- University of Potsdam
Department of Linguistics
Building 14, room 3.31
Karl-Liebknecht-Straße 24-25
14476 Potsdam
Germany
www.martinsalzmann.com
Martin Salzmann
Universitaet Potsdam, Department of Linguistics, Faculty Member
This monograph investigates A’-dependencies in Standard German, Alemannic and Dutch where the dislocated constituent is indirectly, i.e. not transformationally, related to the position where it is interpreted. The first part of the book... more
This monograph investigates A’-dependencies in Standard German, Alemannic and Dutch where the dislocated constituent is indirectly, i.e. not transformationally, related to the position where it is interpreted.
The first part of the book addresses headed relative clauses cross-linguistically, but with a focus on reconstruction effects in German. I argue in favor of the Matching Analysis of relative clauses and against the more prominent Raising Analysis by showing (a) that the Matching Analysis is unaffected by the many fundamental technical problems the Raising Analysis is confronted with and (b) that the Matching Analysis provides a better and more comprehensive account of reconstruction effects.
Part two provides an overview of the syntax of resumption and argues that island-insensitive resumption is best accounted for in terms of base-generation.
Part three shows that an important part of the relativization system in German and Dutch, long relativization, involves a hitherto ignored construction termed resumptive prolepsis. This construction is characterized by base-generation of the operator in the matrix middle-field and a resumptive pronoun in the position of the variable. It is shown that it involves short A’-movement in the matrix clause, empty operator movement in the complement clause and an ellipsis operation that links the two operators.
Part four discusses in relativization in Swiss German. The first aspect is teh distribution of gaps and resumptives in local relativization, which is shown to have important theoretical implications. I argue that the distribution can best be accounted for if local relativization involves Case-attraction. The second aspect is long relativizaiton, which is shown to involve a more abstract version of resumptive prolepsis.
Through a detailed examination of reconstruction effects and the properties of resumption in these constructions, the book provides new evidence for the role of ellipsis in A’-movement and for a base-generation analysis of resumption. More generally, it makes an important contribution to the modeling of long-distance dependencies and the study of A'-syntax.
The first part of the book addresses headed relative clauses cross-linguistically, but with a focus on reconstruction effects in German. I argue in favor of the Matching Analysis of relative clauses and against the more prominent Raising Analysis by showing (a) that the Matching Analysis is unaffected by the many fundamental technical problems the Raising Analysis is confronted with and (b) that the Matching Analysis provides a better and more comprehensive account of reconstruction effects.
Part two provides an overview of the syntax of resumption and argues that island-insensitive resumption is best accounted for in terms of base-generation.
Part three shows that an important part of the relativization system in German and Dutch, long relativization, involves a hitherto ignored construction termed resumptive prolepsis. This construction is characterized by base-generation of the operator in the matrix middle-field and a resumptive pronoun in the position of the variable. It is shown that it involves short A’-movement in the matrix clause, empty operator movement in the complement clause and an ellipsis operation that links the two operators.
Part four discusses in relativization in Swiss German. The first aspect is teh distribution of gaps and resumptives in local relativization, which is shown to have important theoretical implications. I argue that the distribution can best be accounted for if local relativization involves Case-attraction. The second aspect is long relativizaiton, which is shown to involve a more abstract version of resumptive prolepsis.
Through a detailed examination of reconstruction effects and the properties of resumption in these constructions, the book provides new evidence for the role of ellipsis in A’-movement and for a base-generation analysis of resumption. More generally, it makes an important contribution to the modeling of long-distance dependencies and the study of A'-syntax.
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We investigate the syntax of the hitherto understudied phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling, with reference to Modern Greek. We argue that it provides crucial evidence against movement-based approaches to clitic doubling, which... more
We investigate the syntax of the hitherto understudied phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling, with reference to Modern Greek. We argue that it provides crucial evidence against movement-based approaches to clitic doubling, which would incorrectly rule out first conjunct clitic doubling as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. This argument against movement is complemented by evidence from binding, showing that doubled DPs consistently occupy their base positions. The Greek data instead favor an account based purely on feature transmission via Agree. We develop an Agree-based analysis of the Greek facts, and show that existing evidence for movement in Greek clitic doubling (Weak Crossover alleviation, suspension of intervention effects) can be insightfully reanalyzed. The alleviation of Weak Crossover effects receives a more straightforward account compared to movementbased approaches, in that it can be subsumed under the general mitigating effects of information structure (givenness, topicality); the intervention pattern follows once the activity of a DP is related to the involvement of its phi-features in Agree operations; and the distribution of clitic doubling is implemented by means of a licensing approach, assimilating clitic doubling to differential object marking. Finally, we address two morphological aspects of clitic doubling that are often taken to be challenging for an Agree-based account, namely, the syncretism between determiners and clitics, and tense invariance. We show that, upon closer inspection, the former is no less challenging for movement approaches, while the latter cannot be considered a reliable diagnostic to tease apart agreement and clitic doubling.
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In recent experimental work, arguments for or against Condition C reconstruction in A'-movement have been based on low/high availability of coreference in sentences with and without A'-movement. We argue that this reasoning is... more
In recent experimental work, arguments for or against Condition C reconstruction in A'-movement have been based on low/high availability of coreference in sentences with and without A'-movement. We argue that this reasoning is problematic: It involves arbitrary thresholds, and the results are potentially confounded by the different surface orders of the
compared structures and non-syntactic factors. We present three experiments with designs that do not require defining thresholds of ‘low’ or ‘high’ coreference values. Instead, we focus on grammatical contrasts (wh-movement vs. relativization, subject vs. object wh-movement) and aim to identify and reduce confounds. The results show that reconstruction for A'-movement of DPs is not very robust in German, contra previous findings. Our results are compatible with the view that the surface order and non-syntactic factors (e.g. plausibility,
referential accessibility of an R-expression) heavily influence coreference possibilities. Thus, the data argue against a theory that includes both reconstruction and a hard Condition C constraint. There is a residual contrast between sentences with subject/object movement, which is compatible with an account without reconstruction (and an additional non-syntactic factor) or an account with reconstruction (and a soft Condition C constraint).
compared structures and non-syntactic factors. We present three experiments with designs that do not require defining thresholds of ‘low’ or ‘high’ coreference values. Instead, we focus on grammatical contrasts (wh-movement vs. relativization, subject vs. object wh-movement) and aim to identify and reduce confounds. The results show that reconstruction for A'-movement of DPs is not very robust in German, contra previous findings. Our results are compatible with the view that the surface order and non-syntactic factors (e.g. plausibility,
referential accessibility of an R-expression) heavily influence coreference possibilities. Thus, the data argue against a theory that includes both reconstruction and a hard Condition C constraint. There is a residual contrast between sentences with subject/object movement, which is compatible with an account without reconstruction (and an additional non-syntactic factor) or an account with reconstruction (and a soft Condition C constraint).
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It was first observed over a decade ago that the presence of experiencers leads to degradation in English tough movement. In the literature, this has been linked to either syntactic or semantic intervention. I will show that a crucial... more
It was first observed over a decade ago that the presence of experiencers leads to degradation in English tough movement. In the literature, this has been linked to either syntactic or semantic intervention. I will show that a crucial piece of data has been ignored in this debate, the possibility of extracting the tough adjective without the nonfinite CP. Under previous approaches, this seems to require extraposition of the CP. However, once extraposition is possible, the intervention configuration can no longer be prevented. I will argue instead This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
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In this paper, we discuss the implications of the phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling (FC CLD), based on data from Modern Greek. We first recap the arguments in Paparounas & Salzmann (to appear), where it is argued that FC CLD... more
In this paper, we discuss the implications of the phenomenon of first conjunct clitic doubling (FC CLD), based on data from Modern Greek. We first recap the arguments in Paparounas & Salzmann (to appear), where it is argued that FC CLD provides evidence for Agree-based approaches to
clitic doubling (CLD) and against approaches involving movement, which would incorrectly rule out FC CLD as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Extending this line of inquiry, we explore the implications of FC CLD for theories of the Person Case Constraint (PCC) and theories of first conjunct agreement (FCA). We firstly show that most theories of the PCC face serious challenges when confronted with our data. These theories i) involve movement in the generation of the clitic/the implementation of the PCC, thus being wholly incompatible with FC CLD; ii) assume Agree operations that provide insufficient ϕ-features to actually generate the clitics on the PCC probe; or iii) place this probe too low in the structure for languages like Greek, where clitics surface high. Secondly, we extend our consideration of the PCC to the domain of
FCA, showing that PCC effects in coordination provide evidence for rule ordering and labeling-based theories of FCA when relativized probing is involved.
clitic doubling (CLD) and against approaches involving movement, which would incorrectly rule out FC CLD as a violation of the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Extending this line of inquiry, we explore the implications of FC CLD for theories of the Person Case Constraint (PCC) and theories of first conjunct agreement (FCA). We firstly show that most theories of the PCC face serious challenges when confronted with our data. These theories i) involve movement in the generation of the clitic/the implementation of the PCC, thus being wholly incompatible with FC CLD; ii) assume Agree operations that provide insufficient ϕ-features to actually generate the clitics on the PCC probe; or iii) place this probe too low in the structure for languages like Greek, where clitics surface high. Secondly, we extend our consideration of the PCC to the domain of
FCA, showing that PCC effects in coordination provide evidence for rule ordering and labeling-based theories of FCA when relativized probing is involved.
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Much of the NP-vs. DP-debate has relied on largely conceptual and theory-internal arguments. In this paper, I instead discuss well-established concepts of headedness and explore their relevance for the NP vs. DP-debate. I will rely on two... more
Much of the NP-vs. DP-debate has relied on largely conceptual and theory-internal arguments. In this paper, I instead discuss well-established concepts of headedness and explore their relevance for the NP vs. DP-debate. I will rely on two simple and arguably theory-neutral concepts: (i) the fact that there is an asymmetric relationship between head and non-head regarding selection and form determination and (ii) the fact that the features of the head are present on the maximal projection and its consequences for distribution, selection and agreement. While not all arguments lead to a conclusive result, the facts overall favor the DP-hypothesis: W.r.t. the asymmetry between D and N, we will see some evidence that D selects N(P). Facts from categorial selection, selection of particular forms of the D-position and from agreement with hybrid nouns suggest that the features of D rather than those of N are present on the maximal projection. This clearly supports the DPhypothesis.
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Introduction: Basics of English tough-movement The alternation in (1) has been a challenge for linguistic theory for a long time: (1) a. It is tough to read this book. b. This book is tough to read. One important approach to this... more
Introduction: Basics of English tough-movement The alternation in (1) has been a challenge for linguistic theory for a long time: (1) a. It is tough to read this book. b. This book is tough to read. One important approach to this alternation assumes that (1-b) is derived from the expletive construction in (1-a) via movement, cf. Brody (1993), Hartman (2011), Longenbaugh (2016) and much older literature. Concretely, the embedded object moves (potentially via stopovers) to the matrix subject position. Because of the frequent use of the adjective tough in this construction, the variant in (1-b) is called tough-movement (TM), and the surface subject is referred to as the tough-subject. A direct movement analysis presents a number of immediate problems given current assumptions about movement: First, it is in conflict with the Activity Condition in that the subject seems to receive two cases. Second, it violates Improper Movement in that A-movement is followed by A-movement. If the trace in the embedded clause qualifies as a variable, there should be a Condition C violation since it would be bound by the subject from an A-position. It is uncontroversial that A-movement is involved in some way: (i) the relationship between the matrix subject position and the embedded object is, in principle, unbounded (although acceptability decreases rather quickly), cf. (2-a) (from Heycock 1994, 257). (ii) this relationship is subject to locality constraints, cf. (2-b) (from Browning 1987, 21, fn. 14). (iii) parasitic gaps are licensed, cf. (2-c) (fromŘezáč 2006, 308):
In this paper, we provide an in-depth study of the morphosyntactic behavior of negative verb clusters in the Finno-Ugric languages Udmurt and Mari. We argue that the standard treatment of negation as an auxiliary is inadequate for these... more
In this paper, we provide an in-depth study of the morphosyntactic behavior of negative verb clusters in the Finno-Ugric languages Udmurt and Mari. We argue that the standard treatment of negation as an auxiliary is inadequate for these languages as it does not explain its morphosyntactic and morphophonological behavior , which presents a challenging morphology-syntax-semantics mismatch: Despite taking high scope and governing the highest verb of the clause, negation surfaces immediately before the highest verb rather than at the end of the verb cluster as would be expected in head-final languages. Furthermore, we show that negation forms a complex unit with the highest verb of the clause and thus crucially differs from negative auxiliaries in other Finno-Ugric languages like Finnish and from other auxiliaries. We argue that the properties of negation are best modelled by means of postsyntac-tic Lowering (Embick and Noyer 2001). Next to the semantic vacuousness of the displacement, the main arguments for a postsyntactic perspective come from the internal constituency of the verb cluster, the possibility to interleave clitics inside the verb cluster only in the presence of negation, and cases where Lowering fails and a syntacto-semantically inert copula is inserted as a repair. We show that competing approaches to complex head formation based on narrow-syntactic head-movement, flexible spell-out in different positions or base-generation fail to capture the crucial properties of negative verb clusters. On a more general level, we thus provide evi-B P. Weisser philipp.weisser@uni-leipzig.de E. Georgieva ekaterina.georgieva@nytud.hu M. Salzmann E. Georgieva et al. dence for the necessity of post-syntactic mechanisms for word formation and a serial architecture of the morphology-syntax interface.
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In this paper, we contribute to this discussion by focusing on the interaction of three postsyntactic processes including Lowering, ellipsis and insertion of semantically vacuous dummy elements (a.k.a node sprouting). We will provide... more
In this paper, we contribute to this discussion by focusing on the interaction of three postsyntactic processes including Lowering, ellipsis and insertion of semantically vacuous dummy elements (a.k.a node sprouting). We will provide evidence that hierarchy-based operations like Lowering must crucially precede operations that are related to phonological (non-)realization, including repairs like do-support and ellipsis. This will contribute to our understanding of the architecture of the post-syntactic component and the nature of Lowering.
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The DP-hypothesis as proposed in Abney (1987) is nowadays generally taken for granted in formal syntactic work. In this paper I will show that a surprising number of arguments that have been provided in the literature are not conclusive.... more
The DP-hypothesis as proposed in Abney (1987) is nowadays generally taken for granted in formal syntactic work. In this paper I will show that a surprising number of arguments that have been provided in the literature are not conclusive. Many rest on purely theory-internal premises and thus lose their force given the developments within syntactic theory over the last decades. Others are largely based on presumed parallelisms between the noun phrase and the clause. In practically all cases a reasonable reanalysis within the NP-hypothesis is possible. Similarly, I will show that the few arguments in favor of the NP-hypothesis that there can be found are also inconclusive. Instead I will establish solid criteria for headedness and explore their implications for the NP vs. DP debate. I will show that the fact that the features of the head are present on the maximal projection makes testable predictions when the noun interacts with noun phrase external heads. I will first show that data from selection favor the DP-hypothesis (contrary to previous claims) since one needs to be able to syntactically select both DPs and bare nouns/NPs. Second, I will present a new argument in favor of the DP-hypothesis based on data from hybrid agreement in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian. The phenomenon crucially requires D-elements to be closer to agreement targets outside the noun phrase than the noun itself. This follows if DP dominates NP but not vice versa.
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An overview of long-distance movement constructions (questions, relativization, topicalization) and their salient properties in Germanic
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We report on the first experimental study on reconstruction for Principle A in German A'-movement. The major results are the following: (a) Reconstruction in wh-movement is more robust with adjectival predicates than with DP-arguments. (b)... more
We report on the first experimental study on reconstruction for Principle A in German A'-movement. The major results are the following: (a) Reconstruction in wh-movement is more robust with adjectival predicates than with DP-arguments. (b) Contrary to previous claims in the literature, binding in the final landing site is accepted to a surprisingly high degree. This shows that binding in German cannot be reduced to argument structure but crucially involves c-command. (c) Binding in intermediate positions is also accepted to a remarkable degree, but since similar patterns obtain in the absence of movement, further inquiry is necessary. Our results also provide tentative evidence against a vehicle change-based approach where the reflexive in the lowest copy of the A'-movement chain is replaced by a pronoun.
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In this paper, we investigate the properties of negative verb clusters in the two Finno-Ugric languages Meadow Mari (henceforth Mari) and Udmurt and set out to defend the following claims: (i) Negation in Mari and Udmurt forms a complex... more
In this paper, we investigate the properties of negative verb clusters in the two Finno-Ugric languages Meadow Mari (henceforth Mari) and Udmurt and set out to defend the following claims: (i) Negation in Mari and Udmurt forms a complex unit with the highest verb of the clause. This is in contrast to related languages like Finnish where the negative auxiliary is a syntactically free element that can be separated from the main verb. (ii) The complex unit consisting of the verb and negation (plus inflectional material) is formed via post-syntactic lowering. The argument for this approach comes from the distribution of inflectional categories like tense and agreement and the placement of adverbial clitics, which, in the presence of negation, display optionality as to whether they are interleaved inside the verb cluster or occur in cluster-peripheral position. We argue that this pattern can be de- rived by treating these adverbial clitics as being phrase-structurally ambiguous between heads and phrases with the result that they can but do not have to be affected by lowering.
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This paper investigates agreement on past participles in Highest Alemannic dialects of German. We will first show that participle agreement only occurs in contexts where the participle is adjectival, viz., in stative passives and in... more
This paper investigates agreement on past participles in Highest Alemannic dialects of German. We will first show that participle agreement only occurs in contexts where the participle is adjectival, viz., in stative passives and in resultative perfects, but not in eventive perfects. The participles thus pattern with predicative adjectives, which also display agreement in these varieties. In the main part of the paper, we address double compound perfects and eventive passives, which also display agreement on the lexical participle. Even though it is initially not obvious that the participle is adjectival in these cases, we will provide syntactic evidence for their adjectival status. Furthermore, we will pursue the hypothesis that the adjectival head of all agreeing participles is a stativizer, even in the double compound perfect and the eventive passive. At the same time, both the double compound perfect and the eventive passive also clearly have an eventive component. We will model their behavior by treating the participles as mixed categories, viz., as adjectival heads that take a large amount of verbal structure as their complement (VoiceP/AspP). While recent work on German stative passives has argued that even those should be analyzed as containing a substantial amount of verbal structure, the behavior of participles in the double perfect and the eventive passive in the varieties under consideration is clearly different. They thus contribute to the typology of adjectival passives in German and beyond and show that the familiar distinction between 'adjectival' and 'verbal' participles needs to be further refined.
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Recent work on verb clusters within Continental West-Germanic has argued in favor of restrictive theories of cluster orders that only generate a subset of the logically possible orders in three-verb clusters, explicitly ruling out the 213... more
Recent work on verb clusters within Continental West-Germanic has argued in favor
of restrictive theories of cluster orders that only generate a subset of the logically
possible orders in three-verb clusters, explicitly ruling out the 213 order. In this context
it is remarkable that Swiss German features a verb cluster-like construction with an
unmarked 213 order. I will argue that this construction indeed represents a proper
verb cluster and not an instance of the 3rd Construction, which also allows the 213
order. Based on new diagnostics, viz., stranding of VP3 under topicalization of the
governing VP2, short relative clause extraposition and displaced zu, I will show that
verb clusters and Verb Projection Raising differ from the 3rd Construction with respect
to the structural position of the dependent VP: while the dependent VP is contained
within the projection of the governing verb in the former, it occurs outside of the
projection of the governing verb in the latter. Applying the diagnostics to the Swiss
German 213 construction delivers a clear result: the construction patterns with verb
clusters rather than the 3rd Construction. I conclude from this that theories of verb
clusters and unmarked word order more generally must be able to generate all six
logically possible orders, including the 213 order.
of restrictive theories of cluster orders that only generate a subset of the logically
possible orders in three-verb clusters, explicitly ruling out the 213 order. In this context
it is remarkable that Swiss German features a verb cluster-like construction with an
unmarked 213 order. I will argue that this construction indeed represents a proper
verb cluster and not an instance of the 3rd Construction, which also allows the 213
order. Based on new diagnostics, viz., stranding of VP3 under topicalization of the
governing VP2, short relative clause extraposition and displaced zu, I will show that
verb clusters and Verb Projection Raising differ from the 3rd Construction with respect
to the structural position of the dependent VP: while the dependent VP is contained
within the projection of the governing verb in the former, it occurs outside of the
projection of the governing verb in the latter. Applying the diagnostics to the Swiss
German 213 construction delivers a clear result: the construction patterns with verb
clusters rather than the 3rd Construction. I conclude from this that theories of verb
clusters and unmarked word order more generally must be able to generate all six
logically possible orders, including the 213 order.
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In this paper I will provide a new argument for post-syntactic morphology. The empirical evidence comes from so-called displaced morphology in German verb clusters, where the non-finite verb form selected by a given governor does not... more
In this paper I will provide a new argument for post-syntactic morphology. The empirical evidence comes from so-called displaced morphology in German verb clusters, where the non-finite verb form selected by a given governor does not appear on the immediately dependent verb but rather on the linearly last verb of the selector's complement. The placement of the morphology thus partly depends on linear notions and not exclusively on hierarchical relations. I will provide an analysis within Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993), where exponents for non-finite morphology are inserted into separate functional heads which are linearized after their VP-complements. At a late stage of the PF-derivation, the exponents are associated with their verbal hosts by means of Local Dislocation, an operation that applies under adjacency (Embick and Noyer 2001). As a consequence, the non-finite morphology always comes last in the selector's complement. Displacement arises once the immediately dependent verb is not the last verbal element in the complement of its selector; this is generally the case in strictly ascending orders , while in the strictly descending 321 order the morphology is faithfully realized. The placement operation is thus always the same, displacement only emerges as a side-effect of certain cluster orders. Further evidence for a post-syntactic approach to the placement of non-finite morphology and against a pre-syntactic perspective comes from the absence of semantic effects under displacement, the emergence of non-finite verb forms specified for more than one non-finite category under multiple displacement and the distribution of default forms.
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This paper provides an argument in favor of a revised version of the matching analysis of relative clauses based on reconstruction data from English and German. Unlike previous versions of the matching analysis, it combines deletion up to... more
This paper provides an argument in favor of a revised version of the matching analysis of relative clauses based on reconstruction data from English and German. Unlike previous versions of the matching analysis, it combines deletion up to recoverability with vehicle change.
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The sign language phenomenon that some scholars refer to as " agreement " has triggered controversial discussions among sign language linguists. Crucially, it has been argued to display properties that are at odds with the notion of... more
The sign language phenomenon that some scholars refer to as " agreement " has triggered controversial discussions among sign language linguists. Crucially, it has been argued to display properties that are at odds with the notion of agreement in spoken languages. A thorough theoretical investigation of the phenomenon may thus add to our understanding of the nature and limits of agreement in natural language. Previous analyses of the phenomenon can be divided into three groups: (i) gesture-based non-syntactic analyses, (ii) hybrid solutions combining syntactic and semantic agreement, and (iii) syntactic accounts under which agreement markers are reanalyzed as clitics. As opposed to these accounts, we argue in this paper that sign language agreement does represent an instance of agreement proper, as familiar from spoken language, that is fully governed by syntactic principles. We propose an explicit formal analysis couched within the Minimalist Program that is modality-independent and only involves mechanisms that have been independently proposed for the analysis of agreement in spoken language. Our proposal is able to capture the (apparent) peculiarities of sign language agreement such as the distinction of verb types (only some verbs show agreement), the behavior of backwards verbs (verbs displaying agreement reversal), and the distribution of the agreement auxiliary. However, we suggest that the combination of mechanisms is modality-specific, that is, agreement in sign language, and in German Sign Language in particular, involves modality-independent ingredients , but uses a modality-specific recipe which calls for a (somewhat) unusual combination of independently motivated mechanisms.
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The linguistic term prolepsis refers to a construction where a structural complement of the matrix verb is semantically related to the predicate of a finite embedded clause. In the following example, the proleptic constituent is... more
The linguistic term prolepsis refers to a construction where a structural complement of the matrix verb is semantically related to the predicate of a finite embedded clause. In the following example, the proleptic constituent is governed by a preposition and semantically related to a position
occupied by a coreferential pronoun: I believe of John that he likes Mary. While at first sight, one may take the proleptic constituent to be an argument of the matrix verb with the pronoun establishing an anaphoric dependency, things are more complex: First, the construction is possible with a very wide range of matrix verbs, casting doubt on the argumenthood of the object. Second, a coreferential element is obligatory (cf. *I believe of this crisis that the president should resign), which argues against a mere aboutness relationship. There is conflicting evidence concerning the base position of the proleptic object. On the one hand, there is solid evidence from
anaphor binding and superiority that the proleptic object occupies an A-position in the matrix clause. On the other hand, the proleptic object reconstructs into the omplement clause for anaphor and variable binding; furthermore, the proleptic object turns the construction into a (weak) island for extraction. Both properties would follow if the proleptic object were to originate in the embedded clause, but an analysis involving movement from the complement clause fails for conceptual (Improper Movement, Freezing) and empirical (lack of reconstruction for Principle C and scope) reasons. It is proposed that these paradoxical properties follow if the proleptic object is licensed by predication: The complement clause involves a base-generated operator which turns it
into an open sentence. The coreferential pronoun is the variable bound by the operator. The proleptic object, then, is the subject of the predication. The relationship between the proleptic object and the silent operator involves ellipsis, as does the relationship between the operator and the coreferential pronoun. Ellipsis derives the (selective) reconstruction effects, predication explains the necessity of a coreferential element while the presence of the silent operator accounts for the opacity of the construction. Finally, the lack of scope reconstruction follows from the pronominal nature of the variable.
occupied by a coreferential pronoun: I believe of John that he likes Mary. While at first sight, one may take the proleptic constituent to be an argument of the matrix verb with the pronoun establishing an anaphoric dependency, things are more complex: First, the construction is possible with a very wide range of matrix verbs, casting doubt on the argumenthood of the object. Second, a coreferential element is obligatory (cf. *I believe of this crisis that the president should resign), which argues against a mere aboutness relationship. There is conflicting evidence concerning the base position of the proleptic object. On the one hand, there is solid evidence from
anaphor binding and superiority that the proleptic object occupies an A-position in the matrix clause. On the other hand, the proleptic object reconstructs into the omplement clause for anaphor and variable binding; furthermore, the proleptic object turns the construction into a (weak) island for extraction. Both properties would follow if the proleptic object were to originate in the embedded clause, but an analysis involving movement from the complement clause fails for conceptual (Improper Movement, Freezing) and empirical (lack of reconstruction for Principle C and scope) reasons. It is proposed that these paradoxical properties follow if the proleptic object is licensed by predication: The complement clause involves a base-generated operator which turns it
into an open sentence. The coreferential pronoun is the variable bound by the operator. The proleptic object, then, is the subject of the predication. The relationship between the proleptic object and the silent operator involves ellipsis, as does the relationship between the operator and the coreferential pronoun. Ellipsis derives the (selective) reconstruction effects, predication explains the necessity of a coreferential element while the presence of the silent operator accounts for the opacity of the construction. Finally, the lack of scope reconstruction follows from the pronominal nature of the variable.
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I argue that displaced morphology in German results from a conflict between the head-finality of the German VP and the possibility of head-initial verb clusters. The phenomenon provides a straightforward argument for post-syntactic... more
I argue that displaced morphology in German results from a conflict between the head-finality of the German VP and the possibility of head-initial verb clusters. The phenomenon provides a straightforward argument for post-syntactic morphology: First, the placement of the non-finite morphology is not solely governed by hierarchical notions but
crucially affected by linear notions such as adjacency (and thus argues against treating all instances of morphological selection in terms of upward Agree as in Wurmbrand 2012). Second, displacement has no semantic effects. Third, the restrictions on displacement follow from the selectional properties of the exponents, which are checked linearly.
crucially affected by linear notions such as adjacency (and thus argues against treating all instances of morphological selection in terms of upward Agree as in Wurmbrand 2012). Second, displacement has no semantic effects. Third, the restrictions on displacement follow from the selectional properties of the exponents, which are checked linearly.
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In this paper we analyze a hitherto unstudied matching effect in resumptive relatives. In some languages where gaps and resumptives are in complementary distribution, the choice between the two strategies depends on the Case of the head... more
In this paper we analyze a hitherto unstudied matching effect in resumptive relatives. In some languages where gaps and resumptives are in complementary distribution, the choice between the two strategies depends on the Case of the head noun: in Swiss German, the focus of our study, da-tive relativization requires resumptives; however, the resumptive is omitted if the head noun bears dative as well. This non-local dependency poses an serious challenge to local derivational bottom-up theories of syntax. We argue that a local solution is possible if the distribution of resumption is reinterpreted in terms of Case attraction and the derivation unfolds top-down. Consequently, the relevant piece of information, the Case of the head noun, is available on the operator so that the choice between gaps and resumptives can be made without recourse to non-local devices. Gap relatives obtain in configurations where the Case attraction derivation converges while resump-tives occur as a repair in derivations where Case attraction leaves a Case-probe unchecked. The matching effect falls out naturally as a subcase of Case attraction.
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In this paper I will provide a new argument for post-syntactic morphology. e empirical evidence comes from so-called displaced morphology in German, where the non-finite verb form selected by a given governor does not end up on the... more
In this paper I will provide a new argument for post-syntactic morphology.
e empirical evidence comes from so-called displaced morphology in German, where the non-finite verb form selected by a given governor does not end up on the immediately dependent verb but rather on the last verb of the verb cluster. The placement of the morphology thus depends on linear notions such as adjacency rather than hierarchical relations (c-command, minimality). I will argue that the exponents for non-finite morphology are inserted into separate functional heads which are linearized clause-finally. At a late stage of the PF-derivation, the exponents are associated with their verbal hosts by means of Local Dislocation (Embick & Noyer 2001). As a consequence, the nonfinite morphology always comes last in the verb cluster. Displacement arises once the order in the verb cluster deviates from the strictly descending 321 order. The placement operation is thus always the same, displacement emerges just a side-effect of (partially) ascending verb cluster orders. Restrictions on displacement follow from the selectional requirements of the vocabulary items.
e empirical evidence comes from so-called displaced morphology in German, where the non-finite verb form selected by a given governor does not end up on the immediately dependent verb but rather on the last verb of the verb cluster. The placement of the morphology thus depends on linear notions such as adjacency rather than hierarchical relations (c-command, minimality). I will argue that the exponents for non-finite morphology are inserted into separate functional heads which are linearized clause-finally. At a late stage of the PF-derivation, the exponents are associated with their verbal hosts by means of Local Dislocation (Embick & Noyer 2001). As a consequence, the nonfinite morphology always comes last in the verb cluster. Displacement arises once the order in the verb cluster deviates from the strictly descending 321 order. The placement operation is thus always the same, displacement emerges just a side-effect of (partially) ascending verb cluster orders. Restrictions on displacement follow from the selectional requirements of the vocabulary items.
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Case attraction and matching in resumption pose serious challenges to syntactic theory: in both constructions, the Case of the head noun ašects the form of a constituent within the relative clause. is leads to problems for a bottom-up... more
Case attraction and matching in resumption pose serious challenges to syntactic theory: in both constructions, the Case of the head noun ašects the form of a constituent within the relative clause. is leads to problems for a bottom-up approach since the necessary information – the matrix Case – is not available at the point where the Case of the relative pronoun is determined/the choice between gap and resumptive is made. In a standard system, rather radical and unattractive assumptions need to be made to account for the constructions. We propose an alternative account that rests on three crucial assumptions: (i) Case-Agree between the head noun and the relative operator in SpecC. (ii) Case probes can also be discharged under matching, viz., even if the goal DP has already been involved in Case-checking. (iii) Case features are decomposed. While the patterns as such can be derived in both bottom-up and top-down, we argue that top-down derivation is preferable because of one crucial advantage: e choice between gap and resumptive can be made locally while under bottom-up transderivational Economy is necessary.
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This paper provides new evidence that verb cluster formation in West Germanic takes place post-syntactically. Contrary to some previous accounts, I argue that cluster formation involves linearly adjacent morphosyntactic words and not... more
This paper provides new evidence that verb cluster formation in West Germanic takes place post-syntactically. Contrary to some previous accounts, I argue that cluster formation involves linearly adjacent morphosyntactic words and not syntactic sister nodes. The empirical evidence is drawn from Swiss German verb
doubling constructions where intriguing asymmetries arise between ascending and descending orders. The approach additionally solves the cluster puzzle with extraposition and topicalization, generates all of the crosslinguistically
attested six orders in the verbal complex and correctly predicts which orders are penetrable in which positions. On a more general level, the paper provides arguments for a derivational treatment of verb cluster formation and order variation and adduces important evidence in favor of a right-branching VP.
doubling constructions where intriguing asymmetries arise between ascending and descending orders. The approach additionally solves the cluster puzzle with extraposition and topicalization, generates all of the crosslinguistically
attested six orders in the verbal complex and correctly predicts which orders are penetrable in which positions. On a more general level, the paper provides arguments for a derivational treatment of verb cluster formation and order variation and adduces important evidence in favor of a right-branching VP.
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The German possessor doubling construction is remarkable in that there is double agreement: the possessive pronoun agrees both with the possessor as well as the possessee in phi-features. We will argue that double agreement is not to be... more
The German possessor doubling construction is remarkable in that there is double agreement: the possessive pronoun agrees both with the possessor as well as the possessee in phi-features. We will argue that double agreement is not to be interpreted as resulting from two syntactic Agree operations: Positing two such operations involving the possessive pronoun leads to insurmountable technical problems; rather, we will introduce novel empirical evidence showing that the agreement between possessor and possessive pronoun is anaphoric rather than grammatical in nature. While this solves the double agreement problem, the dative case on the possessor still needs to be accounted for. We will propose that dative case does not come from the possessive pronoun or from a preposition as in the Predicate Inversion approach, but rather from N. This not only avoids an overgeneration problem resulting in case assignment to the wrong goal, but also opens up the possibility to unify case assignment in Germanic with possessor agreement in languages like Turkish.► Double agreement in possessor doubling in German does not involve double Agree. ► The relationship between possessor and possessive pronoun is anaphoric. ► Possessor case is assigned by N. ► Case assignment within DP fully conforms to the Agree model. ► The analysis can be extended to possessor agreement in languages like Turkish.
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Locative inversion (LI) is a construction that is very prominent in Bantu languages. It involves inversion of a locative with the logical/thematic subject. The inversion is accompanied by a reversal of grammatical functions whereby the... more
Locative inversion (LI) is a construction that is very prominent in Bantu languages. It involves inversion of a locative with the logical/thematic subject. The inversion is accompanied by a reversal of grammatical functions whereby the locative becomes the subject. LI is associated with a special discourse function, that of presentational focus. Within Bantu there is considerable variation, especially concerning thematic restrictions and the robustness of locative morphology. In addition, inversion may not always involve a reversal of grammatical functions. While the subjecthood of locatives is relatively easy to diagnose in languages where they agree with the verb, an alternative analysis in terms of topicalization suggests itself when there is no agreement. LI has been described for very few other languages, including English and Chinese. In both languages, the evidence for the subjecthood of the locative is limited or equivocal. LI thus appears to be a very rare phenomenon and this rarity may be the key to a fundamental understanding of the construction.
Research Interests: Syntax, Information Structure, German, Diachronic Syntax, Bantu languages, and 11 moreGermanic, Subjecthood, Topicalization, A-movement, Locative Inversion, Noun classification, Discourse configurationality, extended projection principle (EPP), Subject-Object-Reversal, Topic Agreement, and Expletives
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(Received April 06 2011)
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Case attraction and matching in resumption pose serious challenges to syntactic theory: in both constructions, the Case of the head noun affects the form of a constituent within the relative clause. This leads to problems for a bottom-up... more
Case attraction and matching in resumption pose serious challenges to syntactic theory: in both constructions, the Case of the head noun affects the form of a constituent within the relative clause. This leads to problems for a bottom-up approach since the necessary information – the matrix Case –
is not available at the point where the Case of the relative pronoun is determined/the choice between gap and resumptive is made. In a standard system, rather radical and unattractive assumptions need to be made to account for the
constructions. We propose an alternative account that rests on three crucial assumptions: (i) Case-Agree between the head noun and the relative operator in SpecC. (ii) Case probes can also be discharged under matching, viz., even if the goal DP has already been involved in Case-checking. (iii) Case features
are decomposed. While the patterns as such can be derived in both bottom-up and top-down, we argue that top-down derivation is preferable because of one crucial advantage: The choice between gap and resumptive can be made locally while under bottom-up transderivational Economy is necessary.
is not available at the point where the Case of the relative pronoun is determined/the choice between gap and resumptive is made. In a standard system, rather radical and unattractive assumptions need to be made to account for the
constructions. We propose an alternative account that rests on three crucial assumptions: (i) Case-Agree between the head noun and the relative operator in SpecC. (ii) Case probes can also be discharged under matching, viz., even if the goal DP has already been involved in Case-checking. (iii) Case features
are decomposed. While the patterns as such can be derived in both bottom-up and top-down, we argue that top-down derivation is preferable because of one crucial advantage: The choice between gap and resumptive can be made locally while under bottom-up transderivational Economy is necessary.