human associations that successfully claim the monopoly of legitimate use of physical force within a given territory. In this conception, the state is presumed to have... more
In its conventional Weberian version, “the state” is used to refer to human associations that successfully claim the monopoly of legitimate use of physical force within a given territory. In this conception, the state is presumed to have final authority, i.e., sovereignty as first formulated by Jean Bodin. As elaborated by David Easton, such a state is a neutral “transformatory structure” that would be “captured” by elected regimes, and used as an instrument for their own specific political purposes.
ABSTRACT Consolidation of a democracy requires the establishment of a balance between the horizontal and vertical dimensions of democracy, that is, between participation and responsible leadership. The balance in question necessitates a... more
ABSTRACT Consolidation of a democracy requires the establishment of a balance between the horizontal and vertical dimensions of democracy, that is, between participation and responsible leadership. The balance in question necessitates a harmonious relationship between the state and civil society. A too strong state as well as a too weak one poses difficulties for a viable democracy to flourish. This article elaborates this view by a comparison of the fortunes of democracy in Turkey and Germany. Both countries have had strong states. In Turkey, however, the state had been stronger than the state in Germany, and, as compared to the Germans, the Turks found it more difficult to consolidate their democracies.
... back to its old ways.18 It should be noted that Evren and his co-intervenors perceived the founding of such a political party as necessary because of their concern that, if the pre-intervention style of ... He thought that this could... more
... back to its old ways.18 It should be noted that Evren and his co-intervenors perceived the founding of such a political party as necessary because of their concern that, if the pre-intervention style of ... He thought that this could be achieved by preventing the military from being ...
... Party]. How will it cope with six million Islamists?"42 Earlier, another Refah deputy from Ankara, Hasan Hiiseyin Ceylan, had stated that if Refah controlled the military academies, Turkey would be a much nicer place to live. He... more
... Party]. How will it cope with six million Islamists?"42 Earlier, another Refah deputy from Ankara, Hasan Hiiseyin Ceylan, had stated that if Refah controlled the military academies, Turkey would be a much nicer place to live. He ...
... Erdogan also attended the Iskenderpasa Seminary of the Sheikh of the Nakshibandi religious order, Mehmet Zahit Kotku. ... Heper for a masterful overview - social scientist, historian, with a taste for the biographer as well: from your... more
... Erdogan also attended the Iskenderpasa Seminary of the Sheikh of the Nakshibandi religious order, Mehmet Zahit Kotku. ... Heper for a masterful overview - social scientist, historian, with a taste for the biographer as well: from your biography of Inönü I can see the biography of ...

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