Interregnum

Pojęcie interregnum w symboliczny sposób oddaje istotę zagadnień podjętych w ramach niniejszej monografii. Jej przedmiot stanowi analiza XX-wiecznych transformacji ustrojowych, które dokonały się w kręgu euroatlantyckiej kultury prawnej. Celem badań było uchwycenie najistotniejszych elementów zmiany ustrojowej ujmowanej możliwie szeroko, a zatem obejmującej przekształcanie się reżimów monarchicznych w ustroje o charakterze republikańskim, procesy liberalizacji lub demokratyzacji reżimów autorytarnych czy wreszcie formowanie się całkowicie nowych bytów państwowych. Opisywane metamorfozy ustrojowe zostały uchwycone in statu nascendi, w perspektywie dynamicznej, w okresie kształtowania się nowych form ustrojowych, a zatem ścierania się starego porządku z nowym.

Monografia ma walor nie tylko informacyjny, przejawiający się w opisie biegu zdarzeń składających się na poszczególne procesy zmiany ustrojowej. Podejmuje także uniwersalne problemy związane z napięciem między legalnością a legitymizacją ustroju w warunkach doniosłej zmiany politycznej lub społecznej.

A transcription of Bodleian Library, Oxford MS Rawlinson A. 61*
I discuss this manuscript in greater detail in chapter 5 of my monograph, Loyalty, Memory and Public Opinion in England, 1658-1727 (Manchester University Press, 2019). This was one of many loyal addresses sent to the new Protector, Richard Cromwell, in the autumn and winter of 1658: a hostile compendium of these texts A True Catalogue (1659) identified 94 texts from English boroughs and counties sent to Cromwell.

Der Tod des letzten großen Staufers, Friedrich II., im Jahre 1250 hinterließ ein über zwei Jahrzehnte andauerndes Machtvakuum, das eine allgemeine Unsicherheit in Hinblick auf die Zentralgewalt des Mittelalters nach sich zog. Das sogenannte „Interregnum“ (ca. 1245/50-1273) läutet dabei einen entscheidenden Entwicklungsprozess der deutschen Geschichte ein: Von den glorreichen, hochmittelalterlichen Zeiten staufischer Kaiserhoheit zur Krise des Spätmittelalters. Eine Aneinanderreihung schwacher, nicht allgemein anerkannter Herrscher sowie sich emanzipierende Fürsten und Städte schwächen das spätmittelalterliche Königtum und Reich gleichermaßen. Letzteres beginnt zu zersplittern und sich in kleine bzw. kleinere Herrschaftsbereiche zu gliedern. „Eine Übergangsphase zum Schlechteren!“ – soweit zumindest die ältere Forschung.

Diese pauschalisierenden Urteile sind zwar derart fragwürdig, dass sich die neuere Forschung um deren Dekonstruktion bemüht. Doch halten sich diese veralteten 'Geschichtsbilder' des Interregnums zumeist bis heute. Dieser Befund ist umso erstaunlicher, da kaum eine andere Herrscherfamilie die Phantasie der Nachwelt in Deutschland und Italien so sehr beschäftigt hat, wie die der Staufer. Während sich um Friedrich II., den letzten großen Staufer, ein Personenkult entwickelte, geriet sein Sohn Konrad IV. beinahe in Vergessenheit (obwohl er 1237 zum römisch-deutschen König gewählt worden war). Konrads Halbbruder Manfred, der die staufische Herrschaft in Sizilien noch bis 1266 weiterführte, ist der breiten Masse schon gänzlich unbekannt. (Und selbst er war nicht „der letzte Staufer“ in Süditalien.)

Im Wintersemester 2017/2018 begannen wir uns am Historischen Seminar der Leibniz Universität Hannover im Rahmen eines Vertiefungsseminars zum Interregnum in diesen spannenden Diskurs einzureihen und aus dem Kontrast zwischen historischen Prozessen und deren Wertung kritische Fragestellungen zum Thema abzuleiten. Mit einer (zugegebenermaßen) etwas provozierenden, titelgebenden Fragestellung wollten wir dem Thema sowie dem (didaktischen) Ansatz der Veranstaltung gleichermaßen Rechnung tragen und fragten: „Who the f**k is Manfred?“.

Ziel der Veranstaltung war es dabei zunächst, die Fähigkeit der Studierenden zu fördern, eigene Forschungsideen im Dialog mit den Lehrenden sowie den Mitstudierenden zu entwickeln. (Was genau ist eigentlich eine Forschungsfrage?) Des Weiteren sollte auf diesen Dialog noch im Semester die schriftliche Umsetzung der Forschungsidee folgen. Anders ausgedrückt: Während schriftliche Studienarbeiten in der Regel im Anschluss an eine Veranstaltung im berühmten „stillen Kämmerlein“ verfasst werden, stellten wir den Prozess ins Zentrum einer Lehrveranstaltung. Zwei Gedanken waren dabei leitend: Erstens bekamen die Studierenden so die Chance, ihre Forschungsideen durch theoretische Anleitung und kritisches Feedback im Seminarkontext tatsächlich zu einer Forschungsfrage auszubauen. Und zweitens entsteht in der Summe das Potential, ein abgestecktes Themenfeld mit verschiedensten Ansätzen nicht nur „neu“ zu be-, sondern auch forschend zu durchleuchten. Zum Credo könnte man Folgendes erheben: Forschen lernen lehrend begleiten.

Diesem Credo entsprechend entwickelte sich im Laufe der Veranstaltung die Idee, nicht nur das Verfassen der Arbeiten dem angesprochenen „stillen Kämmerlein“ zu entziehen, sondern auch die fertigen Forschungsprodukte einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit zugänglich zu machen. Dies soll in Form eines Aufsatzsammelbandes realisiert werden. Einen idealen Partner für dieses Projektvorhaben fanden wir im noch jungen scius-Verlag. Der scius-Verlag wurde 2015 von Jan Niklas Meier, einem ehemaligem Studierenden des Historischen Seminars, in Hannover gegründet und hat sich nicht nur der Publikation von geisteswissenschaftlichen Disziplinen im Allgemeinen sondern auch der Förderung des wissenschaftlichen Nachwuchs im Speziellen verschrieben. Ziel der Publikation wird es unter anderem sein, das (Projekt-)Seminar als Reflektionsebene zur Aus- bzw. Aufarbeitung des zuvor angerissenen (didaktischen) Konzepts zu nutzen. Neben der Veröffentlichung studentischer Beiträge soll der Ansatz „forschen lernen lehrend begleiten“ (am Beispiel der Geschichte des 13. Jahrhunderts) so auch einem größeren Publikum zur Diskussion gestellt werden. Zu Dank sind wir dabei dem CampusCultur e.V. verpflichtet, da wir diesen als großzügigen Förderer für die Buchpublikation gewinnen konnten.

Da das Konzept der Lehrveranstaltung bei erstmaliger Durchführung im Wintersemester 2017/2018 nicht nur großen Anklang bei den Studierenden fand, sondern sich auch im Hinblick auf die studentischen Beiträge als sehr fruchtbar erwies, lag es auf der Hand, Folgeveranstaltungen anzubieten: In Erweiterung des ursprünglich diskutierten Zeitfensters (ca. 1245/50-1273) nahmen wir im Wintersemester 2018/19 zunächst die Staufer im 12./13. Jahrhundert respektive die 'Vorgeschichte' des Interregnums in den Blick. Im kommenden Sommersemester 2019 werden wir uns dann in Gestalt Rudolf von Habsburgs mit dem Ende des Interregnums sowie den großen strukturellen Entwicklungen des endenden 13. Jahrhunderts auseinandersetzen. Insgesamt soll so gewährleistet werden, dass das 'Ursprungsthema' Interregnum in seinem historischen Kontext eingerahmt bzw. durch die Erweiterung des Betrachtungszeitraumes (ca. 1189-1291) umfassend diskutiert wird.

Die Veränderungen des Kapitalismus haben sich aus seinen organischen Krisen und ihrem staatlichen Management ergeben. Aus der Großen Depression entstand der zwischenimperialistische Organisierte Kapitalismus, aus der Weltwirtschaftskrise der Fordismus und aus dessen Großkrise der globalisierte Finanzmarktkapitalismus. Die Frage stellt sich: Ist aus der heutigen Formationskrise bereits ein neuer Kapitalismus entstanden?

L’accessione imperiale “gallo-romana” di Avito, a seguito della catastrofe dovuta alla fine della dinastia teodoside e al sacco vandalo, è presentata, da Sidonio Apollinare (Carm. VII), come un’efficace occasione di ripartenza dell’impero occidentale in una prospettiva utopistica e mitistorica, che si serve con abbondanza dei repertori della storia romana re-pubblicana. Viene così ripresa, incidentalmente, un’interessante e trascurata tradizione di quella stessa storia, con precedenti che andavano dall’assedio gallico fino alle guerre civili e oltre.
Sidonio Apollinare peraltro – nella propria concezione surrogatoria del (di un) “senato” – mostra tuttavia di non conoscere (o di non considerare) l’idea embrionale, che possiamo definire “interregnale”, che probabilmente stava ricavando un proprio spazio nel medesimo periodo, nel dibattito politico del senato di Roma, dapprima come semplice parola d’ordine, per trovare in seguito un’elaborazione attorno a un modello culturale, e per essere disseminata poi in alcuni passi topici della Historia Augusta, appositamente rielaborati, ove si immaginava non troppo cripticamente una dinamica senatoriale autonoma, dialettica e alternativa rispetto alla funzione imperiale.
Con ogni probabilità, fu proprio durante il periodo tra la morte di Aezio, la fine della dina-stia teodoside, l’accessione e la fine di Avito, e il periodo di vacanza che ne seguirà (454-457 d.C.), che potrebbe aver lavorato un vero e proprio laboratorio, nell’ambito di qualche attrezzato atelier senatoriale, ove si sperimentarono comunicazioni funzionali all’idea di un senato libero dall’imperatore, col ricorso a paradigmi propagandistici, anche molto com-plessi, eterogenei e articolati, anche sulla scorta del più spregiudicato uso “repubblicano” dei prodigi nell’ambito della lotta politica.
La stessa figura di Avito diviene così paradigmatica nell’uso e nell’abuso della propaganda demolitoria della figura imperiale, fino ad arrivare alla sua damnatio memoriae.
Le fonti, specie orientali, che raccolsero infine, disordinatamente, questo lavorio, continua-rono a servirsene in ambito “bizantino”, con ambizioni similari, non necessariamente con successo, consentendo hic et nunc, alla ricerca, di tentar di seguire, e tracciare, quello che fu un vivacissimo, complesso e avvincente percorso politico-culturale, dentro una tarda anti-chità (da prolungarsi almeno fino agli albori del VII secolo), troppo spesso etichettata solo come decadenza o puro regno della più bieca autocrazia, e dove invece, all’insegna del tra-dizionalismo, prospettive e dinamiche “repubblicane” mostrarono – a saperle cercare – una vitalità davvero inaspettata.

Wales is commonly divided into ‘more Welsh’ and ‘less Welsh’ places, although very little is known about the ‘least Welsh’ parts of Wales (dubbed ‘British Wales’ in Balsom’s ‘Three Wales Model’). Indeed, some contemporary analyses claim that devolution has made Wales ‘more Welsh’ to the extent that British Wales no longer exists. However, these claims of cultural homogeneity overlook the persistence of regional class divisions in Wales, with the ‘least Welsh’ parts of Wales remaining the most affluent.

This thesis contributes to the understanding of this overlooked region by exploring Welsh identity in the British Wales town of Porthcawl. Using a longitudinal ethnographic approach, I investigate how locals negotiate a Welsh identity and whether class and place influence this process. Yet this is not just a study of local place: my analysis of everyday Welshness is located within a wider Gramscian theoretical framework which conceptualises devolution as a process of passive revolution.

My study finds that locals feel very Welsh, undermining ideas that British Wales is ‘unWelsh’, and that place influences local identification with Welshness. Locals understand Welshness to be hierarchical, and measure their own Welshness against discursively constructed ideals of linguistic Welshness and working class Welshness (the latter being more prominent). Using Bourdieu, I show how locals work to reconcile the clash between their local (middle class) habitus and the national (working class) habitus. Understood as a working class habitus, Welshness has both positive and negative connotations. Locals subsequently move towards and away from Welshness in different contexts. The micro helps illuminate the macro, and everyday life in Porthcawl is punctuated by Welshness, rather than being structured by it. Whilst the molecular changes of devolution are observable in Porthcawl, locals occupy a British cultural world, and the national deixis remains British. These findings are indicative of a post-devolution interregnum.

Un istituto apparentemente "eccentrico" come l'interregnum si rivela, in certi passaggi storici, specie nel tardoantico, imprevedibile spia della rivendicazione di uno spazio politico "repubblicano", magari mitistorizzato: il sostrato della originaria "costituzione" romana sarebbe consistito in un permanente interregnum, dietro le quinte della res publica, pronto a rimediare ai vuoti di potere con l'intervento diretto dei patres. L'istituto aveva mostrato, in extremis, una paradossale duttilità, che poteva farne la matrice di mutazioni istituzionali: quando Cicerone -Rep. 12- parla del senatus che post Romuli excessum avrebbe cercato ut ipse regeret sine rege rem publicam, di governare cioè in prima persona senza un re, indica un'aspirazione ma non esclude una possibilità, e immagina anzi, proprio per l'interregnum, compiti di regolazione del potere. Al ceto senatorio non restò tuttavia, dopo Augusto, che una progressiva rivoluzione passiva, rinunciare a gran parte delle proprie funzioni, accettando la leadership imperiale. Accadde qualcosa nel 275 d.C., dopo la morte di Aureliano: la fonte che rilesse assai più tardi i fatti è il Liber de Caesaribus di Aurelio Vittore (35,9-14; 36,1): da qui il presunto combat de générosité tra esercito e senato, senza che nessuno osasse una scelta, e il "vuoto di potere" fino all'insediamento di Tacito, atque etiam soli quasi Romulo interregni species obvenit, longe vero gloriosior. Sarà però l'audace rielaborazione dello stesso tema interregnale nella vita Taciti (1,1; 14,5) della Historia Augusta, a evidenziare come la miglior condizione auspicabile non potesse più essere il regno d'un imperatore filosenatorio, ma l'assenza tout-court di un imperatore, se non dall'Orbis, per lo meno dall'Urbs. Restaurazione di senato e res publica senatoria sono idee suggestive, lette in filigrana a un "interregno prospettico", aspetti della potenziale ideologia "repubblicana" di una Historia Augusta del VI sec., con la sua esigenza di libertas, che conserverà vitalità, sotto traccia, nella legacy romana a Bisanzio, mentre i termini interrex e interregnum subiranno un'imprevedibile, effimera, involuzione "tirannica".

Die Untersuchung der politischen Hintergründe lässt es durchaus wahrscheinlich erscheinen, dass die Ereignisse im Zusammenhang mit der Wahl des Q. Fabius Maximus zum Diktator in Verbindung gebracht werden können mit der Einrichtung des interregnum. Die Eintragung in den kapitolinischen Fasten is ein Hinweis auf eine Tradition, die anders als die fabiusfreundliche Tradition an politischverfassungsmässige Machenschaften erinnerte.

Welsh devolution has not been adequately theorized. Following the narrow vote for Welsh devolution in 1997, many academics in Wales adopted a nakedly ‘celebratory’, uncritical view of devolution as a radical change to the British state, taking at face value the claim that it was designed to rejuvenate Welsh democracy. The power relations inherent to the transformation of the British state are rarely discussed in Wales. As a consequence, the developments which have occurred in Wales since devolution- political disengagement, the rise of the far right, the vote for Brexit- seem hard to grasp: it is simply presumed that something has ‘gone wrong’ with the application of devolution. This dominant way of thinking assumes that devolution was designed to ‘work’. Using Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution, this article argues that devolution to Wales (and Scotland) was a central plank of New Labour’s transformation of both the Labour Party and the British state. Building on a reading of the postwar British state as a historic bloc, I draw attention to the power relations inherent in Welsh devolution and the ‘top down’ nature of the process, which was led by the Labour party in order to preserve its hegemony in Wales and the UK as a whole. After outlining the political struggles and strategies of transformismo which occurred within the process of passive revolution, where hegemony is temporarily ‘thinned’, I contend that the contemporary Wales represents a period of interregnum, where the old world (the traditional centralized British state) has died, but a new Welsh state cannot be born. As Gramsci predicted, this has led to the emergence of a host of ‘morbid symptoms’ in Wales. I conclude by reflecting on the nature of the interregnum and whether ‘restoration’ or ‘revolution’ is likely to triumph in Wales.

Early modern Poland-Lithuania was particularly important for Holy See’s political and the religious projects in that it was seen to constitute a “bulwark of Christianity” and the West’s cultural external boundary. For this reason, the problems of discontinuity of the royal dignity and free elections became important for the papacy. This article illustrates the role of papal diplomacy in the parliamentary practice of Polish-Lithuanian interregnums from 1572 to 1676, in particular during key moments like the Convocation Sejm, the Election Sejm and the coronation ceremony. Its aim is not only to describe the political activity of apostolic nuncios, but also to focus on their ceremonial role. The topic is also closely connected to the question of papal neutrality and the image of a padre comune, ideas that were constantly evolving during the early modern period. Keywords: Early Modern Poland-Lithuania, Royal Dignity, Papal Diplomacy, Ceremonial Role.

s posthumous reputations go, Oliver Cromwell's has never stood higher. A BBC poll in 2000 placed him among the three greatest Britons of the millennium, beaten only by Shakespeare and Churchill. Admirers abound. And his vast statue, installed in 1899, stands proudly outside Westminster Hall, unchallenged by any demands that Oliver must fall. Yet all this is relatively recent. Within two years of his state funeral in 1658, his corpse had been exhumed and publicly dismembered for his part in the execution of Charles I. For the next two centuries he was the nation's most vilified figure.

Completed in partial consideration of honors in the History Department at Trinity College, this senior thesis focuses on a robust analysis of three "secret histories" written by Puritan polemicist William Prynne in the early 1640s that sought to damage the reputation of William Laud, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Considerable attention is given to the historiography of secret histories, the development of Stuart print culture, the absence of considerable historical discussion around Stuart-era polemics, and the theological differences between Prynne and Laud that led to their publication and form the crux of their false assertions. An analysis of the secret histories themselves follows, seeking to refute some of their assertions with a variety of evidence. Concluding remarks seek to address the lasting impact of Prynne's contentions on our own narrative conception of Laud and the influence of the secret histories in Enlightenment and contemporary understandings, challenging the conception that false narratives lack lasting duration.

Advisors: Associate Professors of History Jennifer Regan-Lefebvre and Jonathan M. Elukin

Program: B.A., History, With Honors, Trinity College

A detailed analysis of two Latin inscriptions from Formia, CIL X 6071 and 6094, probably referring to some kind of collegium fullonum, suggests that the use of interrex is a clumsy translation of the Greek ἀντάρχων.

S'il est vrai que, d'une façon générale, l'organisation des collèges était calquée sur l'organisation de la res publica, l'existence de l'interregnum au niveau d'un (petit) collège est difficilement imaginable. Il est plus logique de penser que le prétendu interrexs de Formies, d'origine grecque comme le
prouve son nom Alexsander, maîtrisait mal le latin, et que le lapicide qui grava un texte bourré de fautes ne lui fut d'aucun secours. Peut-être le terme interrex est-il la traduction maladroite de ἀντάρχων et désigne-t-il une sorte de vice-magister du collège? On peut rapprocher de ce texte le cippe CIL X, 6094, également de Formies. Le niveau modeste, les noms des affranchis, la mention d'un curator aquarum et du dieu Fontanus donnent à penser que les deux inscriptions se réfèrent à un collège de fullones.

This book is about Roger Williams (ca. 1603-83), who was banished from the colony of Massachusetts Bay for advocating freedom of conscience, separation of church and state, Native American rights, and related matters.  He founded the town of Providence in what became Rhode Island on the basis of full liberty of conscience and complete separation of religion and government.  For additional information, see the uploaded PDF and links.

The book is available in paperback and Kindle e-book editions at Amazon websites throughout the world.  The paperback is also available at some other websites and bookstores.

See also my YouTube channel (https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCOlUZaehYk7WmwW8v9oBMzQ) about Roger Williams, including an interview (https://youtu.be/mGRl5lIbdYY) with me about this book.

For Errata and Supplemental Comments, see the separate document uploaded at https://www.academia.edu/13798228/Errata_and_Supplemental_Comments_to_The_First_American_Founder_Roger_Williams_and_Freedom_of_Conscience.

Alan E. Johnson

Abstract
Old Bulgarian Writer Konstantin Kostenechki and the First Slavonic Grammar The knowledge about the mysterious charactered and reformer of creationary Bulgarian writer Konstantin Kostenechki is so limited, we can only estimate this knowledge with assumptions by examining his original compositions named “Annotated Narration About Letters” and “The Agiography of Stefan Lazarevich”. Today, we almost know that, Kostenechki was born in Kostenets between the years 1373–1378, after he educated at Bachkovo Monastery, he escaped to Serbia in early 15th century and to took shelter in despot Stefan Lazarevich, and then he was sent to Serbian patriarch for education and to Jerusalem for sightseeing, he was a teacher, writer and translator during his life and he disappeared after 1431. Kostenechki hadn’t got a spiritual fame, but he was one of the educated, well informed and selected creatives in his age. He has lived in late 14th and early 15th century, which was a historical surging period for Balkan Peninsula or the South-Eastern Europe, he was a witness of some universal historical events such as Ottoman Turks’emplacement to Balkans, Pitched Battle of Kosovo, Ankara Battle, Timur, The Ottoman Interregnum, Jan Hus reform, and he tried to image them in his composition “The Agiography of Stefan Lazarevich”. By his other original work “Annotated Narration About Letters”, Kostenechki hasn’t tried to set an orthographic guide or a practical language ordinance, he aimed to point and criticize the absences and failures of Serbian orthography at that age. Definitely, the historical and literary importance of this modernist composition comes from Kostenechki’s life and his grammatical knowledge at that age, and also it has got unique informations about the Serbian social life of Stefan Lazarevich’s period and the cultural interests of intellectuals.

Özet
Gizemli kişilikli ve yaratısal açıdan yenilikçi Bulgar yazarı Konstantin Kosteneçki’nin yaşamıyla ilgili bilgiler son derece kısıtlı olup, bunlara “Harfler Hakkında Açıklamalı Anlatı” ve “Stefan Lazareviç’in Yaşamöyküsü” başlıklı özgün yapıtlarından, çoğu kez varsayımlar üzerinden hareket ederek ulaşırız. Bugün neredeyse kesin olarak Kosteneçki’nin 1373–1378 yılları arasında Kostenets’te dünyaya geldiği, Baçkovo Manastırı’nda eğitim gördükten sonra 15. yüzyıl başlarında Sırbistan’a kaçarak Despot Stefan Lazareviç’e sığındığı, buradan Sırp patriğinin yanına eğitime ve daha sonra Kudüs’e geziye gönderildiği, yaşamının büyük bir kısmında öğretmenlik, yazarlık ve çevirmenlik etkinliklerinde bulunduğu ve 1431’den sonra izlerinin yittiği bilinir. Ruhanî bir sanı olmayan Kosteneçki, çağının eğitimli, çok bilgili ve örneklerine ender rastladığımız dünyevi yaratıcıları arasında yer alır. Balkan Yarımadası veya Avrupa Güneydoğusunun tarihsel açıdan çok çalkantılı bir dönemi sayılan 14. yüzyıl sonu ve 15. yüzyıl başında yaşamış olup Osmanlı Türklerinin Balkanlara yerleşmesi, Kosova Meydan Savaşı, Ankara Savaşı, Timur, Fetret Devri, Jan Hus hareketi gibi dünya tarihinde izler bırakan önemli olaylara tanıklık etmiş ve bunları “Stefan Lazareviç’in Yaşamöyküsü” başlıklı yapıtında yansıtmaya çalışmıştır. “Harfler Hakkında Açıklamalı Anlatı” başlıklı diğer özgün yapıtıyla, Kosteneçki, pratik dil yönetmeliği veya yazım kılavuzu hazırlamayı değil, o çağdaki Sırp yazımının eksiklikleri ve yetersizliklerini öne çıkarmayı ve eleştiriye tutmayı amaçlamıştır. Kuşkusuz, bu yenilikçi yapıtın tarihsel ve yazınsal açıdan büyük değeri, Kosteneçki’nin yaşamı ve o çağdaki gramer bilgileri, ayrıca Stefan Lazareviç dönemi Sırp toplumsal yaşamı ve aydınların kültürel ilgileri hakkında eşsiz bilgiler içermesinde yatar.

Southern History is a peer reviewed academic year book published by the Southern History Society covering the historic counties of Cornwall, Devon, Somerset, Gloucester, Wiltshire, Dorset, Hampshire, Oxford, Buckingham, Berkshire, Surrey, Sussex and Kent. It contains articles and reviews.
Some of the articles in this issue were initially delivered as papers at the Southern History Society's 'Anglicanism and Dissent in Southern England, c. 1662-1829' conference on 13 April 2013. As several other contributions were received relating to similar themes, it was decided to restrict this volume to articles on urban politics and religion in the late seventeenth- and early eighteenth centuries.

Prospective authors are requested to email the editor (aspicer@brookes.ac.uk) for copies of Notes for Contributors. Outlines of proposed submissions are welcome and articles should be submitted in electronic form.

The Gallo-Roman imperial accession of Avitus, following the Vandal plunder, is presented by Sidonius Apollinaris (Carm. 7) as an effective opportunity for the revival of the Western empire in a utopian and mythical-historical perspective, which uses rep-ertoires  of  Roman  Republican  Histor y.  An  neglected  tradition  of  that  same  histor y  is  thus revived, incidentally, with precedents ranging from the Gallic siege to civil wars and beyond. In this context, some senatorial ateliers where communications functional to the idea of a senate “free from the emperor” were experimented, could have made use of a certain “republican” modality of the use of prodigies in the most unscrupulous way, with recourse to even ver y complex propaganda paradigms

Early Quakerism is replete with stories of the Valiant 60 who achieved rapid success in establishing the Quaker faith in the 1650s. Unfortunately the crucial missionary role of ordinary Quaker men and women in the establishment and consolidation of early Quakerism has not received the same recognition. Their missionary activity, and support to new members and the fledgling congregations, enlarged and undergirded the gains of the Valiant 60. These ‘everyday Valiants’ accepted the challenge given by George Fox to “All Friends and Brethren everywhere ... [to] be bold and valiant for the Truth.”  The Valiant 60 laid the groundwork; local members secured their efforts.

The last years of the reign of John Casimir, including the rokosz of Jerzy Lubomirski, the abdication of Vasa and the interregnum of 1668–1669, still arouses great interest among Polish and foreign historians. The internal situation of the Polish-Lithuanian state interested foreign courts, also this one in London. English envoys staying in Gdańsk, Francis Sanderson and Robert Yard meticulously informed about current events in the Commonwealth. Sanderson and Yard correspondence is an interesting source of information about internal events in Poland in the last years of the reign of John Casimir. It should be stated that most of the messages contained in accounts were accurate, sometimes minor mistakes may be encountered. Some of Sanderson’s comments and opinions, although appearing relatively rarely, confirm that English diplomats are well-versed in the intricacies of Polish politics, and on the other hand, prove that he has reliable sources of information and competent collaborators. In some reports, we can find detailed descriptions of some events and political moods in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which certainly proves their usefulness in historical research.

Die Karte zeigt die Reisewege Rudolfs I. von Habsburg in den Jahren 1276 bis 1281.
Nach seinem Sieg gegen König Ottokar II. von Böhmen 1278 zieht Rudolf in Ottokars Hoheitsgebiete. Hier schmiedet er Bündnisse, um seine Herrschaft abzusichern.

1279 folgt eine Fahrt Rudolfs durch das Herzogtum Österreich, um sich der Loyalität des hiesigen Adels zu versichern. Während das Jahr 1280 von Immobilität geprägt ist, reist Rudolf 1281 nach fast fünfjährigem Aufenthalt aus Wien ab. Fortan wendet er sich anderen Reichsagenden zu und wird das Land an der Donau nicht wiedersehen.

This volume contains the following works authored by Roger Williams:  Christenings make not Christians (1645 or 1646), Experiments of Spiritual Life & Health (1652), The Fourth Paper, Presented by Major Butler (1652), The Hireling Ministry None of Christs (1652), and The Examiner defended (1652).

Mit den Narrationen vom glorreichen Friedrich-Mythos und der angeblichen Interregnum-Katastrophe (ca. 1245/50-1273), liegen zahlreiche Geschichtsbilder vor, die irritieren und somit interessieren. Daraus folgt für das zur Diskussion gestellte Vorhaben dreierlei: Erstens, dass sich das Thema zur Identifikation und De-Konstruktion historischer Fragestellung anbietet. Zweitens, dass das Thema einer Re-Konstruktion bedarf. Und drittens, dass die mit der sogenannten Alterität des Mittelalters einhergehende Komplexität des Themas 'Forschendes Lernen' par excellence anbietet.

Das Wortpaar – ja gar (hochschul-)didaktische Konzept? – des Forschenden Lernens wird derzeit viel diskutiert. So bewusst dies auch hier geschieht, so bewusst wird kein großer Wert darauf gelegt, auf welchen Namen das Kind hört. Denn nachfolgend geht es nicht darum, das Seminarkonzept hinter »Who the f**k is Manfred?« nachträglich didaktisch aufzuladen, es geht darum, das in drei Semestern in der universitären Lehre Praktizierte zur Diskussion zu stellen. Mit etwas sprachlicher Distanz zum aktuellen (hochschul-)didaktischen Diskurs, für den sich im vorliegenden Band wohl bestenfalls ein Praxisbeispiel findet, erheben wir somit folgendes zum Credo: Forschen lernen lehrend begleiten.

Zugegebenermaßen ist dieses Credo nicht so griffig, wie das vieldiskutierte Konzept, doch stellt es den Studierenden, die forschen lernen wollen, die Dozierenden, die sie lehrend begleiten, deutlicher an die Seite, als wenn ausschließlich vom Forschenden Lernen die Rede wäre. Während die Rolle des Mediävisten dabei für einen kurzen Moment in den Hintergrund und die des Lehrenden in den Vordergrund tritt, wird nachfolgend nebst der schon erbrachten Einführung ins Thema nun auch eine ins Seminarkonzept formuliert. [...]

The rhetorical metaphor of the body politic was vigorously contested during the English Civil Wars, Interregnum, and early Restoration period because of fissures in the state, most notably in the execution of the king and abolition of the monarchy.  As the state became fragmented and truncated, the image body politic in political writing likewise changed, with synecdochic representations of the national body often replacing images of a complete and coherent body politic.

Bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers, 4th largest investment bank in the USA and collapse of a financial sector initiated the biggest economic crises since the Great Depression. Global recession sparked an ongoing public debate about whether we are dealing with just an ordinary slump or serious systemic crises. This article explores two crucial changes looming on the horizon of post-crisis world: the death of neo-liberal doctrine and “rising tide” of  women.

The Euronews Project and Stefano Villani, Professor of Early Modern European History at the University of Maryland, are working on publishing the images and the transcriptions of the handwritten newsletters sent by Amerigo Salvetti, a Tuscan informer and diplomat based in London, to the Grand Duke of Tuscany between 1649 and 1660.

«Commonweal» and «commonwealth» were synonymous in the early modern period, yet I shall maintain throughout a distinction between «commonwealth» as the polity, or the constitution of a republic, or a republican regime, on the one hand, and «commonweal» on the other, that I shall understand as the web or network of relations, duties, privileges, customs, institutions and practices binding together the people who got English society working.
Harrington wrote his works after Hobbes’s political philosophy had been formulated, published and much discussed. Harrington’s philosophy does what Hegel would have called an «Aufhebung»: he overtakes, he goes beyond, and yet he includes the past contents and ideas of commonwealth and commonweal within his blueprint of a new polity for England, Oceana. On the other hand, Hobbes, both in his rhetorical posture and in his metaphysical undertaking, operates a breach with past theories and concepts, though he does so on a much smaller scale than he pretends, as much historical and philosophical work has shown over the past three decades or so.
In the political mentalities of 17th-century England, the growing dissociation between the social and the political institutions rendered the loose and contradictory common-law ideology counter-productive, not least because its mythology could be read in too many ways, and did not resist the test of historical inquiry. Likewise, the attachment to grass-roots organisation embodied in the commonweal provided ambiguous comfort: it had maintained social links during the years of disruption of the English Revolution, but in other ways it had been shattered by it, since the civil war broke up traditional loyalties. It had created a sense of civic responsibility in the village communities over centuries, but the national awareness of an irreconcilable clash on the nature, location and extent of sovereignty left it without much relevance.