Ellipsis

Epics have their own narrative styles and there are many expressions
which consist of formulaic structures in them. From these expressions, elliptical words and epithets have been examined in terms of linguistics in this study. Elipsis are formed by deleting a part of a word, phrase or sentence and the remaining elements of the expression stand for the whole meaning of the structure. Examples of ellipsis given in this study belong to syntactic level. Elliptical words may lexicalize over time, depending on their use frequencies. Epithets are formulaic words that describe the heros or various creatures and objects in folkloric texts. Epithets are seen in Turkic epics widely and they are characteristic stylistic features of Tuvan epics as well. These formulaic expressions spesific to oral tradition may also lexicalize by formulization. Some epithets and elliptical structures in the epics analysed in this study are also found in the literary texts and thus, these words have a place in Tuvan dictioanries too. In this context, it is seen that these elements which arise from the vocabulary of epics are transferred to literary language too. Accordingly, our analysis is done comparatively between oral literature and literary language.
Keywords: Tuvan language, Tuvan epics, ellipsis, epithet, vocabulary,
lexicalization.

Current theories assume that all ellipsis phenomena can be licensed by a feature occupying a preceding functional head (Lobeck 1995, Merchant 1999, 2004). In this paper, however, I show that feature-based treatments cannot account for licensing of verb phrase and noun phrase ellipsis (predicate ellipsis) in American English and African American English (AAE) through evidence that these functional heads must be phonologically overt. AAE is particularly important to establish this generalization due to the fact that production of auxiliary be and the possessive ’s morpheme is typically optional preceding a full predicate, yet experimental evidence from this paper confirms that this optionality disappears in elliptical contexts. The analysis proposed here entails that predicate ellipsis, inwhich overtness is required, and clausal ellipsis,wherein the head said to license ellipsis is necessarily silent, are subject to different licensing conditions.

While matrix clauses pronouns are almost never dropped in matrix clauses in Russian, silent pronouns are licensed in almost all kinds of embedded clauses. Null pronouns in such positions share similarities with PRO, but they also differ from PRO in many respects. In this paper, I show that there are two kinds of environments in which such pronouns can appear. The first kind of environment includes complements of attitude verbs, where there is strong evidence for a syntactic relation between the null pronoun and its antecedent. In the second kind of environment, which includes sentential adjuncts and embedded wh-questions, the nature of this relation seems to be different. I propose that Russian possesses a minimally specified silent pronoun which is phonologically deficient and must cliticize onto a higher projection and thus can only be found in the presence of an overt complementizer. I adopt the proposed in Holmberg (2005) that a major feature of pro-drop phenomena is the valuation of the D feature of the null pronoun. I propose that in Russian the null pronoun is unable to value this feature inside the clause where it is merged and therefore needs to probe outside the clause to get the D feature valued. The difference between properties of silent pronouns in the two kinds of environments is derived from the exact mechanism by which the valuation takes place. In the case of complements of attitude verbs, the valuation takes place as a result of an agree relation, in other cases the valuation takes place via a topic-chain.

Previous work on Inuit has analyzed the morpheme pi as a ‘dummy root’ or ‘empty stem’; a morphological or phonological filler which satisfies a language-specific requirement that words contain lexical roots. We argue instead that pi is a pro-form similar to English ‘do so’ and ‘one’. As evidence for this analysis we examine the use of pi to avoid repeating constituents, its ability to replace VP-sized constituents, the need for discourse markers in some constructions containing pi, similarities with ‘stem ellipsis’ in Arctic Quebec Inuktitut, and pi’s behaviour in noun-incorporation.

Every language uses elliptical structures, but how frequently nominal, verbal and clasual ellipsis occur in Hindi and English language, is the focus of this study. This paper is an effort to analyze ellipsis in two short stories: a work in Hindi language (a short story by Munshi Premchand), and a work in English language (a short story by Ernest Hemingway). The comparison is supported by the statistical analysis. The goal of this paper is to illustrate the diversity and complexity of ellipsis in two writers' works through language. The paper follows the theoretical functional grammar approach of Halliday and Hasan.

This paper deals with the story of the shortening of circle and how and when artists and scientists became aware of the possibility to represent it as an ellipse.
Some cases are described just to give an idea of how we can fail in detecting the form a curve, the ellipse in particular, when we are facing with an elongated circular form.
Euclid, the shape of the amphitheaters, the rings in the Ptolemaic description of an armillary sphere, the section of the Dome of Santa Maria del Fiore in Florence by Brunelleschi, the aureolas in Piero della Francesca's frescos, the graphical (wrong) description of an ellipse by Dürer, and the ellipse in the cosmographical vision of Kepler are chosen as examples of my epistemological point of view.
The circle has been perceived and represented in linguistic form - as the shortening of the circle in function of the position of the eye - as well as in the graphic form as a mechanical drawing.

This paper presents an analysis of sentences featuring superficial coordinations of unlike categories in English, such as John is a Republican and proud of it (NP and AP) and Pat is stupid and a liar (AP and NP). We argue that, despite the fact that examples like these have been grouped in the literature on coordination of unlikes, there are significant syntactic differences that justify distinguishing between them representationally and derivationally. We propose two categories of coordination of unlikes: anaphoric and intersective coordinations. In particular, we will focus on how to formulate a structural description that gets the right reference for it in a Republican and proud of it, a point unexplored in many current proposals.

اكتفت الدراسات القديمة بدراسة الجملة اللغوية دون النص، حيث أن محاولة دراسة ما فوق الجملة والخروج على نطاقها كانت تعد دراسة غير لغوية. إلى حين ظهور علم لسانيات النص الذي يمثل مركز اهتمام كثير من العلوم اللغوية الحديثة حيث حاول تطويق النص من جميع الجوانب ونظر إليه كوحدة عليا للكلام وصورة نهائية للتواصل.
شكل هذا الانزياح من الجملة إلى النص بداية الاهتمام بالعديد من المسائل المهمة في علم لسانيات النص والتي اهتم بها اللسانيون وأسهبوا فيها وفتحوا زوايا جديدة لإعادة النظر في التراث اللساني العربي القديم. لذا حاول الكثيرون على ضوء لسانيات النص الحديثة مُساءلة الخطاب الشعري في كيفية اتساقه وانسجامه، هذان المفهومان اللذان شغلا مكانا مهما عند اللسانيين الحديثين واهتموا بدراستهما رغم اختلافهم في تقسيماتهما.
من هذا المنطلق وفي إطار البحث عن مظاهر التناص في العمل الإبداعي، ارتأيت أن أساهم في الكشف عن مفهومي الاتساق والانسجام وتجلياتهما في الشعر العربي الحر، واخترت مقطعا من قصيدة "خطبة الهندي الأحمرـ ما قبل الأخيرة ـ أمام الرجل الأبيض" للشاعر الفلسطينيي، شاعر القضية الفلسطينية، محمود درويش، وقد حاولت الوقوف على مظاهرهما وإحصاء الروابط عبر المقطع التي ساهمت في نصية أبياته الشعرية وتماسكها على جميع المستويات، النحوية اللغوية، التركيبية، الدلالية الفكرية المنطقية، والتداولية.
وقد قسمت هذا البحث إلى قسمين: الشق النظري استعرضت فيه مختلف أقوال اللسانيين في مفاهيم النص واللانص، معايير النصية، الاتساق، ثم الانسجام؛ ثم الشق التطبيقي حيث استخرجت عناصر الاتساق والانسجام حسب تقسيم وتصنيف هاليداي ورقية حسن لمختلف أدواتهما وآلياتهما التي تسهم بشكل أساسي وكبير في تماسك النص وتجعله كتلة واحدة.

This paper surveys the distribution of formal and semantic agreement in German, using three types of trigger nouns (gender mismatch nouns, pluralia tantum nouns, and polite pronouns) in four syntactic contexts (attributive, predicate/T, pronouns, and nominal ellipsis). The distribution of agreement is shown to be dependent on the properties of the controller and the target, as well as the type of agreement dependency. The paper provides new evidence for the existence of two types of nominal ellipsis, and establishes a context in which predicative agreement can be tested in German. The findings lead to a refined Agreement Hierarchy, and a dual feature system is proposed which derives the basic tendencies of the Agreement Hierarchy and leaves room for language-specific deviations.

"When we focus on the notion of interval throughout History, mention should be made of the Japanese concept of Ma. This term refers to the interval, the interstice but also space and boundaries. It may also describe minor changes as well as radical transformations. In Occident, the Atomistic Philosophy maintains that nature is only composed of atoms and void. This Atomist void isn’t considered space or container but an interval that creates a discontinuity between bodies and permits movement thanks to their contiguity or contact.
In cinema, interval is what separates two photograms or two shots. Vertov defines it as the passage from a shot to another, creating spatio-temporal transformations. Vertov’s interval is not determined to create or maintain the illusion of continuity. On the contrary, it is the productive gap that organizes the shift between shots. For Deleuze, « you can bring two instants or two positions together to infinity ; but movement will always occur in the interval between the two 1». Norman McLaren also explains that « animation is therefore the art of manipulating the invisible interstices that lie between frames 2». Thus, intervals between shots cause changes and internal transformations which participate in the harmonization of the film.
In order to understand and specify the characteristics of the interval in cinema, we propose to start by analyzing the various concepts of the interval in philosophy. Then, we will compare the differences and analogies of their philosophical meanings to the cinematic ones. This way, we seek to extend and deepen knowledge of the cinematic interval."

This thesis sheds new light on an old puzzle in linguistics: the intriguing phenomenon of sentence amalgamation, where two clauses are intertwined and seem to revolve around a pivot constituent, the ‘content kernel’. The clauses involved, the matrix and the ‘interrupting’ clause, are root clauses, which are syntactically opaque to each other. The content kernel itself, however, is mysterious in this regard: it appears to be accessible for the matrix as well as the interrupting clause, and the position of the interrupting clause in the matrix seems to depend on the category of the content kernel. I argue that the content kernel is in fact the remnant of sluicing, and A’-moves out of an ellipsis site in the interrupting clause. The apparent transparency of the content kernel then follows directly from reconstruction. This idea also accounts for a number of other well-attested properties of sluicing that resonate in amalgams: case matching, cross-linguistic variation related to preposition stranding and island-insensitivity. A detailed study of the interpretation of amalgams reveals that interrupting clauses can only express speaker-oriented content, which concerns precisely the missing matrix constituent. This is evidence for an analysis in terms of anchored parenthesis. Putting this together with the sluicing approach, the correspondence between the content kernel and its position in the matrix is ultimately derived via a general licensing condition for sluicing.

The present paper falls within a question that is wider than that of the simple behaviour of ellipsis in some specific verb(s). That general frame refers to the particular behaviour of the verb sum, especially applied to its copulative-attributive use. As is known, traditional grammar has tended to diminish its semantic content; in more recent approaches and from different perspectives the ‘Copula support’ Theory has been gaining ground. Depending on the language of reference, and according to this theory, the copula can be considered even something less than a mere carrier of the categories of person, mood, time or aspect. From this point of view the verb ‘be’ would behave in a different way from other verbs, even in the way of organizing its valencies: in a sentence as such Alexander erat rex Macedonnum, we would have to consider erat rex Macedonum as a syntactic unit in accordance with its equivalence to expressions like regnat.
In a different study  I tried to analyze this approach from a positive point of view: different ‘predicational’ types of sum were proposed according to its qualitative and quantitative valency and semantic notion. The gradation of the semantic content that the verb sum is able to express was shown so that we can appreciate a fluctuation between the more or less scarce value the verb sum has in some constructions and the full value that it has in existential ones.
In the present paper, the analysis of the resource to ellipsis is taken as a tool to provide a particular support for the previous proposal. Leaving aside a detailed examination of the phenomenon of ellipsis, this concept will be handled here in a wide sense to refer to one constituent of the sentence structure more or less recoverable from the extra- or intralinguistic context, including those cases in which ambiguity is possible or even sought by the author with different purposes. From this approach it is inferred that we accept the existence of a gradation in the recoverability of the elliptical element. In this sense, we count on the distinction between the ‘pure nominal sentence’ and the ‘sentence without verb’; this analysis is about the second type.
Traditional grammar and also more recent studies reckon that the copulative-atributive verb is that in which ellipsis occurs chiefly or even in a unique way, due to its scarce or void semantic content; as things are, it is of interest to study up to what point the omission is predictable and the conditions under which this omission takes place.
Essentially the present study is intended to show the following: (i) if and up to what point the ellipsis of the verb is a distinctive feature of sum and other verbs that can own an attributive use in a qualitative sense, but it could affect other verbs with a full semantic content; (ii) are there cases in which the observed ambiguity cannot be solved in a sure and univocal way?
The object of this study has added difficulties if we bear in mind that the copula is present in some languages and absent in others —at least in the 3rd person— and that the fact under study is precisely a lexical absence, with all the problems that this implies.
The basic corpus of study will be, on the one hand, the comedy of Plautus and Terence, and on the other hand, the letters of Cicero, although we will make concrete references to other literary genres, authors and languages. The chosen option counts on particular advantages, such as the abundance of ellipsis in texts where dialogue and monologue, narration and description, speakers with different language registers, etc., co-exist.
As for the methodology, we start from specific texts in which we can appreciate a more or less clear verb ellipsis and so —if convenient or necessary— to be able to restore the hypothetically omitted form through several criteria. Afterwards, in some cases we will test if the ellipsis of verba dicendi, faciendi or movendi, among others, occurs in structures similar to those which are frequently more attested for the ellision of sum forms.
This analysis allows us to affirm that: (i) the ellipsis of finite forms of sum or other verbs with similar uses (monstror, appareo, exsto, etc.) can be abundant in some structures —especially the copulative-attributive ones— but not always the most frequent (cf. Tables 2 and 3).; (ii) verb ellipsis occurs with verbs having a full semantic content in concrete constructions (structures of question-answer, constructions with adjectives or adverbs, formulaic expressions or cases of change of discourse topic; (iii) the ambiguity provided by ellipsis occurs in a gradual way, so that the restitution of the omitted word is not always possible in a unique and sure way.
In short, these facts seem to imply that we can observe in the copulative verb “par excellence” a similar behaviour to that of other verbs which do not share that copulative nature, at least to the same degree. Consequently, and in one of the uses of sum, the full verbal nature of this verb cannot be denied; a nature similar to that of other verbs such as the factive ones.

From a linguistic point of view, there is a strange notion that is current among Hebraists and biblicists, namely, that ellipsis in biblical poetry operates without restrictions. Anything, it is assumed, can be deleted anywhere so long as it is possible to make sense out of the verse. As a result, ellipsis is sometimes used as a wild card for reading a bicolon with textual or lexical difficulties, with the interpreter understanding a word or even an affix from one line as performing "double-duty" in an adjacent line. 2 Underlying this assumption is the correct observation that the syntax of biblical poetry differs from that of biblical prose (see Sappan 1981). But the otherness of biblical poetry is often incorrectly understood to imply that no syntactic constraints operate in biblical poetry at all. In specifying the constraints on ellipsis in modern languages, linguists are interested in determining the nature of the formal representations by which "speakers of a language are able to systematically generate appropriate meanings" for elided structures with incomplete constituents (Lappin 1996: 145). But examining ellipsis in an ancient language requires that we understand how ellipsis operates in two additional, and more preliminary, respects. First, we must be able to recognize that ellipsis has occurred and that the surface syntax is indeed fragmented. 3 This task is not always straightforward. For example, because verbless predications are fully grammatical in Hebrew, we must consider whether ellipsis of the verb has occurred or whether the sentence is simply a structurally complete verbless clause (e.g., Psalm 49:4 and Proverbs 13:1; see Miller 2003). Second, we must be able to interpret the fragmented structure correctly; that is, we must know what structure to assign to the sentence fragments and what should be restored in the ellipsis site. In this paper, I provide an overview of some of the conditions governing ellipsis in biblical Hebrew. 4 I am particularly interested in exploring four problems relating to ellipsis of the verb: (1) the semantic relations between non-deleted constituents and the constituents that correspond to them in the antecedent clause; (2) content identity between the deleted verb and its antecedent; (3) context identity between coordinated conjuncts; and (4) locality conditions on the antecedent conjunct. 5 In applying linguistic theory and method to ancient Hebrew, I hope to follow in the steps of my teacher who brought linguistics to bear on other ancient Near Eastern languages in insightful ways.

This paper argues that the meaning of a clausal ellipsis site can only be recovered from a syntactically derived question, regardless of whether this question is explicitly uttered or is merely pragmatically inferred. This entails that the meaning of a clausal ellipsis site cannot be recovered from an inferred question q in a language L if q is syntactically ill-formed in L. I demonstrate that this restriction on recoverability can account for Merchant’s (2001; 2004) Preposition-Stranding Generalisation and for the observation that fragments appear to be sensitive to syntactic islands (Merchant 2004; Abels 2011; Barros et al. 2014; 2015) without any mention of whether remnants of clausal ellipsis themselves undergo movement. Because there is no need to stipulate that remnants themselves undergo (often exceptional) movement under this approach, a theory of clausal ellipsis modeled on Cable’s (2010) Q-based analysis of wh-questions is developed that permits non-pronunciation ‘around’ designated phrases. This approach is shown to be preferred on many occasions to the predominant movement-based analysis (Merchant 2004), which is too restrictive and must frequently resort to the notion of ellipsis repair.

This paper provides an overview of the phenomenon of heritage language and offers evidence in support of representational differences between (baseline) native grammars and heritage grammars, arguing that such differences that cannot be reduced entirely to the effects of processing constraints or memory limitations. Data from heritage Spanish number/gender agreement and from Russian ellipsis indicate that baseline native grammars and heritage grammars may have a fundamentally different organization of certain categories.

Abstract:  Spanish  and Portuguese  are  pro-drop languages.  However,  the differences  between  some  varieties  of  Portuguese  have  led researchers  to  consider  Brazilian Portuguese  as  partial  pro-drop  language. This paper explores the pro-drop phenomenon in Brazilian Portuguese and compares it  to  Iberian Spanish using comparable corpora. Our results discuss the differences found between these two languages with a special focus on the syntactic possibilities of subject realization.
Keywords: pro-drop; comparable corpora; explicit subject; null subject; impersonal construction; reflex  passive.

In this dissertation, adopting Rizzi’s (1997) Split-CP hypothesis, I provide a unified account for various elliptical structures in Persian on the basis of the interaction between information structure and ellipsis licensing feature bundles. I argue that ellipsis is constrained by information structure, in particular topic and focus. Only the elements that carry contrastive topic or contrastive focus features can survive ellipsis while the other elements are elided under identity with their corresponding elements in the antecedent clause. I discuss Merchant’s (2001) theory of ellipsis, in which the elements that survive ellipsis have a focus feature, and show that his approach cannot account for the Persian data. I argue that it is contrast that saves elements from being elided. To account for elliptical constructions in Persian, I propose the Contrast Condition on Ellipsis, which has three conditions: i) Ellipsis Condition: ellipsis is possible only in contexts in which an element in a sentence involving ellipsis contrasts with its corresponding element in the antecedent clause, ii) Identity Condition on the Remnant: the element that survives ellipsis must be in a contrastive relationship with its correlate and they must have identical information structure, and iii) Identity Condition on the Elided Elements: an element can be elided only if it is identical to its corresponding element in the antecedent clause. Regarding licensing ellipsis, I propose that ellipsis in Persian is licensed by the heads that have a focus feature, i.e. Foc(us) head, Pol(arity) head and Int(errogative) head. The proposed licensing heads are the result of the restrictions on the feature bundles that are possible in Persian. The [E] feature (Merchant 2001), which licenses the deletion of its complement at the PF level, can bundle with i) a strong uninterpretable contrastive focus [ConF] feature, [E, uConF*], ii) a strong uninterpretable [wh] feature, [E, uwh*], and iii) an uninterpretable [Pol] feature, [E, uPol].The [uConF*] and [uwh*] features trigger the movement of the elements with interpretable [wh] and [ConF] features out of the phrase that is specified for deletion. On the other hand, the [uPol] feature is satisfied by having a polarity marker in the Spec of PolP. The polarity marker can be affirmative or negative, depending on the polarity of the preceding clause. Based on the proposed theory, I study various elliptical structures in Persian. In chapters 2 and 3, I provide an in depth analysis of Verb-stranding and Stripping constructions with negation, respectively. In chapter 4, I provide an overview of Why-stripping, What-stripping, Cherā-stripping, Gapping, Sluicing, Fragment Answers, and Noun Phrase Ellipsis.

This monograph investigates A’-dependencies in Standard German, Alemannic and Dutch where the dislocated constituent is indirectly, i.e. not transformationally, related to the position where it is interpreted.

The first part of the book addresses headed relative clauses cross-linguistically, but with a focus on reconstruction effects in German. I argue in favor of the Matching Analysis of relative clauses and against the more prominent Raising Analysis by showing (a) that the Matching Analysis is unaffected by the many fundamental technical problems the Raising Analysis is confronted with and (b) that the Matching Analysis provides a better and more comprehensive account of reconstruction effects.

Part two provides an overview of the syntax of resumption and argues that island-insensitive resumption is best accounted for in terms of base-generation.

Part three shows that an important part of the relativization system in German and Dutch, long relativization, involves a hitherto ignored construction termed resumptive prolepsis. This construction is characterized by base-generation of the operator in the matrix middle-field and a resumptive pronoun in the position of the variable. It is shown that it involves short A’-movement in the matrix clause, empty operator movement in the complement clause and an ellipsis operation that links the two operators.

Part four discusses in relativization in Swiss German. The first aspect is teh distribution of gaps and resumptives in local relativization, which is shown to have important theoretical implications. I argue that the distribution can best be accounted for if local relativization involves Case-attraction. The second aspect is long relativizaiton, which is shown to involve a more abstract version of resumptive prolepsis.

Through a detailed examination of reconstruction effects and the properties of resumption in these constructions, the book provides new evidence for the role of ellipsis in A’-movement and for a base-generation analysis of resumption. More generally, it makes an important contribution to the modeling of long-distance dependencies and the study of A'-syntax.

The paper presents an overview of different syntactic gaps in modern colloquial Russian and focuses on so-called ‘syntactic emptiness’, i.e. the zero copula, the referential zero lexemes Øljudi and Østixii, the generic ‘you’ Øty2 and omission of verbs of action [ØV], taking into account the pragmatical impact of these phenomena (text economy, explicitness, politeness). In addition, the study provides an historical review of colloquial empty slots in Russian (on the example of Avvakum’s ‘Autobiography’) and approaches it from a typological perspective, specifically, by comparing it to West Slavic languages (Polish, Czech) as well as to other languages which corroborates the idea of the “Eurasian orientation” of colloquial Russian.

Keywords: syntactic emptiness; zero sign; ellipsis; colloquial Russian; typology

This paper deals with syntax of coordinated DPs with linearly opposite dependents in Russian. Traditionally such constructions have been claimed to result from ellipsis or conjunction reduction, which means deletion of repeated constituents in phonology. In this paper I provide arguments supporting the small conjuncts analysis and ATB-movement. As well as data about prosodic structure of the DP, which shows inapplicability of ellipsis approach, I will also provide some experimental data about interpretation of coordinated DPs.

The present study investigates three models of advertising slogans in terms of the relationship between reduced form and communicative effects : slogans built on asyndetic paratactic constructions, slogans using syndetic parataxis with and, comparatives of superiority without a than-clause. In particular, it aims at identifying the advantages of compact syntax in intensifying the impact of advertising discourse. A reduced form, and therefore the possibility to appeal to different modes of reasoning as well as to different tastes, becomes an effective tool for achieving this goal.

In this paper, we provide an analysis of the Romanian indefinite quantificational pronouns unul and altul. These forms have a paradoxical internal structure, being simultaneously indefinite (from an
interpretative point of view) and definite (from a morphological point of view, because they bear the suffixal definite article). This paradox is explained from a more general perspective on nominal ellipsis:
ellipsis sites are definite descriptions (an idea that we defended elsewhere; see also Elbourne, 2008), and the definite form of these words is a consequence of definiteness agreement with the elided noun.

Cet article souhaite montrer comment le point de suspension, dont l'usage s'est véritablement développé au XVIIIe siècle, est absolument emblématique des enjeux esthétiques, idéologiques et épistémologiques de la pensée libertine ; comment, sur un plan diachronique, s'est constituée une dimension pérenne transgressive et satirique du signe de ponctuation au regard d'un imaginaire de la langue classique, fondé sur la clarté, l’hermétisme, l'achèvement. Le XVIIIe siècle apparaît ainsi comme le moment déterminant dans la constitution d'un imaginaire libertin du point de suspension, que l'on peut comprendre à partir de la valeur de latence, laquelle introduit, face au point de l'ordre, l'excès et la labilité du sens et du sujet. Un contre-point.

Both popular usage and specialist texts on Roman architecture today define the shape of the amphitheater as an ellipse. The archaeological world uses the terms "oval" and "elliptic" as synonymous. Essentially, what strikes us in amphitheaters is the elongated circle shape and any literal term that renders the concept is acceptable in defining its shape.
Il as we maintain, shape in architecture is not random but derives from a pLan that in order to be executed requires a correct graphic definition, these and other geometric terms cannot satisfy our desire to investigate in order to understand, particularly far anyone involved in problems related to architectural representation.
It therefore becomes necessary to know whether the curves that generate amphitheaters can be!ong to the ellipse family - curves known to the world of Ancient Greece and Imperial Rome - or whether they are to be iden tified with polycentric or other curves.
The questions posed are more than technical, because they involve not only the physical construction of the building but also broader areas of knowledge. The mentalities and cultural attitudes of a given era manifest themselves through the world of shapes, even the most recondite architectural shapes. The designer, the architect are either unconsciously or openly actors and interpreters of their time.
Despite the worthy historical precedent represented by the treatis e of Sebastiano Serlio, who was the first to draw a Roman amphitheater, and who produced a hypothesis of construction and geometric structure, references to the shape of amphitheaters are rare in architectural works, largely because precise measurements on which reliable hypotheses far reconstruction could be based are not available.
The article analyses the few results obtained (published in several studies), and compares hypotheses on the origin of the shape of the amphitheater, but, disappointingly, concludes that the graphic constructions were compromised by preconceived ideas or, at best, by erroneous original measurements.
This research, which derives from the direct study of one of the most representative Roman amphitheaters - that of Puteoli (Pozzuoli) , which has been meticulously measured and aerially surveyed - illustrates the technique used for these monumental constructions at the time of their greatest splendour, as well as the perfect correspondence between the most minute architectural detail and t he idea behind it. The latter sheds light on an extremely rigorous activity of Roman construction sites, capable of executing complex large-scale projects according to an established plan, and implicitly confirms the existence of a formalized graphic design.
The article endeavours to demonstrate that the shape of the microcosm of amphitheatres evokes the structure of the universe as it was conceived in Hellenistic culture. The macrocosm and microcosm of amphitheaters are subject to the same constitutive law sand it is perhaps precisely this intimate philosophical relationship that attracted the attention and interest of se"veral Renaissance architects far this very singular shape.

The concept of silence is at the core of the Andreï Makine’s writing. Thus, the aim of this article is to underline its manifold manifestations in the Franco-Russian author’s literary creation. The first part of the article argues that biographical gaps are constitutive of his author image (Amossy, 2009), sincehe is the only member of the French Academy whose biography is still largely unknown, while the second and third parts focus on the narrative and stylistic usages of silence in his novels, as well as on Makine’s philosophy of creation, namely the “theory of the triple birth” (Osmonde, 2011), partially described in his texts.

The role of cohesive devices in different types of discourses has been broadly acknowledged to be maintaining texture, or holding the different parts of the text together. This role was emphasised in a plethora of studies in discourse analysis, and cohesive devices have been considered to be the glue-like linguistic tools through which textuality is achieved and without which a certain piece of discourse would look like fragmented, disconnected sentences. Important as it is, the 'gluing' role of cohesive devices has been the primary and dominant focus of research and whether these devices can play other roles in texts has been under-investigated, if not ignored. The current paper addresses this gap in research by exploring other possible roles of cohesive devices. Three newspaper, opinion articles for one of the renowned writers, Thomas L. Friedman, were selected and analysed in terms of the various roles played by cohesive devices in them. Through mixed-methods analysis, it was found that cohesive devices played several roles other than holding the various parts of the text together.

This is an essay about the ellipse and the calculation of the elliptical arc, by
considering the fact that an ellipse is always a circle projection. We will use
Python and C for the calculations and AutoCAD for the drawings. I am not making
any claims here about finding something new, as I saw many similar approaches
on the net when I was writing that essay.
You can download this essay from my personal webpage also at: http://tsiberis.mysite.com/

In this chapter, I overview ellipsis phenomena commonly discussed in the literature (including N' ellipsis, verb phrase ellipsis, gapping, pseudogapping, right node raising, stripping and sluicing) and examine the properties of their counterparts in a sample of the languages of the Caucasus. I show that languages of the Caucasus exhibit several ellipsis varieties that have been unnoticed so far.

This paper focuses on Istro-Romanian and argues that the TAM auxiliaries of this variety are not morphophonological clitics. This analysis is supported by the existence of several empirical phenomena (auxiliary-licensed VP-ellipsis, scrambling, and interpolation), some not found in modern Romance, others very rare in modern Romance. This property of Istro-Romanian auxiliary verbs accounts, in conjunction with other features of this variety (e.g., the availability of C-oriented and I-oriented pronominal clitics), for the massive variation in the word order of pronominal clitics, auxiliaries, and the lexical verb found in the Istro-Romanian sentential core. An endangered Romance variety spoken in Istria and in the diaspora, historically related to (Daco-)Romanian, Istro-Romanian has been in contact with Croatian since the settlement of Istro-Romanians in the Istrian peninsula. As some of the Istro-Romanian features and phenomena are found both in Croatian and in old Romanian, it appea...

This paper provides novel evidence that ellipsis can target bound morphemes. The evidence comes from suspended affixation of case markers in alternative questions in Digor and Iron Ossetic. The current literature on alternative questions (e.g. Does Mary like coffee or tea?) proposes that in many languages they are derived by disjunction of and ellipsis in constituents as large as a vP or even as a CP. Language-specific evidence in favor of such structure of alternative questions is available for Ossetic as well. Accordingly, the ostensible disjuncts coffee or tea do not actually form a constituent and case must be separately assigned to each of the DPs. Therefore, a case suffix shared under suspended affixation cannot attach to the orP as a whole. A deletion-based analysis can successfully derive the properties of suspended affixation in Ossetic alternative questions. I advance a specific proposal that incorporates ellipsis into the Distributed Morphology derivation.