David M . K . Sheinin
Trent University, History, Faculty Member
- History, Boxing, Boxing Literature, Argentina, Argentina History, Argentina history, politics and culture, and 34 more20th century Argentina, Historia Argentina, Argentine Foreign Policy, Memory Culture, Argentina, Dictatorships, Military Dictatorship, History of American Foreign Relations, History Of U.S. Foreign Relations, Jewish History, Jewish Studies, Cold War and Culture, Cold War history, Cold War, Cultural Cold War, Cold War International Relations, Human Rights, Human Rights Law, International Human Rights Law, Derechos Humanos, Colombia, Sports History, Sports Performance, Latin American Studies, United States Foreign Policy, Pan-Americanism, Latin American and Caribbean History, Malvinas, Latin American History, Falklands War, Falklands Islands, Política exterior de Argentina, Argentinean Politics, Argentine History, and Latin American Foreign Policyedit
- David M. K. Sheinin is Professor of History at Trent University (Canada). He is the winner of the Trent University S... moreDavid M. K. Sheinin is Professor of History at Trent University (Canada).
He is the winner of the Trent University School of Graduate Studies Outstanding Graduate Mentorship Award (2022-23) and the Trent University Distinguished Research Award (2017). He served from 2014 to 2020 as the university's Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada mentor and liaison.
The _Student's Guide to Canadian Universities_ (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1999) named him "Favourite Professor" at Trent.
In 2021, Benjamin Bryce and David edited \Race and Transnationalism in the Americas\ (University of Pittsburgh Press).
In 2015, David edited _Sports Cultures in Latin American History_ (University of Pittsburgh Press). With Raanan Rein, David co-edited _Muscling in on New Worlds: Jews, Sports and the Making of the Americas_ (Brill, 2014)
In 2013, the Middle Atlantic Council of Latin American Studies awarded David The Arthur P. Whitaker Prize (best book in 2011-2012) for _Consent of the Damned: Ordinary Argentinians in the Dirty War_ (University Press of Florida, 2012). The prize committee found that "like the best books in our field do, _Consent of the Damned_ offers specific insights on a time and place (the Dirty War and its aftermath in Argentina) but also speaks to broader questions, in this case, the persistent challenges to establishing and maintaining an authentic and truly effective global human rights regime." The historian Michael Donoghue called the book excellent and original. The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee's Kristin Ruggiero described it as incredibly provocative and wonderfully readable.
David's 2006 book _Argentina and the United States: An Alliance Contained_ (University of Georgia Press) was described in the Hispanic American Historical Review, by the historian Glenn J. Dorn, as “masterful.” Dorn noted that “there are a few scholars in every generation who possess the range, expertise, and perspective to produce a truly first-rate survey, and Sheinin clearly falls within this elite group.” The historian James F. Siekmeier called the book "excellent" and wrote in Diplomatic History that "undoubtedly, the book will be the standard one-volume study of Argentine-U.S. relations for years to come."
In 2005, David was appointed a member of the Argentine National Academy of History (the first and only Canadian ever designated). In 2011 he was named "Amigo de Eloisa" by Eloisa Cartonera. His books and articles include two recent, short books on boxing and Argentine society, _El boxeador poeta_ [The Boxer Poet] (Eloisa Cartonera, 2010) and _El boxeador incrédulo_ [The Incredulous Boxer] (Eloisa Cartonera, 2011). David has held the J. Franklin Jameson Fellowship in American History (Library of Congress/American Historical Association), and in 2008 was named Edward Larocque Tinker Visiting Professor in Latin American History at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Among many articles and book chapters, David wrote “The Caribbean and the Cold War: Between Reform and Revolution,” in Stephan Palmié and Francisco A. Scarano, eds., _The Caribbean: An Illustrated History_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).
David appears regularly as the CHEX-TV "Daily Issues" political analyst in Peterborough, Ontario.edit
The violence of combat sports left a mark on how fans and communities remembered athletes. As individual endeavors, combat sports have often produced more detailed, emotionally poignant, and deeply personal stories of triumph than those... more
The violence of combat sports left a mark on how fans and communities remembered athletes. As individual endeavors, combat sports have often produced more detailed, emotionally poignant, and deeply personal stories of triumph than those associated with team sports. Commemorative statues to combat athletes are therefore unique as historical markers and sites of memory. These statues tell remarkable stories of the athletes themselves, but also the people and communities that planned and built them, the cities and towns that memorialized them, the fans who followed them, and the evolution of memory and place in the decades that followed their inauguration. Edited by C. Nathan Hatton and David M. K. Sheinin, The Statues and Legacies of Combat Athletes in the Americas brings together an interdisciplinary team of scholars from across North America to interrogate the intimate and layered meanings attached to these monuments to the lives and legacies of combat athletes.
Research Interests: Latin American Studies, Urban History, History and Memory, Sports History, Urban Studies, and 15 moreMemory Studies, African American History, Boxing, African American Studies, Detroit, History and Culture, United States History, Nova Scotia History, Iowa history, History of Philadelphia, Wrestling, Monuments, Nova Scotia, Philadelphia, DEPORTES DE COMBATE, and History and Culture of the Sport of Boxing
Research Interests: Cold War and Culture, Cultural Cold War, International History, Cold War, Argentina History, and 9 moreArgentina, History of International Relations, Chile, Cold War International Relations, Cold War history, Inter-American Human Rights System, Historia Argentina, Cold War in Latin America, and USA Foreign Policy
National borders and transnational forces have been central in defining the meaning of race in the Americas. Race and Transnationalism in the Americas examines the ways that race and its categorization have functioned as organizing... more
National borders and transnational forces have been central in defining the meaning of race in the Americas. Race and Transnationalism in the Americas examines the ways that race and its categorization have functioned as organizing frameworks for cultural, political, and social inclusion—and exclusion—in the Americas. Because racial categories are invariably generated through reference to the “other,” the national community has been a point of departure for understanding race as a concept. Yet this book argues that transnational forces have fundamentally shaped visions of racial difference and ideas of race and national belonging throughout the Americas, from the late nineteenth century to the present. Examining immigration exclusion, indigenous efforts toward decolonization, government efforts to colonize, sport, drugs, music, populism, and film, the authors examine the power and limits of the transnational flow of ideas, people, and capital. Spanning North America, Central America, South America, and the Caribbean, the volume seeks to engage in broad debates about race, citizenship, and national belonging in the Americas.
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Making Citizens in Argentina charts the evolving meanings of citizenship in Argentina from the 1880s to the 1980s. Against the backdrop of immigration, science, race, sport, populist rule, and dictatorship, the contributors analyze the... more
Making Citizens in Argentina charts the evolving meanings of citizenship in Argentina from the 1880s to the 1980s. Against the backdrop of immigration, science, race, sport, populist rule, and dictatorship, the contributors analyze the power of the Argentine state and other social actors to set the boundaries of citizenship.
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http://www.upress.pitt.edu/BookDetails.aspx?bookId=36572
http://www.amazon.com/Sports-Culture-American-History-Series/dp/082296337X
http://www.amazon.com/Sports-Culture-American-History-Series/dp/082296337X
Research Interests: Sport Psychology, Latin American Studies, Indigenous Studies, Latin American and Caribbean History, Football (soccer), and 16 moreColombia, Sports History, Argentina, Sports Performance, Boxing, Latin American History, Colombian History, Sport, CAPOEIRA, Football Culture, Latin American Popular Culture, History of Football, Argentine History, Sociology of Football, Deportes, and Historia del Deporte
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Research Interests: American History, Latin American Studies, American Studies, Latin American Literature (Literature), Jewish Studies, and 25 moreLatin American and Caribbean History, Football (soccer), Yoga, Yoga Philosophy, Yoga Meditation, Sports History, Baseball, Jewish History, Argentina, Baseball History & America, Film History, Latin American literature, Boxing, Latin American History, Film and History, United States History, Boxing Literature, US History, Historia Argentina, História Latinoamericana, Football Culture, Sports History, Sociology of Sport, History in General, Sociology of Football, History of Film Theory and Criticism, and Modern Yoga Studies
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Research Interests: Violence, Cold War and Culture, Sustainable Development, Social Justice, Argentina History, and 11 moreEcology, Conflict Resolution, Environmental Sustainability, Nuclear Energy, Cold War International Relations, Cold War history, War, Peace, United States Foreign Policy, Nuclear Disarmament, and WMD proliferation
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Fue una catarsis. En el fondo, Palma escribió su breve obra para encontrar una forma de explicar oblicuamente los traumas que habían conformado su vida. Entre ellos, la extrema violencia familiar de su padre, luego ausente de su vida... more
Fue una catarsis. En el fondo, Palma escribió su breve obra para encontrar una forma de explicar oblicuamente los traumas que habían conformado su vida. Entre ellos, la extrema violencia familiar de su padre, luego ausente de su vida (sólo para reaparecer cuando ganó el campeonato del mundo); sus sentimientos conflictivos hacía su madre; y su ofensa por tener que defender durante años su profesión contra acusaciones de violencia inhumana. Pero la sección más intrigante de su ensayo es su comentario sobre dos figuras a las que admiraba. El gran Amilcar Brusa, aprendemos, fue el entrenador que él nunca pudo ser. Y José María Gatica fue el boxeador cuyos traumas explicaron a Palma su propio vida en el boxeo.
Escrito a trompicones a partir de 2005, gran parte de método Palma refleja el desdén de muchos boxeadores profesionales por las opiniones de gente de clase media empeñados en eliminar el deporte por violencia. Al igual que otros boxeadores, Palma siempre comprendía los riesgos que corría. Se burlaba de la idea de “humanizar el boxeo” mediante la hiperregulación. “En principio, ¿qué sería humanizar?”, escribió. “¿Abolimos el boxeo y amanecemos más buenos?”. “El exceso de protección (guantes más grandes, protectores cabezales), atenta directamente contra aquellos individuos a quienes la vida otorgó por don, solamente la fuerza. ¿Con qué autoridad negamos esa posibilidad?” “El boxeo es un deporte de combate”, continuó Palma. “¿No le gusta? No lo practique”.
Escrito a trompicones a partir de 2005, gran parte de método Palma refleja el desdén de muchos boxeadores profesionales por las opiniones de gente de clase media empeñados en eliminar el deporte por violencia. Al igual que otros boxeadores, Palma siempre comprendía los riesgos que corría. Se burlaba de la idea de “humanizar el boxeo” mediante la hiperregulación. “En principio, ¿qué sería humanizar?”, escribió. “¿Abolimos el boxeo y amanecemos más buenos?”. “El exceso de protección (guantes más grandes, protectores cabezales), atenta directamente contra aquellos individuos a quienes la vida otorgó por don, solamente la fuerza. ¿Con qué autoridad negamos esa posibilidad?” “El boxeo es un deporte de combate”, continuó Palma. “¿No le gusta? No lo practique”.
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This is the first of four articles on Toronto public housing in the late 1980s. This first article introduces the series then focuses on disability and public housing. The second addresses a new social role for the Metropolitan Toronto... more
This is the first of four articles on Toronto public housing in the late 1980s. This first article introduces the series then focuses on disability and public housing. The second addresses a new social role for the Metropolitan Toronto Housing Authority (MTHA) that included providing breakfast for children in need and mounting after-school programs on MTHA properties. The third considers tenant advocacy and the final article explores problems in public housing in the Jane-Finch neighborhood. To protect their privacy, initials substitute for the names of residents who are or may still be alive. Language used on “disability” reflects terminology used in the 1980s.
On May 25, 1987, SMJ sent a handwritten letter to John Sewell, Metro Toronto Housing Authority (MTHA) chair and former mayor of Toronto. Like hundreds of letters Sewell received from public housing residents—most of which he answered or addressed personally—SMJ’s note was all at once smart, raw, and to the point. She approached Sewell as a potential ally. “I am not a delinquent in my rent payments,” SMJ wrote, “nor am I a trouble maker.” She itemized problems in her unit that included unchanged door locks since occupancy, a bathroom floor in need of retiling, and poor plastering. She told Sewell of the “standard rehearsed excuses” from MTHA employees that included “We don’t have the tools necessary” and “I don’t have a work order for that.”
It got worse. SMJ wrote that some MTHA workers implausibly accused tenants of soliciting them while tenants reasonably accused workers of propositioning them. “We are not whores, pimps and dealers all, just as blue collar government employees are not all overpaid and under worked.” According to SMJ, tenants dreaded reprisals from MTHA staff for requesting repairs. “They fear eviction, improper use of keys to enter suites, mail tampering, destruction to home, pets or loss of personal belongings.”
On May 25, 1987, SMJ sent a handwritten letter to John Sewell, Metro Toronto Housing Authority (MTHA) chair and former mayor of Toronto. Like hundreds of letters Sewell received from public housing residents—most of which he answered or addressed personally—SMJ’s note was all at once smart, raw, and to the point. She approached Sewell as a potential ally. “I am not a delinquent in my rent payments,” SMJ wrote, “nor am I a trouble maker.” She itemized problems in her unit that included unchanged door locks since occupancy, a bathroom floor in need of retiling, and poor plastering. She told Sewell of the “standard rehearsed excuses” from MTHA employees that included “We don’t have the tools necessary” and “I don’t have a work order for that.”
It got worse. SMJ wrote that some MTHA workers implausibly accused tenants of soliciting them while tenants reasonably accused workers of propositioning them. “We are not whores, pimps and dealers all, just as blue collar government employees are not all overpaid and under worked.” According to SMJ, tenants dreaded reprisals from MTHA staff for requesting repairs. “They fear eviction, improper use of keys to enter suites, mail tampering, destruction to home, pets or loss of personal belongings.”
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Los detalles del caso San Martín siempre fueron turbios. En 1954 y 1955, en la época de sus primeras acusaciones contra el gobierno de Perón por haber conspirado para encarcelarlo ilícitamente, los principales medios de comunicación... more
Los detalles del caso San Martín siempre fueron turbios. En 1954 y 1955, en la época de sus primeras acusaciones contra el gobierno de Perón por haber conspirado para encarcelarlo ilícitamente, los principales medios de comunicación prácticamente ignoraron su caso. Fue la revista Orbe, 8 en la actualidad mundial la que se ocupó de la situación de San Martín tras la caída de Perón. Orbe fue uno de los varios semanarios de corta vida que surgieron con la Revolución Libertadora para denunciar la corrupción y el supuesto régimen dictatorial de Perón. Los ejemplares se vendían en kioscos con tapas de salpicadura diseñadas para atraer a los lectores con detalles lascivos y a menudo violentos del gobierno peronista. La prensa amarilla de 1956 y 1957 fue acompañada por la producción de una serie de películas con objetivos similares. Entre estas últimas se encontraban Los torturados, dirigida por Alberto Dubois en 1956, y Después del silencio, dirigida por Lucas Demare, también en 1956. Al igual que las acusaciones de San Martín, siempre fue difícil separar la verdad de la ficción en estas películas y semanales.
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After the United States, Argentina and Canada are home to two of the largest Jewish communities in the Americas. While there are multiple parallels between the two communities in terms of culture and history, Jewish life in Canada and... more
After the United States, Argentina and Canada are home to two of the largest Jewish communities in the Americas. While there are multiple parallels between the two communities in terms of culture and history, Jewish life in Canada and Argentina also varies. It has been influenced by larger national changes that have moulded communities, neighbourhoods, ideologies, identities and more.
These differences reflect the diversity of Jewish communities globally. Perhaps most importantly, Jewish experience reflects the political, social and economic evolution of each country throughout the 20th century.
York University professor David S. Koffman and I recently co-edited the book, Promised Lands North and South: Jewish Canada and Jewish Argentina in Conversation, which is the first to comparatively explore Jewish communities in the two countries, Argentina and Canada.
These differences reflect the diversity of Jewish communities globally. Perhaps most importantly, Jewish experience reflects the political, social and economic evolution of each country throughout the 20th century.
York University professor David S. Koffman and I recently co-edited the book, Promised Lands North and South: Jewish Canada and Jewish Argentina in Conversation, which is the first to comparatively explore Jewish communities in the two countries, Argentina and Canada.
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Tres casos de 2023 que van transformando la ley y animarán a los votantes de Trump El Tribunal de Apelaciones del Quinto Circuito de Estados Unidos (que abarca Louisiana, Mississippi y Texas) determinó que son inconstitucionales las leyes... more
Tres casos de 2023 que van transformando la ley y animarán a los votantes de Trump
El Tribunal de Apelaciones del Quinto Circuito de Estados Unidos (que abarca Louisiana, Mississippi y Texas) determinó que son inconstitucionales las leyes que prohíben poseer armas a las personas con órdenes judiciales de alejamiento en su contra por violencia de género. La decisión fue redactada por los jueces Cory Wilson, James Ho y Edith Jones. Tanto Wilson como Ho fueron nombrados por Trump. La decisión no solamente envió un fuerte mensaje de un poderoso tribunal federal contra cualquier forma de control sobre la posesión de armas: también es probable que energice a los votantes conservadores y indecisos que creen que, en las últimas décadas, los tribunales y el gobierno federal han ido demasiado lejos al plantear desafíos basados en problemas de género a los derechos individuales. Es decir, la decisión del tribunal es tanto un apoyo al derecho a portar armas como un ataque a la política progresista de género.
Más sorprendente es la decisión del Quinto Circuito de anular una decisión de la Oficina Nacional de Alcohol, Tabaco, Armas de Fuego y Explosivos de prohibir los “bump stocks” (automatizadores de disparos), una forma de soporte de munición que puede transformar algunas armas en ametralladoras. Por lo general, los tribunales que han defendido el derecho de portar armas del individuo han invocado la disposición sobre tal derecho en la Segunda Enmienda de la Constitución Nacional, que supuestamente garantiza la posesión de armas como un derecho intrínseco. En este caso, la decisión del tribunal no dijo nada de la Segunda Enmienda. Atacó el poder de la burocracia del gobierno federal al considerar que sólo una ley del Congreso, y no una agencia gubernamental, podía tomar una decisión sobre la propiedad de las armas. El Quinto Circuito salió a restringir la autoridad de las burocracias del gobierno nacional, tema favorito de Donald Trump.
El Tribunal de Apelaciones del Quinto Circuito de Estados Unidos (que abarca Louisiana, Mississippi y Texas) determinó que son inconstitucionales las leyes que prohíben poseer armas a las personas con órdenes judiciales de alejamiento en su contra por violencia de género. La decisión fue redactada por los jueces Cory Wilson, James Ho y Edith Jones. Tanto Wilson como Ho fueron nombrados por Trump. La decisión no solamente envió un fuerte mensaje de un poderoso tribunal federal contra cualquier forma de control sobre la posesión de armas: también es probable que energice a los votantes conservadores y indecisos que creen que, en las últimas décadas, los tribunales y el gobierno federal han ido demasiado lejos al plantear desafíos basados en problemas de género a los derechos individuales. Es decir, la decisión del tribunal es tanto un apoyo al derecho a portar armas como un ataque a la política progresista de género.
Más sorprendente es la decisión del Quinto Circuito de anular una decisión de la Oficina Nacional de Alcohol, Tabaco, Armas de Fuego y Explosivos de prohibir los “bump stocks” (automatizadores de disparos), una forma de soporte de munición que puede transformar algunas armas en ametralladoras. Por lo general, los tribunales que han defendido el derecho de portar armas del individuo han invocado la disposición sobre tal derecho en la Segunda Enmienda de la Constitución Nacional, que supuestamente garantiza la posesión de armas como un derecho intrínseco. En este caso, la decisión del tribunal no dijo nada de la Segunda Enmienda. Atacó el poder de la burocracia del gobierno federal al considerar que sólo una ley del Congreso, y no una agencia gubernamental, podía tomar una decisión sobre la propiedad de las armas. El Quinto Circuito salió a restringir la autoridad de las burocracias del gobierno nacional, tema favorito de Donald Trump.
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This chapter examines a statue of the Rocky Balboa character that was used as an important prop in the film Rocky III, then gifted to the city of Philadelphia by Stallone and the producers of that film. More specifically, it addresses a... more
This chapter examines a statue of the Rocky Balboa character that was used as an important prop in the film Rocky III, then gifted to the city of Philadelphia by Stallone and the producers of that film. More specifically, it addresses a problem not dealt with in the scholarly literature or in most media accounts of the statue. Writers and others have often cast a long-standing debate on whether the statue should remain in a public location and, if so, where it should remain, as a reflection of “the tensions between fine art and popular culture in Philadelphia’s identity.” The reckoning of the elite stewards of fine art in the city is well established, largely in opposition to the statue. However, the meaning of “popular culture” in reference to the statue remains poorly explored and is often reproduced as the views of media personalities, politicians, and those same stewards of high culture. This chapter focuses in part on the outrage over the statue of a longtime leader of the Philadelphia African American community, Samuel London Evans. It explains Evans’s dismay as a reflection of enduring racism in the city, the police bombing of MOVE5 headquarters in West Philadelphia, and the distance of the Rocky statue from neighborhood life and culture in the city. Unlike the Fist in Detroit, the Rocky statue quickly became a tremendous draw for visitors to the city and for many city residents. Like the Fist, the Rocky statue evoked disinterest and disdain from most African American Philadelphians.
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Unveiled in 1986, the Monument to Joe Louis (better known colloquially as “the Fist”) in Detroit’s newly revamped downtown never resonated with most Detroiters. A $350,000 gift from the magazine Sports Illustrated, a subsidiary of media... more
Unveiled in 1986, the Monument to Joe Louis (better known colloquially as “the Fist”) in Detroit’s newly revamped downtown never resonated with most Detroiters. A $350,000 gift from the magazine Sports Illustrated, a subsidiary of media giant Time, Inc., the statue did not touch African Americans, boxing, or other communities the way earlier tributes, remembrances, and monuments to Joe Louis had done for people. The time of the unveiling was a disillusioning one for city residents. Twenty years after the 1967 uprising and more than a decade after business and civic leaders had launched a plan to redevelop a decaying downtown, Detroiters had begun to see the failure of that initiative. They had also begun to understand the failed promise of new employment opportunities and a revival of the city’s collapsed industrial base. The failure of the Fist to inspire positive emotion among Detroiters drew first and fore- most on how closely integrated it was with a downtown redevelopment plan that did not reflect the interests or sentiments of most residents. The empti- ness of the statue itself said little to people about Louis, once the most famous athlete in the world. By contrast, it said a great deal to Detroiters about the folly of a downtown redevelopment plan that left the area emptied of small businesses and of the hustle and bustle of city shoppers who had once patron- ized Hudson’s and other large department stores now vanished from the city center. The Fist seemed irrelevant to people gripped by what had come to be seen in the city as unending grinding poverty, rising crime, and persistent rac- ism. Almost immediately, perceived as an emotionally empty piece of corporate art, in a downtown culturally and physically distant from most Detroiters, the Fist became a symbol of the failure of post-1970 redevelopment efforts.
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co-author: C. Nathan Hatton In 1908, twenty months after he lost his last fight and seven months after he died, Canadian boxer George Dixon was remembered at Thompson and Broome Streets in New York. The ornate fountain unveiled in his... more
co-author: C. Nathan Hatton
In 1908, twenty months after he lost his last fight and seven months after he died, Canadian boxer George Dixon was remembered at Thompson and Broome Streets in New York. The ornate fountain unveiled in his name gushed water from the forged mouth of a lion. The fountain is long gone, its whereabouts unknown. But more than a century later, in 2023, the dedication of a Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada plaque to Dixon outside the Africville Museum in Halifax, Canada, memorialized him again. This time, there were a new set of emphases.
The boxer commemorated in the Lower Manhattan fountain more than a century ago was renowned across the boxing world as the first Black athlete to win a world championship in any sport. His many accolades included the plaudits of the dean of twentieth-century boxing journalists, Nat Fleischer, who once called him the best featherweight in history. In his twenty-year professional career, Dixon fought a grueling 161 bouts, winning 66 (thirty by knockout), in addition to scores of exhibitions. From 1886 to mid-1902, he battled for the most part in drill halls, theaters, and athletic clubs up and down the east coast of the United States. After that, save for his final six fights, he boxed in similar venues in England.
The 2023 plaque unveiling in Halifax followed the commissioning of a nearby mural in 2020 of George Dixon in the ring, striking a white fighter hard in the face. The location of these two memorials was no accident. Dixon learned to fight as an adolescent in the Black community of Africville in Halifax. Like Chambacú in mid-twentieth-century Cartagena, Colombia; 1970s Brownsville, Brooklyn in New York; and many other Black neighborhoods in cities throughout the Americas, late nineteenth-century Africville was more than the childhood home of a great boxer. (The world champions Antonio “Kid Pambelé” Cervantes and Mike Tyson are from Chambacú and Brownsville, respectively.) It was a cauldron of artistic and cultural invention.2
As Sergeant Craig Marshall Smith makes clear in this interview, monu- ments to George Dixon in Africville not only promote the memory of a bril- liant Canadian boxer and his accomplishments. They form part of an ongoing process to recover what was destroyed when Africville was destroyed and African Canadian residents removed from a once-thriving neighborhood.
In 1908, twenty months after he lost his last fight and seven months after he died, Canadian boxer George Dixon was remembered at Thompson and Broome Streets in New York. The ornate fountain unveiled in his name gushed water from the forged mouth of a lion. The fountain is long gone, its whereabouts unknown. But more than a century later, in 2023, the dedication of a Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada plaque to Dixon outside the Africville Museum in Halifax, Canada, memorialized him again. This time, there were a new set of emphases.
The boxer commemorated in the Lower Manhattan fountain more than a century ago was renowned across the boxing world as the first Black athlete to win a world championship in any sport. His many accolades included the plaudits of the dean of twentieth-century boxing journalists, Nat Fleischer, who once called him the best featherweight in history. In his twenty-year professional career, Dixon fought a grueling 161 bouts, winning 66 (thirty by knockout), in addition to scores of exhibitions. From 1886 to mid-1902, he battled for the most part in drill halls, theaters, and athletic clubs up and down the east coast of the United States. After that, save for his final six fights, he boxed in similar venues in England.
The 2023 plaque unveiling in Halifax followed the commissioning of a nearby mural in 2020 of George Dixon in the ring, striking a white fighter hard in the face. The location of these two memorials was no accident. Dixon learned to fight as an adolescent in the Black community of Africville in Halifax. Like Chambacú in mid-twentieth-century Cartagena, Colombia; 1970s Brownsville, Brooklyn in New York; and many other Black neighborhoods in cities throughout the Americas, late nineteenth-century Africville was more than the childhood home of a great boxer. (The world champions Antonio “Kid Pambelé” Cervantes and Mike Tyson are from Chambacú and Brownsville, respectively.) It was a cauldron of artistic and cultural invention.2
As Sergeant Craig Marshall Smith makes clear in this interview, monu- ments to George Dixon in Africville not only promote the memory of a bril- liant Canadian boxer and his accomplishments. They form part of an ongoing process to recover what was destroyed when Africville was destroyed and African Canadian residents removed from a once-thriving neighborhood.
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co-author: C. Nathan Hatton The city of Perry, located in north-central Oklahoma, is a two-industry town. Perry’s main employer, Ditch Witch, manufactures construction equipment. However, its other major product is amateur wrestlers. For... more
co-author: C. Nathan Hatton
The city of Perry, located in north-central Oklahoma, is a two-industry town. Perry’s main employer, Ditch Witch, manufactures construction equipment. However, its other major product is amateur wrestlers. For over a century, Perry has left its mark on the sport of amateur wrestling at the state, national, and international levels. Oklahoma is a powerhouse in American amateur wrestling, and Perry has produced a vast majority of the state’s championship high school wrestling teams over the past sixty years. Many of its athletes have also gone on to have successful collegiate careers. Most significantly for the citizens of Perry, the community was also home to Jack VanBebber (1907–1986) and Danny Hodge (1932–2020).
Following a collegiate career that included winning three NCAA national championships out of Oklahoma A&M (now Oklahoma State University−Stillwater), VanBebber earned gold in freestyle wrestling in the seventy-two kilogram class at the 1932 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. Hodge, like VanBebber, was a three-time NCAA champion. He earned a silver medal at the 1956 Olympic Games in Melbourne, Australia, in the seventy-nine kilogram class. Hodge is also the namesake for the award given annually to the best collegiate wrestler in the United States.
Perry Wrestling Monument Park opened in 2016 under the management of the Perry Wrestling Foundation. Unlike the other monuments profiled in this book, it is a multilayered project that honors many athletes. Several plaques tell the story of Perry wrestling and name the many championship teams, athletes, and other individuals honored in association with the sport. Standing in front of the plaques are two statues, representing Perry’s Olympic medallists, VanBebber and Hodge. In addition to the statues, both VanBebber and Hodge have plaques outlining their accomplishments. The monument stands atop a cement slab that is painted to resemble a wrestling mat. At the edge of the mat are chairs representing the positions held by coaches during a wrestling match, and the entrance to the park is spanned by an arch. With its many elements, Perry Wrestling Monument Park is one of the most expan- sive monuments of its kind not only in the United States but also anywhere in the world, both with respect to its size and the number of combat athletes it commemorates.
The city of Perry, located in north-central Oklahoma, is a two-industry town. Perry’s main employer, Ditch Witch, manufactures construction equipment. However, its other major product is amateur wrestlers. For over a century, Perry has left its mark on the sport of amateur wrestling at the state, national, and international levels. Oklahoma is a powerhouse in American amateur wrestling, and Perry has produced a vast majority of the state’s championship high school wrestling teams over the past sixty years. Many of its athletes have also gone on to have successful collegiate careers. Most significantly for the citizens of Perry, the community was also home to Jack VanBebber (1907–1986) and Danny Hodge (1932–2020).
Following a collegiate career that included winning three NCAA national championships out of Oklahoma A&M (now Oklahoma State University−Stillwater), VanBebber earned gold in freestyle wrestling in the seventy-two kilogram class at the 1932 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. Hodge, like VanBebber, was a three-time NCAA champion. He earned a silver medal at the 1956 Olympic Games in Melbourne, Australia, in the seventy-nine kilogram class. Hodge is also the namesake for the award given annually to the best collegiate wrestler in the United States.
Perry Wrestling Monument Park opened in 2016 under the management of the Perry Wrestling Foundation. Unlike the other monuments profiled in this book, it is a multilayered project that honors many athletes. Several plaques tell the story of Perry wrestling and name the many championship teams, athletes, and other individuals honored in association with the sport. Standing in front of the plaques are two statues, representing Perry’s Olympic medallists, VanBebber and Hodge. In addition to the statues, both VanBebber and Hodge have plaques outlining their accomplishments. The monument stands atop a cement slab that is painted to resemble a wrestling mat. At the edge of the mat are chairs representing the positions held by coaches during a wrestling match, and the entrance to the park is spanned by an arch. With its many elements, Perry Wrestling Monument Park is one of the most expan- sive monuments of its kind not only in the United States but also anywhere in the world, both with respect to its size and the number of combat athletes it commemorates.
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co-author: C. Nathan Hatton Since the 1880s, statues of all kinds have proliferated across North America. But what is it about statues of combat athletes that makes them distinct? Certainly, statues of combat athletes share themes... more
co-author: C. Nathan Hatton
Since the 1880s, statues of all kinds have proliferated across North America. But what is it about statues of combat athletes that makes them distinct? Certainly, statues of combat athletes share themes with statues com- memorating athletes from any sport. They speak to how fans remember sports heroes over time, the business, marketing of memory, and the shape of the cities and towns where the athletes resided. But in addition, there are four distinguishing features of statues to fighters.
First, the Uffizi Wrestlers was one of dozens of statues to wrestlers from ancient Greece, Rome, and other civilizations celebrated in Western Europe and the United States as markers of ancient societies that had inspired mod- ern democracy, literature, art, and science. Statues of such athletes not only dated from the ancient world. They also inspired new designs reminiscent of traditional forms and were reproduced multiple times. The most famous representations of such figures include Two Fighters (1530) by Michelangelo, François Rude’s Wrestler in Repose (1820), and Félix Maurice Charpentier’s Lutteurs (1893). For the conservators of Fairmount Park, as for the doyens of similar grand parks and museums across the United States, such statues and monuments of anonymous, muscular wrestlers reaffirmed community aspira- tions to high art and culture commensurate with a society whose cultural and political leaders sought to demonstrate the nation as a modern exemplar of what they considered civilized and advanced societies in the ancient world.
Second, throughout the Americas—during periods of mass popularity of wrestling, boxing, and mixed martial arts—the violence of combat sports left a mark on how fans and communities remember athletes. That relationship is not linear, nor is it fixed on the athlete or their sport as violent. Violence has often been a complex backdrop to what combat athletes represent to fans and communities. In many cases, combat athletes have endeared themselves to their followers not as violent performers but as having overcome violent pasts to reach levels of remarkable success.
Third, in the twentieth century, combat sports have often produced more detailed, more emotionally poignant stories of triumph than those associ- ated with team sports. Since combat sports illuminate the achievements of individuals, the stories are unencumbered by the many parallel narratives of others who shared the spotlight during key athletic milestones. As a result, fans have often consumed more deeply personal stories than those of team sport athletes.
Finally, in keeping with themes of violence and individual accomplish- ment, combat athlete narratives in North America over the past century have often focused more intensely than in other sports on the dynamic linking race to achievement. Issues of race are certainly important in narratives associated with team sports. However, the one-on-one character of combat sports allows for matters of race to be foregrounded in a way that is not possible in team sports, where large membership rosters often make matters of racial identity and racial representation more tenuous.
Since the 1880s, statues of all kinds have proliferated across North America. But what is it about statues of combat athletes that makes them distinct? Certainly, statues of combat athletes share themes with statues com- memorating athletes from any sport. They speak to how fans remember sports heroes over time, the business, marketing of memory, and the shape of the cities and towns where the athletes resided. But in addition, there are four distinguishing features of statues to fighters.
First, the Uffizi Wrestlers was one of dozens of statues to wrestlers from ancient Greece, Rome, and other civilizations celebrated in Western Europe and the United States as markers of ancient societies that had inspired mod- ern democracy, literature, art, and science. Statues of such athletes not only dated from the ancient world. They also inspired new designs reminiscent of traditional forms and were reproduced multiple times. The most famous representations of such figures include Two Fighters (1530) by Michelangelo, François Rude’s Wrestler in Repose (1820), and Félix Maurice Charpentier’s Lutteurs (1893). For the conservators of Fairmount Park, as for the doyens of similar grand parks and museums across the United States, such statues and monuments of anonymous, muscular wrestlers reaffirmed community aspira- tions to high art and culture commensurate with a society whose cultural and political leaders sought to demonstrate the nation as a modern exemplar of what they considered civilized and advanced societies in the ancient world.
Second, throughout the Americas—during periods of mass popularity of wrestling, boxing, and mixed martial arts—the violence of combat sports left a mark on how fans and communities remember athletes. That relationship is not linear, nor is it fixed on the athlete or their sport as violent. Violence has often been a complex backdrop to what combat athletes represent to fans and communities. In many cases, combat athletes have endeared themselves to their followers not as violent performers but as having overcome violent pasts to reach levels of remarkable success.
Third, in the twentieth century, combat sports have often produced more detailed, more emotionally poignant stories of triumph than those associ- ated with team sports. Since combat sports illuminate the achievements of individuals, the stories are unencumbered by the many parallel narratives of others who shared the spotlight during key athletic milestones. As a result, fans have often consumed more deeply personal stories than those of team sport athletes.
Finally, in keeping with themes of violence and individual accomplish- ment, combat athlete narratives in North America over the past century have often focused more intensely than in other sports on the dynamic linking race to achievement. Issues of race are certainly important in narratives associated with team sports. However, the one-on-one character of combat sports allows for matters of race to be foregrounded in a way that is not possible in team sports, where large membership rosters often make matters of racial identity and racial representation more tenuous.
Research Interests:
This chapter focuses on two larger-than-life figures in the boxing world that lived mid-twentieth-century identity transformations through boxing. In addi- tion, the public journeys of each and the admiration each generated among Jews and... more
This chapter focuses on two larger-than-life figures in the boxing world that
lived mid-twentieth-century identity transformations through boxing. In addi-
tion, the public journeys of each and the admiration each generated among
Jews and perhaps more importantly, among non-Jews tell us something larger about twentieth-century Canadian and Argentine Jewish life. There were similarities to be sure. But Jewish modernity was distinct in each nation. In Canada, it reflected rapid national economic growth, material advances for many Canadians, and an associated optimism that permeated how Canadians looked to the future. In Argentina, Jewish modernity often reflected a growing malaise among Argentines over economic decline, political violence and instability, and growing pessimism for the future.
In Argentina, little is known of Simón Bronenberg’s personal life. Even so, he
was the first prominent Argentine boxing writer and the pre-eminent boxing
journalist of the mid-twentieth century when boxing ranked with soccer as the most popular sports in Argentina. Bronenberg was the co-founder, the long-time editor, and the driving force behind K.O. Mundial, the most important and widely read boxing magazine in Argentine history. In its pages over four decades and for an eager public, Bronenberg explained boxing on spectacle, the mechanics of blows, bureaucracies, business, and much more. He taught Argentines how to appreciate the sport.
Like Bronenberg, the Toronto boxer Sammy Luftspring began his career in
the 1930s at a time when religious, cultural, and political strictures on Jews
shaped Jewish life and limited Jewish options in both countries. Mainstream
media regularly covered Lufstspring as a widely acknowledged boxing dynamo until 1940 when a detached retina forced him from the ring. Unlike Bronenberg who continued to work as a journalist through the 1970s, Luftspring reinvented himself as an iconic former boxer. He worked paid and unpaid jobs of the sort that boxers throughout the Americas took in retirement. Luftspring drove a taxi, refereed boxing matches, did sports color commentary for television, and represented a liquor company.
lived mid-twentieth-century identity transformations through boxing. In addi-
tion, the public journeys of each and the admiration each generated among
Jews and perhaps more importantly, among non-Jews tell us something larger about twentieth-century Canadian and Argentine Jewish life. There were similarities to be sure. But Jewish modernity was distinct in each nation. In Canada, it reflected rapid national economic growth, material advances for many Canadians, and an associated optimism that permeated how Canadians looked to the future. In Argentina, Jewish modernity often reflected a growing malaise among Argentines over economic decline, political violence and instability, and growing pessimism for the future.
In Argentina, little is known of Simón Bronenberg’s personal life. Even so, he
was the first prominent Argentine boxing writer and the pre-eminent boxing
journalist of the mid-twentieth century when boxing ranked with soccer as the most popular sports in Argentina. Bronenberg was the co-founder, the long-time editor, and the driving force behind K.O. Mundial, the most important and widely read boxing magazine in Argentine history. In its pages over four decades and for an eager public, Bronenberg explained boxing on spectacle, the mechanics of blows, bureaucracies, business, and much more. He taught Argentines how to appreciate the sport.
Like Bronenberg, the Toronto boxer Sammy Luftspring began his career in
the 1930s at a time when religious, cultural, and political strictures on Jews
shaped Jewish life and limited Jewish options in both countries. Mainstream
media regularly covered Lufstspring as a widely acknowledged boxing dynamo until 1940 when a detached retina forced him from the ring. Unlike Bronenberg who continued to work as a journalist through the 1970s, Luftspring reinvented himself as an iconic former boxer. He worked paid and unpaid jobs of the sort that boxers throughout the Americas took in retirement. Luftspring drove a taxi, refereed boxing matches, did sports color commentary for television, and represented a liquor company.
Research Interests:
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Desde 2002, las noticias sobre la fiebre aftosa han sido espectaculares. Tras un brote en 2000-2001, y con décadas de endemicidad, Argentina lanzó el Plan Nacional de Erradicación de la fiebre aftosa, que incluía campañas nacionales de... more
Desde 2002, las noticias sobre la fiebre aftosa han sido espectaculares. Tras un brote en 2000-2001, y con décadas de endemicidad, Argentina lanzó el Plan Nacional de Erradicación de la fiebre aftosa, que incluía campañas nacionales de vacunación. Felizmente, la Organización Mundial de Sanidad Animal (OMSA) informó en 2023, como desde hace varios años, que Argentina quedó libre de fiebre aftosa. Tal fue el éxito del laboratorio argentino CDV en su desarrollo de una vacuna tremenda contra esta fiebre, que logró exportar 6.000.000 de dosis en 2022. También en 2023, el Servicio Nacional de Sanidad y Calidad Agroalimentaria (Senasa) promulgó nuevas normas para los movimientos de animales en pie. En concreto, “todo bovino o bubalino que se movilice dentro del territorio nacional deberá estar vacunado contra la fiebre aftosa.” El laboratorio CDV representa sólo una de las muchas historias exitosas de la ciencia y la tecnología argentinas, que incluyen el desarrollo en 1956 de la vacuna antiaftosa oleosa polivalente del Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria.
Pero hay algo que no va bien. El hecho de que se estén desarrollando y distribuyendo vacunas en Argentina y de que, cuando se produce un pequeño brote, las autoridades nacionales se muestren vigilantes para erradicarlo pone de relieve que la OMSA enumera dos categorías de países o zonas libres de fiebre aftosa.
Hay países y zonas libres de aftosa donde no se vacunan al ganado, y países/zonas libres de aftosa con la necesidad de vacunación. En la actualidad Argentina se divide dos. Al igual que Estados Unidos y Canadá, la Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego e Islas Malvinas están libres de fiebre aftosa sin necesidad de vacunación. El resto del país no sólo está sujeto a programas regulares de vacunación, sino que existen estrategias de vacunación variadas en las distintas provincias y regiones. En algunos lugares, la vacunación es obligatoria y universal, pero no en otros. Además, la frecuencia de las campañas de vacunación varía de un lugar a otro de Argentina y depende de un factor que el gobierno nunca ha podido controlar: la voluntad de los ganaderos de notificar los casos.
Pero hay algo que no va bien. El hecho de que se estén desarrollando y distribuyendo vacunas en Argentina y de que, cuando se produce un pequeño brote, las autoridades nacionales se muestren vigilantes para erradicarlo pone de relieve que la OMSA enumera dos categorías de países o zonas libres de fiebre aftosa.
Hay países y zonas libres de aftosa donde no se vacunan al ganado, y países/zonas libres de aftosa con la necesidad de vacunación. En la actualidad Argentina se divide dos. Al igual que Estados Unidos y Canadá, la Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego e Islas Malvinas están libres de fiebre aftosa sin necesidad de vacunación. El resto del país no sólo está sujeto a programas regulares de vacunación, sino que existen estrategias de vacunación variadas en las distintas provincias y regiones. En algunos lugares, la vacunación es obligatoria y universal, pero no en otros. Además, la frecuencia de las campañas de vacunación varía de un lugar a otro de Argentina y depende de un factor que el gobierno nunca ha podido controlar: la voluntad de los ganaderos de notificar los casos.
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En mayo de 1940, poco después de la ocupación de los Países Bajos por los nazis, el embajador uruguayo en La Haya, Carlos María Gurméndez Muñoz se encontró con ocho familias judías pidiendo refugio en su embajada. En tal momento, la sede... more
En mayo de 1940, poco después de la ocupación de los Países Bajos por los nazis, el embajador uruguayo en La Haya, Carlos María Gurméndez Muñoz se encontró con ocho familias judías pidiendo refugio en su embajada. En tal momento, la sede diplomática uruguaya fue la única de las Américas que permitió la entrada de refugiados judíos en sus instalaciones. El 3 de julio, los diplomáticos uruguayos tuvieron que abandonar el país, expulsados por los invasores. Los nazis no querían permitir que los judíos refugiados se marcharan con ellos. Pero Gurméndez les concedió documentos de salvoconducto y, tras largas negociaciones con los nazis, consiguió llevarselos. El 27 de julio, los diplomáticos y los refugiados llegaron a Lisboa. Y desde allí, algunos emigraron a Uruguay, mientras que otros se fugaron a Estados Unidos.
Pero a pesar de un final feliz, la historia se complica.
El 29 de mayo de 1940, diecinueve días después de que llegaron los nazis a los Países Bajos, Gurméndez planteó a sus homólogos diplomáticos en Holanda el dilema de los judíos refugiados. Les pidió a sus colegas que gestionen a sus gobiernos el asilo de los suplicantes. El ministro argentino en los Países Bajos, Carlos Brebbia, respondió de forma inequívoca. Aconsejó a sus superiores que rechacen la solicitud. La falta de voluntad del gobierno argentino de aceptar la petición uruguaya -la única apelación en tiempos de guerra al Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores argentino, en nombre de los judíos en los Países Bajos- representa un ejemplo clave de repetidos rechazos argentinos de refugiados judíos durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En este caso, el ministro argentino en los Países Bajos, Carlos Brebbia, avanzó argumentos discriminatorios para rehusar la solicitud de asilo. El Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores nunca cuestionó su razonamiento, rechazando de hecho a los refugiados en peligro. Además, el gobierno argentino evitó una decisión relacionada con los refugiados que pudiera invocar la animosidad de un beligerante clave, en este caso Alemania.
Pero a pesar de un final feliz, la historia se complica.
El 29 de mayo de 1940, diecinueve días después de que llegaron los nazis a los Países Bajos, Gurméndez planteó a sus homólogos diplomáticos en Holanda el dilema de los judíos refugiados. Les pidió a sus colegas que gestionen a sus gobiernos el asilo de los suplicantes. El ministro argentino en los Países Bajos, Carlos Brebbia, respondió de forma inequívoca. Aconsejó a sus superiores que rechacen la solicitud. La falta de voluntad del gobierno argentino de aceptar la petición uruguaya -la única apelación en tiempos de guerra al Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores argentino, en nombre de los judíos en los Países Bajos- representa un ejemplo clave de repetidos rechazos argentinos de refugiados judíos durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En este caso, el ministro argentino en los Países Bajos, Carlos Brebbia, avanzó argumentos discriminatorios para rehusar la solicitud de asilo. El Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores nunca cuestionó su razonamiento, rechazando de hecho a los refugiados en peligro. Además, el gobierno argentino evitó una decisión relacionada con los refugiados que pudiera invocar la animosidad de un beligerante clave, en este caso Alemania.
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Research Interests:
At the Expo Milano 2015 Argentina pavilion, as national elections loomed in Argentina, the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner presidential administration (2007-2015) staged a final performative act. It was hardly the first shock-visual... more
At the Expo Milano 2015 Argentina pavilion, as national elections loomed in Argentina, the Cristina Fernández de Kirchner presidential administration (2007-2015) staged a final performative act. It was hardly the first shock-visual rendering of kirchnerismo. What most firmly tied kirchnerismo to traditional Peronist populism was the theatrical quality of public performance, employed to create an emotional bond between leader, movement, and target social sectors. This is not to say that Peronist populism has not drawn on resonant redistributive economic policies; it has, in a manner that defined the movement. But in its theatrical element, Peronism has approached redistributive politics in a manner that has long captured the meaningful expression of suffering and pain of working Argentines (Ostiguy, 2020). A veteran of theatrical populism, with a strong emphasis on what Matthew Karush called the melodramatic tendency in early Peronist populism (Karush, 2010), Fernández de Kirchner had orchestrated multiple jarring performances to advance and reinforce core government policy themes. These included the guerrilla filming in 2012 of Fernando Zylberberg, the captain of the Argentine men’s field hockey team, illicitly training in the British-held Malvinas Islands for the 2012 Summer Olympics in London. Ironically in light of longstanding anti-Americanism as a touchstone of Peronist populism, the president chose the New York-based advertising firm to come up with the film. The message of the short video underscored a longstanding Fernández de Kirchner administration effort to generate international support for an end to the British presence on the islands. “To compete on British soil,” the video noted gravely, “we train on Argentine soil” (Republic of Argentina, Office of the President, 2012; Rodríguez, 2012; Salerno, 2021). The Expo Milano 2015 Argentina pavilion held none of the Zylberberg video drama of how the athlete had managed to dupe British authorities on such sensitive territory; it did, however, reflect a similar emphasis on what the presidency considered the intersections of morality, nationalism, and politics in government. But in addition, each of the Expo Milano 2015 Argentina pavilion exhibits, the Zylberberg video and other kirchnerista performances of populism, had something else in common. As a practical matter, performative success had less to do with winning over an international or domestic audience than it did trumpeting the government’s vision of its successes, for whatever that was worth.
Compared to the World’s Fair glory days of the 1960s and 1970s, Expo Milano 2015 was a notorious bust. It drew few visitors, few pavilions, and little government financing of pavilion buildings. Even so, the Argentine government invested millions of dollars and significant political capital in its pavilion, the highlight of which was a visit during the fair by the Argentine president herself. Moreover, the performance of Peronist populism at the fair was incongruous. As Fernández de Kirchner’s presidential term came to a close in the months following the fair, part of her legacy included a legendary conflict with small and large agricultural producers, and a public distancing of the presidential administration from Peronist movement founder, Juan Perón. Yet, pavilion messaging combined a celebration of the past under Perón and of Argentine agricultural triumphal optimism with a nostalgic imaging of the industrial worker, represented in pavilion employees dressed as 1950s Argentine factory workers in blue one-piece tunics (Sheinin, 2019; Gardner, 2020, 87-110; Hora, 2020).
What did kirchnerismo hope to achieve in its last grand performance on the world stage? This chapter argues that in highlighting the administration’s emphasis on a romanticised past for working people; new immigration policies that facilitated the entry of racialized communities from neighbouring countries; Indigenous Argentines; and a putative scientific revolution in Argentina, the government hoped to capitalise on international alliances with other left-leaning governments (Venezuela, Ecuador, and others) to project a new left-populist model for national development as a lasting legacy of kirchnerismo (Rada, 2015; Vergara Parra, 2019).
Compared to the World’s Fair glory days of the 1960s and 1970s, Expo Milano 2015 was a notorious bust. It drew few visitors, few pavilions, and little government financing of pavilion buildings. Even so, the Argentine government invested millions of dollars and significant political capital in its pavilion, the highlight of which was a visit during the fair by the Argentine president herself. Moreover, the performance of Peronist populism at the fair was incongruous. As Fernández de Kirchner’s presidential term came to a close in the months following the fair, part of her legacy included a legendary conflict with small and large agricultural producers, and a public distancing of the presidential administration from Peronist movement founder, Juan Perón. Yet, pavilion messaging combined a celebration of the past under Perón and of Argentine agricultural triumphal optimism with a nostalgic imaging of the industrial worker, represented in pavilion employees dressed as 1950s Argentine factory workers in blue one-piece tunics (Sheinin, 2019; Gardner, 2020, 87-110; Hora, 2020).
What did kirchnerismo hope to achieve in its last grand performance on the world stage? This chapter argues that in highlighting the administration’s emphasis on a romanticised past for working people; new immigration policies that facilitated the entry of racialized communities from neighbouring countries; Indigenous Argentines; and a putative scientific revolution in Argentina, the government hoped to capitalise on international alliances with other left-leaning governments (Venezuela, Ecuador, and others) to project a new left-populist model for national development as a lasting legacy of kirchnerismo (Rada, 2015; Vergara Parra, 2019).
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Schönfeld fue muy perspicaz durante la Guerra de las Malvinas. Fue de los primeros en Argentina en reconocer que no habría esperanza para Argentina en la ayuda estadounidense o en la confianza en el Tratado Interamericano de Asistencia... more
Schönfeld fue muy perspicaz durante la Guerra de las Malvinas. Fue de los primeros en Argentina en reconocer que no habría esperanza para Argentina en la ayuda estadounidense o en la confianza en el Tratado Interamericano de Asistencia Recíproca para un apoyo militar en el hemisferio. Argentina iba a tener que enfrentar la amenaza británica sola. Además, en abril de 1982, vio la inminente crisis de la fuerza de invasión británica a través de la lente de un siglo de democracia liberal. Schönfeld estaba disgustado por el silencio de la comunidad internacional ante la invasión inminente británica. Le recordó el periodo previo a la Primera Guerra Mundial y la “larga hilera de los entusiastas, de los escépticos, de los fanáticos, los corrosivos, los que ‘estaban de vuelta de todo’, los que se desgañitaban y los que se envolvían en glacial e impenetrable silencio” frente a la violencia que venía. Schönfeld sobrestimó el apoyo popular argentino que el gobierno recibiría para la guerra y criticó severamente, al final, los errores de cálculo estratégicos del gobierno militar.
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El 24 de marzo de 1976 varios hombres enmascarados irrumpieron en la casa de José Siderman en Tucumán. Lo secuestraron a los golpes y lo tiraron en el suelo de un coche. En camino a un centro de detención, lo patearon repetidamente y... more
El 24 de marzo de 1976 varios hombres enmascarados irrumpieron en la casa de José Siderman en Tucumán. Lo secuestraron a los golpes y lo tiraron en el suelo de un coche. En camino a un centro de detención, lo patearon repetidamente y amenazaron con matarlo. Durante siete días fue torturaron con una picana eléctrica, muchas veces sus secuestradores gritaban “judío de mierda”, entre otros insultos antisemitas. Siderman era el dueño de Inmobiliaria del Nor-Oeste, S.A. (INOSA), a punto de construir el hotel más grande del norte argentino, el Gran Corona en Tucumán. Pero no fue su primer secuestro. En 1974, los Montoneros lo retuvo durante tres semanas hasta que su familia pagó un rescate importante. La cuestión Siderman cerró veinte años después cuando el gobierno argentino resolvió una demanda judicial civil de la familia. A cambio de un acuerdo de confidencialidad, el gobierno de Carlos Menem pagó a los Siderman US$6 millones por el secuestro y tortura de José Siderman y por la confiscación ilícita de los bienes de la familia.
El caso Siderman no suma ni resta de lo que sabemos del antisemitismo de Ramón Camps y de otras figuras nefastas del último gobierno militar. Pero Siderman complica la historia. Una vez en exilio, José Siderman desarrolló una estrategia diplomática y jurídica potenciada por la mala fama del gobierno militar en EE. UU. como un régimen antisemita. De esa manera, y con aliados importantes en EE. UU., evitó una condena de fraude por el Juzgado Federal No. 1 de Tucumán en 1976, y una orden de extradición del gobierno argentino.
El caso Siderman no suma ni resta de lo que sabemos del antisemitismo de Ramón Camps y de otras figuras nefastas del último gobierno militar. Pero Siderman complica la historia. Una vez en exilio, José Siderman desarrolló una estrategia diplomática y jurídica potenciada por la mala fama del gobierno militar en EE. UU. como un régimen antisemita. De esa manera, y con aliados importantes en EE. UU., evitó una condena de fraude por el Juzgado Federal No. 1 de Tucumán en 1976, y una orden de extradición del gobierno argentino.
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El 1 de marzo de 1966 en Tokio, Horacio Accavallo derrotó a Katsuyoshi Takayama. Se consagró campeón del mundo de la Asociación Mundial de Boxeo y del Consejo Mundial de Boxeo en la categoría Mosca. Siete días más tarde, Accavallo... more
El 1 de marzo de 1966 en Tokio, Horacio Accavallo derrotó a Katsuyoshi Takayama. Se consagró campeón del mundo de la Asociación Mundial de Boxeo y del Consejo Mundial de Boxeo en la categoría Mosca. Siete días más tarde, Accavallo apareció en la tapa de El Gráfico en los momentos después de su victoria, cansado pero sonriente. Así figura en la mayoría de las fotos mediáticas en los días después de su triunfo —un boxeador joven, feliz, y lleno de energía. Aparece así también en su momento de conquista en la película biográfica Destino para dos (1968), en la cual Accavallo se interpretó a sí mismo.
Pero el fotógrafo H. Menis, trabajando para el periódico porteño El Mundo, tuvo otra visión del campeón. En una serie de fotos tomadas el 3 de marzo documentando la vuelta de Accavallo a Ezeiza y el desfile acompañándolo hasta Luna Park, Menis presenta Accavallo como el deportista peronista icónico. En su foto más notable, “Caravana de camiones por la calle Corrientes”, Accavallo no figura. De hecho, sin las demás placas en la serie, no hay enlace a Accavallo. La foto queda fechada por una marquesina de la película “Cat Balou: Tigresa del Oeste”, de Jane Fonda, que llegó a la calle Corrientes el 19 de enero de 1966. En la foto, Menis ilustra la entrada triunfal a la capital de Accavallo y de sus fanáticos, y de la bajada de Corrientes como un desfile peronista de antes. El camión Mercedes lleva unos cuarenta o cincuenta chicos y hombres jóvenes, varios sin camisas. Algunos celebran agitando las camisetas. A diferencia de un hombre parado en frente y al lado del camión, algunos en el camión son gente de color. Vestido de saco y corbata, el hombre de al lado, vestido con un traje cruzado que lleva un maletín, parece no ser consciente del camión ni de sus pasajeros.
Pero el fotógrafo H. Menis, trabajando para el periódico porteño El Mundo, tuvo otra visión del campeón. En una serie de fotos tomadas el 3 de marzo documentando la vuelta de Accavallo a Ezeiza y el desfile acompañándolo hasta Luna Park, Menis presenta Accavallo como el deportista peronista icónico. En su foto más notable, “Caravana de camiones por la calle Corrientes”, Accavallo no figura. De hecho, sin las demás placas en la serie, no hay enlace a Accavallo. La foto queda fechada por una marquesina de la película “Cat Balou: Tigresa del Oeste”, de Jane Fonda, que llegó a la calle Corrientes el 19 de enero de 1966. En la foto, Menis ilustra la entrada triunfal a la capital de Accavallo y de sus fanáticos, y de la bajada de Corrientes como un desfile peronista de antes. El camión Mercedes lleva unos cuarenta o cincuenta chicos y hombres jóvenes, varios sin camisas. Algunos celebran agitando las camisetas. A diferencia de un hombre parado en frente y al lado del camión, algunos en el camión son gente de color. Vestido de saco y corbata, el hombre de al lado, vestido con un traje cruzado que lleva un maletín, parece no ser consciente del camión ni de sus pasajeros.
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En el pabellón argentino de la Exposición Mundial de Milán (Expo 2015), a pocos meses de las elecciones presidenciales argentinas, la presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner realizó su último acto performativo significativo. La... more
En el pabellón argentino de la Exposición Mundial de Milán (Expo 2015), a pocos meses de las elecciones presidenciales argentinas, la presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner realizó su último acto performativo significativo. La presidenta había orquestado múltiples actuaciones públicas —a veces discordantes y triunfales— para promover y reforzar los temas centrales de la política gubernamental. Estas incluyeron la filmación guerrillera en 2012 de Fernando Zylberberg, el capitán de la selección nacional de hockey, entrenando en Malvinas para los Juegos Olímpicos de 2012 en Londres. “Para competir en suelo inglés” —según la frase que cierre el spot— “entrenamos en suelo argentino.”
Lo de Expo 2015 no tuvo nada del drama de Zylberberg en Malvinas, engañando a las autoridades británicas. Sin embargo, reflejó un énfasis parecido en lo que la presidencia consideraba los lazos entre una moralidad progresista, el nacionalismo y la política K. Además, como en el caso del video de Zylberberg, lo que se entendía en la Casa Rosada de un éxito performativo tuvo menos que ver con ganarse un público nacional o internacional que con proclamar la visión histórica del gobierno sobre sus presuntos éxitos.
Lo de Expo 2015 no tuvo nada del drama de Zylberberg en Malvinas, engañando a las autoridades británicas. Sin embargo, reflejó un énfasis parecido en lo que la presidencia consideraba los lazos entre una moralidad progresista, el nacionalismo y la política K. Además, como en el caso del video de Zylberberg, lo que se entendía en la Casa Rosada de un éxito performativo tuvo menos que ver con ganarse un público nacional o internacional que con proclamar la visión histórica del gobierno sobre sus presuntos éxitos.
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En 2017, Floyd Mayweather Jr. venció a Conor McGregor en el “Combate del Dinero” (un papelón de pelea). Según Mauricio Sulaimán, el presidente del Consejo Mundial de Boxeo (CMB), Mayweather ganó un cinturón que vale más de un millón de... more
En 2017, Floyd Mayweather Jr. venció a Conor McGregor en el “Combate del Dinero” (un papelón de pelea). Según Mauricio Sulaimán, el presidente del Consejo Mundial de Boxeo (CMB), Mayweather ganó un cinturón que vale más de un millón de dólares, hecho de oro y de 4,000 diamantes, esmeraldas, y zafiros. Por lo general, los cinturones no valen tanto dinero y su valor se calcula de otras formas.
En todos los deportes hay un montón de trofeos perdidos. En 1981, por ejemplo, el jugador de fútbol norteamericano Jerry Kramer perdió el anillo de campeón que recién había ganado cuando triunfaron los Green Bay Packers en el primer “Superbowl”. En 2006, reapareció el anillo. Pero Kramer ya tuvo un segundo anillo, ganado cuando Green Bay triunfó también en 1982. Feliz de haber encontrado el primero, Kramer lo vendió y obsequió los 135,000 dólares ganados a una sociedad de beneficencia para atletas jubilados.
Muchas veces, la narrativa del encuentro revela detalles del deporte mismo y de la vida del atleta. El cuento de Kramer es muy típico de historias parecidas en el deporte profesional europeo y norteamericano: Trofeo perdido. Trofeo encontrado años después. Y un final feliz sin gran emoción. Pero en el boxeo, muchas veces las historias de la pérdida y del reencuentro revelan aspectos difíciles de las vidas marginales y a veces trágicas de los boxeadores jubilados. A diferencia de la historia del anillo de Kramer, el valor de los cinturones ganados y perdidos definen a lo largo la vida del boxeador.
En todos los deportes hay un montón de trofeos perdidos. En 1981, por ejemplo, el jugador de fútbol norteamericano Jerry Kramer perdió el anillo de campeón que recién había ganado cuando triunfaron los Green Bay Packers en el primer “Superbowl”. En 2006, reapareció el anillo. Pero Kramer ya tuvo un segundo anillo, ganado cuando Green Bay triunfó también en 1982. Feliz de haber encontrado el primero, Kramer lo vendió y obsequió los 135,000 dólares ganados a una sociedad de beneficencia para atletas jubilados.
Muchas veces, la narrativa del encuentro revela detalles del deporte mismo y de la vida del atleta. El cuento de Kramer es muy típico de historias parecidas en el deporte profesional europeo y norteamericano: Trofeo perdido. Trofeo encontrado años después. Y un final feliz sin gran emoción. Pero en el boxeo, muchas veces las historias de la pérdida y del reencuentro revelan aspectos difíciles de las vidas marginales y a veces trágicas de los boxeadores jubilados. A diferencia de la historia del anillo de Kramer, el valor de los cinturones ganados y perdidos definen a lo largo la vida del boxeador.
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Con la caída del último gobierno militar, la censura oficial no desapareció de un día a otro. A principios de 1980, los líderes del gobierno militar empezaron a planificar para la vuelta de la democracia. Buscaron un sistema electoral... more
Con la caída del último gobierno militar, la censura oficial no desapareció de un día a otro. A principios de 1980, los líderes del gobierno militar empezaron a planificar para la vuelta de la democracia. Buscaron un sistema electoral controlado y delimitado por los militares, sin una izquierda política y sin lo que vendría —el procesamiento de los miembros de la Junta. Calcularon que una disminución en los límites sobre la libre expresión —sin eliminarlos completamente— facilitaría la transición a su democracia imaginada, libre del marxismo y con las Fuerzas Armadas intactas. Así empezó un cambio escalonado en la censura oficial, y la llegada de un periodo de lucha cultural por una nueva Argentina.
Una de las protagonistas de la polémica apertura cultural fue Mirtha Legrand, acusada por un juez federal por haber aprobado un acto delictivo. En su rechazo de la acusación y en el apoyo de su público, el gobierno militar perdió algo de su autoridad y la censura sufrió un oprobio público inesperado.
Una de las protagonistas de la polémica apertura cultural fue Mirtha Legrand, acusada por un juez federal por haber aprobado un acto delictivo. En su rechazo de la acusación y en el apoyo de su público, el gobierno militar perdió algo de su autoridad y la censura sufrió un oprobio público inesperado.
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En la novela Santa Evita, Yolanda Astorga de Ramallo, hija del operador de cine en el Teatro Rialto, se acuerda de unos detalles siniestros: “Entre noviembre y diciembre de 1955 llevaron al cine un cajón grande, como de metro y medio, de... more
En la novela Santa Evita, Yolanda Astorga de Ramallo, hija del operador de cine en el Teatro Rialto, se acuerda de unos detalles siniestros: “Entre noviembre y diciembre de 1955 llevaron al cine un cajón grande, como de metro y medio, de madera lustrada. Lo dejaron detrás de la pantalla. Lo trajeron una tarde antes de la función matineé. Ese día daban Camino a Bali, La Ventana Indiscreta y Abbott y Costello en La Legión Extranjera”. Allá quedó depositado el cadáver de Eva Perón, desde el 14 de diciembre de 1955 hasta el 20 de febrero de 1956.
Como en el caso de los 3.000 muertos de García Márquez, la historia del cadáver de Evita depositado en el Rialto quedó grabada en la cultura popular como “historia”. El cuento apareció cientos de veces en libros y sitios de internet, siempre basado en el relato ficticio de Eloy Martínez, pero sin evidencia. Es importante señalar que Eloy Martínez escribió Santa Evita para contemplar la historia a grandes rasgos, no para ser citado palabra por palabra como lo hicieron muchos. Es posible que el autor imaginó el episodio Teatro Rialto como posible, pero no cierto.
Ubicado en Buenos Aires, Avenida Córdoba 4287, el Rialto, funcionó como teatro de barrio desde 1914 hasta 1991. Pero sin lo que cuenta Eloy Martínez del cadáver de Evita, ¿qué nos queda de la historia del teatro? Se sabe muy poco.
Como en el caso de los 3.000 muertos de García Márquez, la historia del cadáver de Evita depositado en el Rialto quedó grabada en la cultura popular como “historia”. El cuento apareció cientos de veces en libros y sitios de internet, siempre basado en el relato ficticio de Eloy Martínez, pero sin evidencia. Es importante señalar que Eloy Martínez escribió Santa Evita para contemplar la historia a grandes rasgos, no para ser citado palabra por palabra como lo hicieron muchos. Es posible que el autor imaginó el episodio Teatro Rialto como posible, pero no cierto.
Ubicado en Buenos Aires, Avenida Córdoba 4287, el Rialto, funcionó como teatro de barrio desde 1914 hasta 1991. Pero sin lo que cuenta Eloy Martínez del cadáver de Evita, ¿qué nos queda de la historia del teatro? Se sabe muy poco.
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In 1997, the Peterborough real estate developer AON, Inc. settled out of court libel suits against the Peterborough Examiner newspaper, local television station CHEX-TV, and Trent University Economics professor Peter Wylie. As a function... more
In 1997, the Peterborough real estate developer AON, Inc. settled out of court libel suits against the Peterborough Examiner newspaper, local television station CHEX-TV, and Trent University Economics professor Peter Wylie. As a function of the settlements, each respondent apologized unreservedly to AON. At issue was an accusation by Wylie that AON and the City of Peterborough had colluded on a contract to build a downtown parking structure. The Peterborough Examiner and CHEX-TV told the story to the public. According to a thirty-year veteran of CHEX-TV, nobody at the station can remember another occasion on which the lead news anchor has issued an on-air apology. In steamrolling its opponents, AON made clear that further legal wrangling would cost the respondents dearly, and for years to come. Run out of town on a rail, Wylie lit out for British Columbia.
The clash between the powerful real estate corporation and the Trent University professor (with local media as collateral) capped two decades of rapid change in Peterborough. In the 1960s, Peterborough had been a booming industrial city shaped by high-tech industries like Canadian General Electric (CGE) and tool-and-die manufacturer Fisher-Gauge. But by 1990, Outboard Marine, which once employed 2,000 people, and several other industrial plants, had closed. The 80-acre CGE site employed a tenth of those working there three decades earlier. General Motors (Oshawa) now ranked as the county’s largest employer followed closely by Trent University. Through two decades of deindustrialization, AON had overtaken traditional heavy industrial concerns as the most powerful business voice in the city—demonstrated publicly in its apology demands. Meanwhile, in its tepid support of Peter Wylie, Trent University—once a hotbed of 1960s political and cultural dissent—had settled into a more staid identity as a respectable corporate member of the Peterborough community. In the case against Peter Wylie, both AON and Trent University put their stamp on the city.
The clash between the powerful real estate corporation and the Trent University professor (with local media as collateral) capped two decades of rapid change in Peterborough. In the 1960s, Peterborough had been a booming industrial city shaped by high-tech industries like Canadian General Electric (CGE) and tool-and-die manufacturer Fisher-Gauge. But by 1990, Outboard Marine, which once employed 2,000 people, and several other industrial plants, had closed. The 80-acre CGE site employed a tenth of those working there three decades earlier. General Motors (Oshawa) now ranked as the county’s largest employer followed closely by Trent University. Through two decades of deindustrialization, AON had overtaken traditional heavy industrial concerns as the most powerful business voice in the city—demonstrated publicly in its apology demands. Meanwhile, in its tepid support of Peter Wylie, Trent University—once a hotbed of 1960s political and cultural dissent—had settled into a more staid identity as a respectable corporate member of the Peterborough community. In the case against Peter Wylie, both AON and Trent University put their stamp on the city.
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Abstract This article assesses the shifting character of the Argentine frontier. Over time, Argentines have altered their understanding of the concept of a frontier. Two constants over the past century and a half, however, have been the... more
Abstract
This article assesses the shifting character of the Argentine frontier. Over
time, Argentines have altered their understanding of the concept of a frontier. Two constants over the past century and a half, however, have been the popular notion of the conquest of Indigenous peoples as balefully incomplete, and the associated idea of a racially compromised frontier. These have contrasted sharply with settler myths of the destruction of First Peoples as a steppingstone to early nation building. During the mid-twentieth century, the influence of US American cowboy culture helped confirm the erasure of Indigenous Argentines in popular culture. At the same time, there was a southward shift of the imagined frontier in cultural, territorial, and military claims to Malvinas and Antarctica, territories that, unlike northern Argentine provinces, held no Indigenous populations.
Résumé
Cet article évalue le caractère changeant de la frontière argentine. Au fil du
temps, les Argentins ont modifié leur compréhension du concept de frontière. Cependant, deux constantes se sont maintenues au cours du dernier siècle et demi: la notion populaire de la conquête des peuples indigènes comme étant incomplète, et l’idée qui lui est associée d’une frontière racialement compromise. Ces idées ont fortement contrasté avec les mythes du colonisateur qui voyaient dans la destruction des peuples autochtones un tremplin pour la construction de la nation. Au milieu du XXe siècle, l’influence de la culture des cowboys américains a contribué à confirmer l’effacement des indigènes argentins dans la culture populaire. En même temps, on a assisté à un déplacement de la frontière imaginaire vers le sud dans les réclamations culturelles, territoriales et militaires des Malouines et de l’Antarctique, des territoires qui, contrairement aux provinces du nord de l’Argentine, n’abritaient pas de populations autochtones.
This article assesses the shifting character of the Argentine frontier. Over
time, Argentines have altered their understanding of the concept of a frontier. Two constants over the past century and a half, however, have been the popular notion of the conquest of Indigenous peoples as balefully incomplete, and the associated idea of a racially compromised frontier. These have contrasted sharply with settler myths of the destruction of First Peoples as a steppingstone to early nation building. During the mid-twentieth century, the influence of US American cowboy culture helped confirm the erasure of Indigenous Argentines in popular culture. At the same time, there was a southward shift of the imagined frontier in cultural, territorial, and military claims to Malvinas and Antarctica, territories that, unlike northern Argentine provinces, held no Indigenous populations.
Résumé
Cet article évalue le caractère changeant de la frontière argentine. Au fil du
temps, les Argentins ont modifié leur compréhension du concept de frontière. Cependant, deux constantes se sont maintenues au cours du dernier siècle et demi: la notion populaire de la conquête des peuples indigènes comme étant incomplète, et l’idée qui lui est associée d’une frontière racialement compromise. Ces idées ont fortement contrasté avec les mythes du colonisateur qui voyaient dans la destruction des peuples autochtones un tremplin pour la construction de la nation. Au milieu du XXe siècle, l’influence de la culture des cowboys américains a contribué à confirmer l’effacement des indigènes argentins dans la culture populaire. En même temps, on a assisté à un déplacement de la frontière imaginaire vers le sud dans les réclamations culturelles, territoriales et militaires des Malouines et de l’Antarctique, des territoires qui, contrairement aux provinces du nord de l’Argentine, n’abritaient pas de populations autochtones.
Research Interests: Military History, Argentina History, Popular Culture and Religious Studies, US-Latin American Relations, Civil-military relations, and 15 moreMilitary, Historia Argentina, Cartoons, Cultura Popular, Malvinas, Historia Militar, Fronteras, Historia de los pueblos indígenas, Frontera, Frontier, HISTORIA ARGENTINA SIGLO XIX, Falklands/Malvinas, Gaucho Culture, Historieta, and Tradicionalismo Gaúcho
In 1965, the Argentine ambassador to the OAS Ricardo Colombo gave a speech at the Inter-American Defense College that marked a last gasp of Pan-American anti-intervention. It drew, as such Pan-American arguments often had, on precedent in... more
In 1965, the Argentine ambassador to the OAS Ricardo Colombo gave a speech at the Inter-American Defense College that marked a last gasp of Pan-American anti-intervention. It drew, as such Pan-American arguments often had, on precedent in diplomacy and the law. Like many Latin American diplomats of the time across the political center-right and center-left, Colombo was a Cold War warrior. He sketched a conceptual and international legal line from Bolivar through Calvo and Drago to his arguments on what defined intervention. In addition, Colombo emphasized that left-wing insurgencies – —like the Montoneros in Argentina and the Tupamaros in Uruguay – —were in fact, foreign interventions. In so doing, he tried to make Cold War Pan-Americanism relevant to the strategic positions of military regimes and set the stage for officials from military dictatorships stepping into positions of authority at the OAS. But Colombo also presaged the marginalization of the OAS in other international contexts and the quick triumph of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission after its founding in 1959 as an inheritor of Pan-American ideals, distinct from the OAS institutionally and philosophically. In 1968, Lieutenant General Alejandro Agustín Lanusse, Commander of the Argentine Army, added to Colombo’s arguments with an even sterner attack on subversion in Latin America at the behest of international communism. At the same time, though, he added a new emphasis, desarrollista economics and the idea that the communist incursion was drawing on profound social and economic inequalities in the hemisphere.
The Colombo-Lanusse Doctrine was a faithful reflection of Argentine government 1950s domestic policies, foreign policies, and global strategy – —and the lasting anti-communist sentiment of many Argentines. While Peronist politics domestically and internationally occupied a range of ideological drivers, their most consistently clear position on global strategy incorporated a fierce anti-communism that was also evident domestically in the persecution of Communist Party members and in other ways. Colombo-Lanusse also reflects continuities, not only in the invocation of Drago and Calvo in the defense of anti-intervention, but also in Argentine diplomacy through democratic and dictatorial regimes and within the OAS itself.
The Colombo-Lanusse Doctrine was a faithful reflection of Argentine government 1950s domestic policies, foreign policies, and global strategy – —and the lasting anti-communist sentiment of many Argentines. While Peronist politics domestically and internationally occupied a range of ideological drivers, their most consistently clear position on global strategy incorporated a fierce anti-communism that was also evident domestically in the persecution of Communist Party members and in other ways. Colombo-Lanusse also reflects continuities, not only in the invocation of Drago and Calvo in the defense of anti-intervention, but also in Argentine diplomacy through democratic and dictatorial regimes and within the OAS itself.
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Con poco éxito, Alberto Fernández intentó durante varios días reivindicar su versión del dicho famoso sobre mexicanos, brasileños, argentinos y barcos. Mientras tanto, aparecieron miles de críticas al presidente en los medios... more
Con poco éxito, Alberto Fernández intentó durante varios días reivindicar su versión del dicho famoso sobre mexicanos, brasileños, argentinos y barcos. Mientras tanto, aparecieron miles de críticas al presidente en los medios periodísticos y sociales. Una vez más, se había manifestado el mito de la nación blanca y se había borrado la presencia indígena.
No quiero defender lo indefendible, pero ¿será posible que su confusión tenga sus orígenes en su juventud, y en la representación popular de la gente indígena durante las décadas del sesenta y setenta? La borradura de la gente indígena en cultura argentina tiene que ver, en parte, con la larga influencia arrolladora de la cultura popular norteamericana y de una versión argentina del indígena construida en Hollywood y en las historietas del Antiguo Oeste norteamericano.
No quiero defender lo indefendible, pero ¿será posible que su confusión tenga sus orígenes en su juventud, y en la representación popular de la gente indígena durante las décadas del sesenta y setenta? La borradura de la gente indígena en cultura argentina tiene que ver, en parte, con la larga influencia arrolladora de la cultura popular norteamericana y de una versión argentina del indígena construida en Hollywood y en las historietas del Antiguo Oeste norteamericano.
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Como siempre en el ámbito del Turismo de Carretera (TC), el Gran Premio Standard de 1962 produjo triunfos heroicos y decepciones profundas. A pesar de que las famosas marcas estadounidenses Ford y Chevy se esfumaron en la ruta Pilar-Villa... more
Como siempre en el ámbito del Turismo de Carretera (TC), el Gran Premio Standard de 1962 produjo triunfos heroicos y decepciones profundas. A pesar de que las famosas marcas estadounidenses Ford y Chevy se esfumaron en la ruta Pilar-Villa Carlos Paz, el gran conductor Jorge Cupeiro logró un tiempo digno en su Pontiac. Con una velocidad promedio de 121 km/hora, Ricardo “El Gordo” Sauze –vestido de bombachas y zapatillas– lideró un trío de Alfa Romeos Giulietta TI que encabezaron la categoría “D” del evento. Por su parte, Gastón Perkins piloteó su Renault Gordini a 150 km/hora en las secciones rectas de la ruta, ganando la primera etapa de la competencia. Pero la sorpresa explosiva del evento fue la victoria general de dos mujeres suecas, Ewy Rosqvist y Ursula Wirth.
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In the spring and early summer of 1977, Toronto was on tenterhooks. Violent crime shook the Yonge Street “strip,” a few city blocks in the downtown core that featured pornographic bookstores, strip clubs, illicit drug sales, and sex work.... more
In the spring and early summer of 1977, Toronto was on tenterhooks. Violent crime shook the Yonge Street “strip,” a few city blocks in the downtown core that featured pornographic bookstores, strip clubs, illicit drug sales, and sex work. The strip was also a fading centre of Toronto’s “Gay village.” In July, two men raped and murdered twelve-year-old Emanuel Jaques, the son of Portuguese immigrants, who worked regularly as a shoeshine boy on the strip. In short order, the two men accused of the killing were released from prison on their own recognizance, as was a man accused of raping three teenage girls at knifepoint, and fourth charged with raping a twenty-one-year-old in her apartment. Of the alleged Jaques murderers, the Toronto Sun newspaper editorialized that it was “astonishing that the pair would be turned loose on the community.” Those charged with “crimes of perversion” were “the vilest of all. Society should not be jeopardized by unleashing people who may have weird, uncontrollable appetites that are slaked or satisfied by violating children.”
The Jaques killing coincided with the appointment of Phil Givens chair of the Metropolitan Toronto Police Board, which oversaw the city police, but had long taken a hands-off approach to day-to-day police operations. Givens fell instantly into a political maelstrom. A newly vociferous and politicized Gay liberation movement in Toronto had begun confronting police violence against LGBT people, a struggle now complicated by the dangerous conclusion reached by many Torontonians that the Jaques killing was somehow the fault of LGBT people. There was growing public sentiment against the violent treatment of black Torontonians by the police. In August 1979, police officers shot Albert Johnson to death in his home. Two police constables were charged with manslaughter in the case. “I never realized just how close to the surface one would find racial tensions,” Toronto mayor John Sewell told an audience at the Toronto Liberal Forum in September 1979. Dismayed, he quoted from a letter he had received from an elderly couple unhappy with the mayor’s criticisms of police violence and in reference to members of the black community: “If they don’t like our laws… why do they come here, we don’t need them….” Two years into Givens’ term as chair, tensions between the police and black community reached a peak when on October 14, 1979, 1200 people rallied against racism and police violence at City Hall. A small number of demonstrators began fighting with members of the neo-Nazi Nationalist Party of Canada who had arrived to oppose the demonstration with placards reading “White Unity” and “Boat them Back.” One counter-demonstrator appeared in a gorilla suit carrying a sign stating, “I demand equal rights too.” In the aftermath of the melee, police charged eight of the anti-racism demonstrators with assaulting police officers and breach of the peace.
Meanwhile, in late 1977, a crowd of twenty bystanders watched and chanted, “Kill the cop” as five attackers kicked and punched an officer trying to separate a man and woman fighting in the street. David Keefer was only one of 988 officers assaulted by members of the public that year. In another case, an officer answering a domestic quarrel call found two women fighting. When he tried to separate them, they threw him down a flight of stairs. Other residents who joined the fray knocked him out. Through it all, Givens worked tirelessly to explain police conduct to a divided city. In March 1978, in an echo of police positions, Givens told a reporter that before the Jaques murder, the police had done everything possible to crack down on sex work on the Yonge Street strip, as though sex workers were partially to blame for the murder of a child. At the same time, Givens invoked a longstanding police grievance that community-police conflict was the result of the federal government tying the hands of officers with legislation that prevented them from doing their jobs. The police fight against sex work, he argued, was hampered by the removal of “vagrancy” from the Criminal Code. Now, irate and still commenting on the Jaques murder, Givens told the media, “to get a conviction a morality officer has to practically crawl into bed with a hooker.”
This chapter focuses on Phil Givens’ term as Police Commission chair from 1977 to 1985. Givens led Canada’s largest urban police force during a period of enormous change in Toronto during which the police came under continuous criticism from the media, local politicians, immigrant community leaders, and many others for violence, racial discrimination, the mistreatment of LGBT Torontonians, and rogue behaviour. When Givens was appointed Commission chair, John Sewell saw him as an unknown quantity on policing. However, immediately and throughout his tenure as Commission chair, Givens became a staunch, loud, socially conservative defender of the police on the most sensitive of issues. What changed from 1963-1966, when Givens served as a liberal mayor of Toronto, to 1977 when he took over as Commission chair? How did Givens, a well-known Toronto progressive and a civil rights standard bearer in the 1960s, become the most eloquent defender of the indefensible -- police brutality and discrimination against minority communities?
Only half-joking, John Sewell suggested that Givens wasn’t the only Torontonian whose politics shifted right on ascending to the Commission chair; people seemed to assume police positions once they joined the Commission. But Givens’ transformation represented more than a shift from a popular liberal (and Liberal Party member) as Toronto mayor in the mid-1960s, to a more conservative tough-on-crime Police Commission chair in the late 1970s. His views did not change suddenly or radically. He continued to self-identify as a Liberal. But there’s more to it. Givens’ experience offers insights into the shifting character of what it meant to be progressive in Toronto, the changing face of the Liberal Party of Canada, the nature of municipal politics in Toronto, and how Givens’ longstanding understanding of civil rights and support for Israel may have influenced his thinking on policing.
The Jaques killing coincided with the appointment of Phil Givens chair of the Metropolitan Toronto Police Board, which oversaw the city police, but had long taken a hands-off approach to day-to-day police operations. Givens fell instantly into a political maelstrom. A newly vociferous and politicized Gay liberation movement in Toronto had begun confronting police violence against LGBT people, a struggle now complicated by the dangerous conclusion reached by many Torontonians that the Jaques killing was somehow the fault of LGBT people. There was growing public sentiment against the violent treatment of black Torontonians by the police. In August 1979, police officers shot Albert Johnson to death in his home. Two police constables were charged with manslaughter in the case. “I never realized just how close to the surface one would find racial tensions,” Toronto mayor John Sewell told an audience at the Toronto Liberal Forum in September 1979. Dismayed, he quoted from a letter he had received from an elderly couple unhappy with the mayor’s criticisms of police violence and in reference to members of the black community: “If they don’t like our laws… why do they come here, we don’t need them….” Two years into Givens’ term as chair, tensions between the police and black community reached a peak when on October 14, 1979, 1200 people rallied against racism and police violence at City Hall. A small number of demonstrators began fighting with members of the neo-Nazi Nationalist Party of Canada who had arrived to oppose the demonstration with placards reading “White Unity” and “Boat them Back.” One counter-demonstrator appeared in a gorilla suit carrying a sign stating, “I demand equal rights too.” In the aftermath of the melee, police charged eight of the anti-racism demonstrators with assaulting police officers and breach of the peace.
Meanwhile, in late 1977, a crowd of twenty bystanders watched and chanted, “Kill the cop” as five attackers kicked and punched an officer trying to separate a man and woman fighting in the street. David Keefer was only one of 988 officers assaulted by members of the public that year. In another case, an officer answering a domestic quarrel call found two women fighting. When he tried to separate them, they threw him down a flight of stairs. Other residents who joined the fray knocked him out. Through it all, Givens worked tirelessly to explain police conduct to a divided city. In March 1978, in an echo of police positions, Givens told a reporter that before the Jaques murder, the police had done everything possible to crack down on sex work on the Yonge Street strip, as though sex workers were partially to blame for the murder of a child. At the same time, Givens invoked a longstanding police grievance that community-police conflict was the result of the federal government tying the hands of officers with legislation that prevented them from doing their jobs. The police fight against sex work, he argued, was hampered by the removal of “vagrancy” from the Criminal Code. Now, irate and still commenting on the Jaques murder, Givens told the media, “to get a conviction a morality officer has to practically crawl into bed with a hooker.”
This chapter focuses on Phil Givens’ term as Police Commission chair from 1977 to 1985. Givens led Canada’s largest urban police force during a period of enormous change in Toronto during which the police came under continuous criticism from the media, local politicians, immigrant community leaders, and many others for violence, racial discrimination, the mistreatment of LGBT Torontonians, and rogue behaviour. When Givens was appointed Commission chair, John Sewell saw him as an unknown quantity on policing. However, immediately and throughout his tenure as Commission chair, Givens became a staunch, loud, socially conservative defender of the police on the most sensitive of issues. What changed from 1963-1966, when Givens served as a liberal mayor of Toronto, to 1977 when he took over as Commission chair? How did Givens, a well-known Toronto progressive and a civil rights standard bearer in the 1960s, become the most eloquent defender of the indefensible -- police brutality and discrimination against minority communities?
Only half-joking, John Sewell suggested that Givens wasn’t the only Torontonian whose politics shifted right on ascending to the Commission chair; people seemed to assume police positions once they joined the Commission. But Givens’ transformation represented more than a shift from a popular liberal (and Liberal Party member) as Toronto mayor in the mid-1960s, to a more conservative tough-on-crime Police Commission chair in the late 1970s. His views did not change suddenly or radically. He continued to self-identify as a Liberal. But there’s more to it. Givens’ experience offers insights into the shifting character of what it meant to be progressive in Toronto, the changing face of the Liberal Party of Canada, the nature of municipal politics in Toronto, and how Givens’ longstanding understanding of civil rights and support for Israel may have influenced his thinking on policing.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
La exitosa carrera deportiva de Genuth, así como su abrupto final, coincidió con la década peronista. De esta manera, estuvo marcada por los lineamientos, las políticas y las vicisitudes del gobierno de Perón. Genuth fue el deportista... more
La exitosa carrera deportiva de
Genuth, así como su abrupto final, coincidió
con la década peronista. De esta manera,
estuvo marcada por los lineamientos, las
políticas y las vicisitudes del gobierno de
Perón. Genuth fue el deportista argentino
judío de mayor relevancia durante
ese período y, quizá, uno de los más
transcendentes de la historia nacional.
Genuth, así como su abrupto final, coincidió
con la década peronista. De esta manera,
estuvo marcada por los lineamientos, las
políticas y las vicisitudes del gobierno de
Perón. Genuth fue el deportista argentino
judío de mayor relevancia durante
ese período y, quizá, uno de los más
transcendentes de la historia nacional.
Research Interests:
In early December 2020, former Toronto mayor and federal Progressive Conservative cabinet minister David Crombie resigned as chair of the Ontario Greenbelt Council. Created in 2005, the Council advises the provincial Minister of Municipal... more
In early December 2020, former Toronto mayor and federal Progressive Conservative cabinet minister David Crombie resigned as chair of the Ontario Greenbelt Council. Created in 2005, the Council advises the provincial Minister of Municipal Affairs on maintaining the Southern Ontario Greenbelt. As the COVID-19 second wave loomed large, Crombie’s announcement won little media play. But the resignation was a shocker. Crombie wasn’t one to resign.
Since the 1970s, he had been the affable, thoughtful politician able to find common ground with those across the aisle. But now, Crombie had become incensed over the Progressive Conservative government’s November 2020 omnibus budget bill. Tucked away in the fine print of a bill focused on pandemic economic relief, schedule 6 proposed discharging local conservation authorities of their roles in maintaining the Niagara Escarpment, the Oak Ridges Moraine, and other segments of the Greenbelt. Having unsuccessfully tried to persuade the government to withdraw section 6, Crombie lamented the disastrous assault on watershed planning, local conservation authorities, and “the power of public participation and open debate.” “This is not policy and institutional reform,” Crombie wrote Premier Doug Ford. “This is high-level bombing and needs to be resisted.”
Who should plan communities?
Long before the Ontario Planning Act was first passed in 1946, there were tensions between communities and the province over planning that were never resolved. Meant to set policy and practical guidelines for community planning in the province, and to be revised as conditions warranted, the Planning Act was always a work in progress. Its many amendments in the seventy years that followed responded to a range of corporate, environmental, bureaucratic, and provincial imperatives. Through the 1970s and 1980s, planning in the province seemed in disarray and too frequently in the hands of nameless bureaucrats in Toronto. Many became alarmed at the rapidity of residential and industrial expansion outward from the cities; that building sector employed 12 percent of the total workforce, more than twice those in the auto industry. New data showed escalating environmental damage from car emissions linked to suburban sprawl. Many Ontarians believed that housing developers exerted unreasonable and corrupt influence on rural municipalities. In rural areas, there was often no community planning as suburbs pushed into farmlands and wetlands. Dozens of municipal politicians jumped from short careers at city hall to real estate development companies, using their political connections to win speedy lot severances, subdivision permissions, and the bulldozing of forested space.
In 1970s Toronto, alderman-turned-mayor John Sewell was one of the most vociferous critics of developer-dominated planning. His focus was on keeping Toronto’s downtown core livable and free of mushrooming high-rise buildings. He despised banal suburbs. One of his political nemeses was David Crombie who, as Sewell’s predecessor as mayor, had been more accommodating of rapid development. A little over a decade after Sewell lost the Toronto mayoralty in 1980, he chaired a provincial commission that would set the stage for Crombie’s dramatic 2020 resignation from the Ontario Greebelt Council. In clear language that was subsequently legislated as amendments to the Planning Act, the recommendations of the Ontario Commission on Planning and Development Reform in Ontario went further than any previous legislation, commission report, or government policy statement in rolling back the authority of provincial bureaucracies, asserting the power of local government authorities, protecting the environment from reckless development, and asserting the imperative of democratic consultation processes in local planning. Crombie’s resignation made no mention of the Sewell Commission. But the principles he stood on derived directly from the Commission’s work.
Since the 1970s, he had been the affable, thoughtful politician able to find common ground with those across the aisle. But now, Crombie had become incensed over the Progressive Conservative government’s November 2020 omnibus budget bill. Tucked away in the fine print of a bill focused on pandemic economic relief, schedule 6 proposed discharging local conservation authorities of their roles in maintaining the Niagara Escarpment, the Oak Ridges Moraine, and other segments of the Greenbelt. Having unsuccessfully tried to persuade the government to withdraw section 6, Crombie lamented the disastrous assault on watershed planning, local conservation authorities, and “the power of public participation and open debate.” “This is not policy and institutional reform,” Crombie wrote Premier Doug Ford. “This is high-level bombing and needs to be resisted.”
Who should plan communities?
Long before the Ontario Planning Act was first passed in 1946, there were tensions between communities and the province over planning that were never resolved. Meant to set policy and practical guidelines for community planning in the province, and to be revised as conditions warranted, the Planning Act was always a work in progress. Its many amendments in the seventy years that followed responded to a range of corporate, environmental, bureaucratic, and provincial imperatives. Through the 1970s and 1980s, planning in the province seemed in disarray and too frequently in the hands of nameless bureaucrats in Toronto. Many became alarmed at the rapidity of residential and industrial expansion outward from the cities; that building sector employed 12 percent of the total workforce, more than twice those in the auto industry. New data showed escalating environmental damage from car emissions linked to suburban sprawl. Many Ontarians believed that housing developers exerted unreasonable and corrupt influence on rural municipalities. In rural areas, there was often no community planning as suburbs pushed into farmlands and wetlands. Dozens of municipal politicians jumped from short careers at city hall to real estate development companies, using their political connections to win speedy lot severances, subdivision permissions, and the bulldozing of forested space.
In 1970s Toronto, alderman-turned-mayor John Sewell was one of the most vociferous critics of developer-dominated planning. His focus was on keeping Toronto’s downtown core livable and free of mushrooming high-rise buildings. He despised banal suburbs. One of his political nemeses was David Crombie who, as Sewell’s predecessor as mayor, had been more accommodating of rapid development. A little over a decade after Sewell lost the Toronto mayoralty in 1980, he chaired a provincial commission that would set the stage for Crombie’s dramatic 2020 resignation from the Ontario Greebelt Council. In clear language that was subsequently legislated as amendments to the Planning Act, the recommendations of the Ontario Commission on Planning and Development Reform in Ontario went further than any previous legislation, commission report, or government policy statement in rolling back the authority of provincial bureaucracies, asserting the power of local government authorities, protecting the environment from reckless development, and asserting the imperative of democratic consultation processes in local planning. Crombie’s resignation made no mention of the Sewell Commission. But the principles he stood on derived directly from the Commission’s work.
Research Interests:
This article stresses the ways in which Venezuelans came to understand and explain the connections between boxing and violence from the 1960s through the early 1980s. As in other Latin American countries, Venezuelans were consumed during... more
This article stresses the ways in which Venezuelans came to understand and explain the connections between boxing and violence from the 1960s through the early 1980s. As in other Latin American countries, Venezuelans were consumed during the Cold War by what they saw as a dramatic rise in societal violence often associated with the perceived ills of rapid urbanization. However, the public narrative about violence in boxing had little bearing on that wider understanding of social problems. Like other narratives about boxing, the cultural construction of boxing violence in Venezuela derived almost exclusively from US media and other popular transnational narratives, which reflected the weight of the United States on the business, practice, and development of boxing in Venezuela.
Resumen Este artículo enfatiza las formas en que los venezolanos llegaron a en-tender la relación entre boxeo y violencia, entre los años 1960 y 1980. En Venezuela, como en toda América Latina, la época de la Guerra Fría marcó un incremento dramático en la violencia social, asociada muchas veces con el crecimiento de la pobreza urbana. La narrativa sobre boxeo y violencia, sin embargo, se vincula muy poco con con problemas sociales más amplios. Como en otros países, la construcción cultural de la violencia boxística en Venezuela estuvo relacionada casi exclusivamente con medios norteamericanos y otras narrativas transnacionales populares, en una representación del peso de Estados Unidos sobre el negocio, la práctica y el desarrollo de boxeo en Venezuela.
Resumen Este artículo enfatiza las formas en que los venezolanos llegaron a en-tender la relación entre boxeo y violencia, entre los años 1960 y 1980. En Venezuela, como en toda América Latina, la época de la Guerra Fría marcó un incremento dramático en la violencia social, asociada muchas veces con el crecimiento de la pobreza urbana. La narrativa sobre boxeo y violencia, sin embargo, se vincula muy poco con con problemas sociales más amplios. Como en otros países, la construcción cultural de la violencia boxística en Venezuela estuvo relacionada casi exclusivamente con medios norteamericanos y otras narrativas transnacionales populares, en una representación del peso de Estados Unidos sobre el negocio, la práctica y el desarrollo de boxeo en Venezuela.
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Thirty-five years ago, at a time when few were undertaking academic studies of sport and society in Latin America, the historian Joseph L. Arbena argued that sport could provide a window into the regional experience in the Americas. He... more
Thirty-five years ago, at a time when few were undertaking academic studies of sport and society in Latin America, the historian Joseph L. Arbena argued that sport could provide a window into the regional experience in the Americas. He also argued that the subject of sport had only received “limited systematic analysis.” To a large extent, that is no longer the case. Ruminating on that change, Gregg Bocketti recently affirmed that “now it is a rare season that does not see the publication of at least one academic work on Latin American and Caribbean sport, as scholars have joined athletes, coaches, journalists, and fans in acknowledging the immense scale and broad scope of sports in the region.” Indeed, since Arbena’s gloomy diagnosis, in most social sciences and humanities disciplines, over the past fifteen years in particular, researchers with an interest in the historical analysis of society have opened Arbena’s metaphorical window and have emphasized five key sets of issues, among many. Their approach has often been inter-disciplinary and not necessarily inclusive of history as a discipline. We identify below these five problem sets and illustrate each with an example from the growing body of literature.
Research Interests: Latin American Studies, Brazilian History, Sports History, Argentina History, Argentina, and 15 moreVenezuela, Boxing, Uruguay, Mexico, Sport, Sports, Historia Argentina, América Latina, Historical Fencing, Historia de México, Venezuelan History, Historia de Venezuela, Historia del Deporte, History and Culture of the Sport of Boxing, and Boxeo
This article focuses on Argentine car racing, and more specifically, the car racing class that from the 1930s through the early 1970s was the country's most popular racing event, Turismo de Carretera (touring car racing or TC). For... more
This article focuses on Argentine car racing, and more specifically, the car racing class that from the 1930s through the early 1970s was the country's most popular racing event, Turismo de Carretera (touring car racing or TC). For decades, TC drew thousands of fans on paved freeways, on closed speedways, and along rough-and-tumble dirt routes through cities, towns, and the countryside. In the performance, consumption, and narratives of TC, Argentines made U.S. car brands their own. American autos became Argentine. In part, this is an analysis of a culturally constructed hybridity, the Argentine-American car. But more than that, the paper argues that in the 1950s and 1960s, TC transformed quintessential U.S. brands and cultural markers into representations of Argentine daring and mechanical know-how. The central figures in that transformation were the legions of local mechanics who made American cars Argentine through their brilliance under the hood and sometimes, behind the wheel as well.
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El COVID-19 cambió el panorama de los deportes profesionales en todo el mundo. En la nota que sigue, un abordaje desde Estados Unidos y Canadá, donde la pandemia fue llevada de maneras diferentes. Entre las protestas y reclamos por el... more
El COVID-19 cambió el panorama de los deportes profesionales en todo el mundo. En la nota que sigue, un abordaje desde Estados Unidos y Canadá, donde la pandemia fue llevada de maneras diferentes. Entre las protestas y reclamos por el racismo que no cesa y las elecciones de noviembre próximo, el deporte es eco del tiempo y la cultura política que lo rodea.
Research Interests:
Sheinin, David M. K. “Argentina’s Secret Cold War: Vigilance, Repression, and Nuclear Independence,” Thomas Field, Stella Krepp, and Vanni Pettina, eds. Latin America and the Third World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,... more
Sheinin, David M. K. “Argentina’s Secret Cold War: Vigilance, Repression, and Nuclear Independence,” Thomas Field, Stella Krepp, and Vanni Pettina, eds. Latin America and the Third World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2020. 174-98.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
https://activehistory.ca/2020/07/race-relations-psychological-testing-and-institutional-culture-in-the-1970s-toronto-police/ As a city changes, as tensions grow between the police and the communities they serve, how can we know if a... more
https://activehistory.ca/2020/07/race-relations-psychological-testing-and-institutional-culture-in-the-1970s-toronto-police/
As a city changes, as tensions grow between the police and the communities they serve, how can we know if a candidate has what it takes to lead a major police force? Is it possible to predict success (or failure)? Those questions are at the core of a debate that has raged for decades on whether institutional racism exists, on possible improvements, and on implementing changes in policing.
In the mid-1970s, as Toronto faced such challenges, Reva Gerstein emerged as a strong voice for reform. She believed we could scientifically forecast hiring and promotion outcomes. Gerstein began to work closely with the Metropolitan Toronto Police Force toward that end. An eminent psychologist, Gerstein wrote a report in 1976 for the Law Reform Commission of Canada on the use of psychological tests in recruiting and promoting police officers.[1]
In 1982, the Metropolitan Toronto Police Commission asked Gerstein to conduct a psychological assessment of an extremely bright, fast-rising forty-nine-year-old superintendent; William J. McCormack was a candidate for deputy police chief. Gerstein’s assessment offers strikingly few insights into McCormack beyond what those who worked with him would already have known. She sidestepped racism on the force and poor police-community relations — precisely the problems Gerstein herself had highlighted for years as resolvable through the effective psychological evaluation of officers.
Since the 1960s, tensions had escalated between racialized communities and the police in Toronto and in other North American cities. Racism on the Toronto force was reflected in the pages of News & Views, the newsletter of the Metropolitan Toronto Police Association. In a 1979 issue, retired constable Ken Peglar complained that he wished he were “a Black man or a Pakistani or Jewish….” Unemployment, inflation, and neglected children, he went on, were among many problems that concerned him. “But nobody expects a Black man,” Peglar wrote, “to think of anything but his colour or a Jew to concern himself with anything but his Jewishness. And you know something, they seldom do.”
These and other cases of casual, malevolent police discrimination appalled Mayor John Sewell, Alderman Allan Sparrow and many others who voiced their outrage. But repeatedly, the Toronto police rebuffed, diminished, or whitewashed community efforts to make the police more accountable to the public and better equipped to combat police racism. Gerstein’s report contributed to the institutional culture of police insistence that at worst, racism was a very minor problem, and that a purportedly hostile media, unspecified political radicals, and minority community members were the true cause of police tensions with minority communities.
As a city changes, as tensions grow between the police and the communities they serve, how can we know if a candidate has what it takes to lead a major police force? Is it possible to predict success (or failure)? Those questions are at the core of a debate that has raged for decades on whether institutional racism exists, on possible improvements, and on implementing changes in policing.
In the mid-1970s, as Toronto faced such challenges, Reva Gerstein emerged as a strong voice for reform. She believed we could scientifically forecast hiring and promotion outcomes. Gerstein began to work closely with the Metropolitan Toronto Police Force toward that end. An eminent psychologist, Gerstein wrote a report in 1976 for the Law Reform Commission of Canada on the use of psychological tests in recruiting and promoting police officers.[1]
In 1982, the Metropolitan Toronto Police Commission asked Gerstein to conduct a psychological assessment of an extremely bright, fast-rising forty-nine-year-old superintendent; William J. McCormack was a candidate for deputy police chief. Gerstein’s assessment offers strikingly few insights into McCormack beyond what those who worked with him would already have known. She sidestepped racism on the force and poor police-community relations — precisely the problems Gerstein herself had highlighted for years as resolvable through the effective psychological evaluation of officers.
Since the 1960s, tensions had escalated between racialized communities and the police in Toronto and in other North American cities. Racism on the Toronto force was reflected in the pages of News & Views, the newsletter of the Metropolitan Toronto Police Association. In a 1979 issue, retired constable Ken Peglar complained that he wished he were “a Black man or a Pakistani or Jewish….” Unemployment, inflation, and neglected children, he went on, were among many problems that concerned him. “But nobody expects a Black man,” Peglar wrote, “to think of anything but his colour or a Jew to concern himself with anything but his Jewishness. And you know something, they seldom do.”
These and other cases of casual, malevolent police discrimination appalled Mayor John Sewell, Alderman Allan Sparrow and many others who voiced their outrage. But repeatedly, the Toronto police rebuffed, diminished, or whitewashed community efforts to make the police more accountable to the public and better equipped to combat police racism. Gerstein’s report contributed to the institutional culture of police insistence that at worst, racism was a very minor problem, and that a purportedly hostile media, unspecified political radicals, and minority community members were the true cause of police tensions with minority communities.
Research Interests:
https://activehistory.ca/2020/07/that-other-time-the-toronto-police-tried-to-solve-the-race-problem-the-ethnic-relations-unit-1970s-1980s/ In the early 1970s, to gain insights into the Italian immigrant community in Toronto, the police... more
https://activehistory.ca/2020/07/that-other-time-the-toronto-police-tried-to-solve-the-race-problem-the-ethnic-relations-unit-1970s-1980s/
In the early 1970s, to gain insights into the Italian immigrant community in Toronto, the police set up an Ethnic Relations Unit. In 1975 the unit created a “Black Section” followed by Jewish, Southeast Asian, and other sections. The experiment in building bridges to ethnic communities failed because this solution to growing police-community tensions reinforced rather than challenged police assumptions about ethnic and racial differences in the city. The unit blurred the meaning of racial violence; rejected the criticisms of dozens of community leaders, politicians, and civil rights organizations; and reasserted a police position that they, along with “white” Torontonians, were often key victims of the tumult.
In the early 1970s, to gain insights into the Italian immigrant community in Toronto, the police set up an Ethnic Relations Unit. In 1975 the unit created a “Black Section” followed by Jewish, Southeast Asian, and other sections. The experiment in building bridges to ethnic communities failed because this solution to growing police-community tensions reinforced rather than challenged police assumptions about ethnic and racial differences in the city. The unit blurred the meaning of racial violence; rejected the criticisms of dozens of community leaders, politicians, and civil rights organizations; and reasserted a police position that they, along with “white” Torontonians, were often key victims of the tumult.
Research Interests:
Sheinin, David M. K. “Missing Jews: the Memory of Dictatorship in Argentina and the Jewish Identity Diplomacy of José Siderman,” Stefan Rinke, Raanan Rein, and David M. K. Sheinin, eds. Migrants, Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Latin... more
Sheinin, David M. K. “Missing Jews: the Memory of Dictatorship in Argentina and the Jewish Identity Diplomacy of José Siderman,” Stefan Rinke, Raanan Rein, and David M. K. Sheinin, eds. Migrants, Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Latin America. Boston: Brill, 2020. 189-216.
Research Interests:
Sheinin, David M. K. “La frontera malvinense.” Perspectivas multidisciplinarias sobre la Argentina contemporánea, edited by Jorge Carlos Guerrero, Editorial Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Editorial Universidad Nacional de Río Negro,... more
Sheinin, David M. K. “La frontera malvinense.” Perspectivas multidisciplinarias sobre la Argentina contemporánea, edited by Jorge Carlos Guerrero, Editorial Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Editorial Universidad Nacional de Río Negro, Editorial Universidad Nacional de la Plata (University Presses), 2019, 21-50.
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Research Interests:
The 2016 US Presidential election has been called one of the most important elections in recent memory, with important consequences within and outside the United States. The nomination process, for both major parties, was unpredictable... more
The 2016 US Presidential election has been called one of the most important elections in recent memory, with important consequences within and outside the United States. The nomination process, for both major parties, was unpredictable and close. Hillary Clinton, thought to be the presumptive Democratic nominee, faced an unexpected challenge from self-identified Democratic socialist Bernie Sanders. While initially viewed as a marginal candidate, the crowded Republican primary was dominated by reality TV star and developer Donald Trump. The Presidential campaign continues to be unpredictable and tight. What are the key issues driving this election cycle? Are there any comparisons to the 2016 election? Why have the extremes of the political spectrum played such an important role this cycle? What can we expect going forward for American and global politics? Please join the Department of Political Studies and Champlain College for a roundtable and informal conversation of the 2016 US Presidential election on October 5th from 12:00 - 1:15 pm inside the Champlain Learning Living Commons. Before opening moving to discussion and question period the event will feature brief presentations.
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Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Rotary Club
Peterborough ON
28/9/15
Peterborough ON
28/9/15
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Johns Hopkins University -- see link
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Ithaca College -- see link
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Confederación Argentina de Deportes
En la columna de Ciencias Sociales, Política y Deporte fue invitado el historiador David Sheinin.
En la columna de Ciencias Sociales, Política y Deporte fue invitado el historiador David Sheinin.
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Research Interests:
Peterborough Examiner
28/9/15
28/9/15
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CONFERENCE OF CANADIAN PROFESSOR DAVID M.K. SHEININ IN ISRAEL
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Global Debate WISDOM Project Program Production Department NHK Global Media Services, INC. Japan nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q1/index.html nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q2/index.html... more
Global Debate WISDOM Project Program Production Department NHK Global Media Services, INC. Japan
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q1/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q2/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q3/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q4/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q5/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q6/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q1/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q2/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q3/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q4/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q5/index.html
nhk.or.jp/wisdom/150228/timeline_en/q6/index.html
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Research Interests: Argentina, Historia Argentina, Falklands Islands, Malvinas, Islas malvinas, and 14 moreArgentine History, Argentine Foreign Policy, HISTORIA ARGENTINA SIGLO XIX, Falklands/Malvinas, Falklands War, Malvinas como Modelo del cambio en la politica exterior, Malvinas Política exterior Kirchnerista, Las Malvinas Son Argentinas, Malvinas Argentinas, Argentine Military History, Historia Argentina 1955/73, Política exterior de Argentina, Política Argentina, and Falklands-Malvinas War
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Research Interests: Transitional Justice, Argentina, Dictatorships, Historia, Military Dictatorship, and 6 moreTransitional justice and reconciliation processes, Argentine History, Argentine Foreign Policy, Derechos humanos y política exterior, Transición de la Dictadura a la Democracia, and Política exterior de Argentina
Lloyd Hughes Davis
Bulletin of Hispanic Studies. 91.1 (Jan. 2014): p110.
Bulletin of Hispanic Studies. 91.1 (Jan. 2014): p110.
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IN THE FIELD: and under the big dome! It was just over a year ago when astronaut Commander Chris Hadfield spent an evening in Hastings to officially open the Hastings Field House at Fowld's Millennium Field. Caley Bedore returns to see... more
IN THE FIELD: and under the big dome!
It was just over a year ago when astronaut Commander Chris Hadfield spent an evening in Hastings to officially open the Hastings Field House at Fowld's Millennium Field. Caley Bedore returns to see how things are shaping up for its first full complement of programs this winter.
DAILY PARENT:
Jason Brock is Program Coordinator & Babies First Coordinator, at the Peterborough Family Resource Centre. The Centre on Antrim Street in Peterborough is a hub of activity with parenting programs, a toy lending library and numerous health-related projects to help new parents. A new season of programs is in store, AND there are several locations where new parents & young families can connect with the PFRC team… Jason has the details.
DAILY ISSUES with Dr. David Sheinin : From the World Anti-Doping Agency to former US Secretary of State Colin Powell….hackers are finding their ways into private documents via the world wide web. David Sheinin looks at the latest leaks and hacks – including the Williams sisters and drug use, and Colin Powell's comments on Trump. Are the leaks really “headline” worthy … and is it right for the media, the public, to build stories & opinion based on them?
SPONSORED FEATURE: “Conservation Connections” with Peterborough Distribution Inc: Big savings in store when a large furniture store takes on PDI’s offer of a lighting overhaul.
VIRAL VIDEO
Teresa Kaszuba
Teresa Kaszuba | Anchor/Producer | CHEX DAILY | T. 705.742.0451 x. 202 |tkaszuba@chextv.com
Corus Entertainment Inc. | chextv.com | 743 Monaghan Road, Peterborough, ON K9J 5K2
@TeresaKaszuba | @CHEXDaily
Corus® and the Corus logo™ are trade-marks of Corus Entertainment Inc.
It was just over a year ago when astronaut Commander Chris Hadfield spent an evening in Hastings to officially open the Hastings Field House at Fowld's Millennium Field. Caley Bedore returns to see how things are shaping up for its first full complement of programs this winter.
DAILY PARENT:
Jason Brock is Program Coordinator & Babies First Coordinator, at the Peterborough Family Resource Centre. The Centre on Antrim Street in Peterborough is a hub of activity with parenting programs, a toy lending library and numerous health-related projects to help new parents. A new season of programs is in store, AND there are several locations where new parents & young families can connect with the PFRC team… Jason has the details.
DAILY ISSUES with Dr. David Sheinin : From the World Anti-Doping Agency to former US Secretary of State Colin Powell….hackers are finding their ways into private documents via the world wide web. David Sheinin looks at the latest leaks and hacks – including the Williams sisters and drug use, and Colin Powell's comments on Trump. Are the leaks really “headline” worthy … and is it right for the media, the public, to build stories & opinion based on them?
SPONSORED FEATURE: “Conservation Connections” with Peterborough Distribution Inc: Big savings in store when a large furniture store takes on PDI’s offer of a lighting overhaul.
VIRAL VIDEO
Teresa Kaszuba
Teresa Kaszuba | Anchor/Producer | CHEX DAILY | T. 705.742.0451 x. 202 |tkaszuba@chextv.com
Corus Entertainment Inc. | chextv.com | 743 Monaghan Road, Peterborough, ON K9J 5K2
@TeresaKaszuba | @CHEXDaily
Corus® and the Corus logo™ are trade-marks of Corus Entertainment Inc.
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CHEX Daily – Wednesday Aug. 31, 2016 Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV) Brian May August 31, 2016 10:00 pm CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 31, 2016 IN THE FIELD: They never know what they’ll get called to next and they always have to be... more
CHEX Daily – Wednesday Aug. 31, 2016
Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV)
Brian May
August 31, 2016 10:00 pm
CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 31, 2016
IN THE FIELD:
They never know what they’ll get called to next and they always have to be ready with an appropriate response. Caley Bedore checks in with the Trent University Nursing program. Surely she’ll pick up some helpful first aid tips at the very least.
DAILY TECH:
Jeremy Biden is back, and while it’s always interesting to check out the bit tech items, sometimes the most helpful tech tools can be the smallest and the simplest.
DAILY PARENT:
Karen Halley is the Communications and Marketing Specialist at GreenUP. We’ll look at packing litterless lunches for school: it benefits the environment, reduces food waste, gets kids recycle/reuse aware and even helps put cash back into your wallet. Everyone likes the green-lunch-box idea, they just want to be able to do it easily. Great tips and product highlights tonight. @ptbogreenup www.greenup.on.ca
DAILY ISSUES:
Professor Dr. David Sheinin is watching Trudeau’s visit to China… talk about a political tightrope. What’s at stake with this state visit for China, Canada and the Prime Minister?
ROUNDTABLE:
Professional Organizer, Author and Entrepreneur Sherrie LeMasurier (SIMPLYHELPFUL.CA) gets a jump start on morning routines for next week.
From “Command Centre” to good old fashioned pre-planning, Sherrie brings in a host of ideas and tips for Conquering Morning Chaos.
@SimplyHelpfulCA www.simplyhelpful.ca and on facebook
Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV)
Brian May
August 31, 2016 10:00 pm
CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 31, 2016
IN THE FIELD:
They never know what they’ll get called to next and they always have to be ready with an appropriate response. Caley Bedore checks in with the Trent University Nursing program. Surely she’ll pick up some helpful first aid tips at the very least.
DAILY TECH:
Jeremy Biden is back, and while it’s always interesting to check out the bit tech items, sometimes the most helpful tech tools can be the smallest and the simplest.
DAILY PARENT:
Karen Halley is the Communications and Marketing Specialist at GreenUP. We’ll look at packing litterless lunches for school: it benefits the environment, reduces food waste, gets kids recycle/reuse aware and even helps put cash back into your wallet. Everyone likes the green-lunch-box idea, they just want to be able to do it easily. Great tips and product highlights tonight. @ptbogreenup www.greenup.on.ca
DAILY ISSUES:
Professor Dr. David Sheinin is watching Trudeau’s visit to China… talk about a political tightrope. What’s at stake with this state visit for China, Canada and the Prime Minister?
ROUNDTABLE:
Professional Organizer, Author and Entrepreneur Sherrie LeMasurier (SIMPLYHELPFUL.CA) gets a jump start on morning routines for next week.
From “Command Centre” to good old fashioned pre-planning, Sherrie brings in a host of ideas and tips for Conquering Morning Chaos.
@SimplyHelpfulCA www.simplyhelpful.ca and on facebook
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CHEX Daily – Wednesday Aug. 17, 2016 Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV) Jared Foster August 17, 2016 07:49 pm CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 17, 2016 DAILY ISSUES: Dr. David Sheinin will be in to shed some light on the Paul Manafort... more
CHEX Daily – Wednesday Aug. 17, 2016
Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV)
Jared Foster
August 17, 2016 07:49 pm
CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 17, 2016
DAILY ISSUES:
Dr. David Sheinin will be in to shed some light on the Paul Manafort scandal. Manafort is Donald Trump’s campaign chairman and a recent New York Times report revealed he was designated to receive more than $12 million dollars from a pro-Russia political group in Ukraine. The ledgers indicate secret payments were made to Manafort between 2007 – 2012.
Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV)
Jared Foster
August 17, 2016 07:49 pm
CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 17, 2016
DAILY ISSUES:
Dr. David Sheinin will be in to shed some light on the Paul Manafort scandal. Manafort is Donald Trump’s campaign chairman and a recent New York Times report revealed he was designated to receive more than $12 million dollars from a pro-Russia political group in Ukraine. The ledgers indicate secret payments were made to Manafort between 2007 – 2012.
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N THE FIELD: Hopefully Lindsay isn’t trapped and makes it back by deadline! She is checking out Escape Maze – the adventure course that will test your puzzle solving skills and ability to work as a team. DAILY PARENT Shari Warfield will... more
N THE FIELD:
Hopefully Lindsay isn’t trapped and makes it back by deadline! She is checking out Escape Maze – the adventure course that will test your puzzle solving skills and ability to work as a team.
DAILY PARENT
Shari Warfield will be in from the Canadian Mental Health Association. She heads up a ground-breaking program called the Transitional Age Youth Project. Right now it is an operational pilot program serving 5 people in the community. It is unique because it is for people who are dually diagnosed – both with developmental delays and mental health issues. It is meant to ease the transition between youth services and adult support systems. The program will be evaluated in March 2017 and they are hoping to roll it out on a permanent basis and have it act as a guide for other communities.
DAILY TECH:
It seems as though everyone is talking about it so we might as well too – Jeremy Biden will be in to chat about the Pokémon Go craze that is sweeping the globe.
DAILY ISSUES:
Dr. David Sheinin joins us today for Daily issues. Today we will discuss the attempted coup in Turkey – what is happening now and what the future looks like for the region.
ROUNDTABLE:
Jacob Rodenburg and Drew Monkman will be on set to chat about their new, co-authored book – The Big Book of Nature Activities. Both men have extensive backgrounds in outdoor education and environmental conservation and the book aims to share that knowledge through nature based activities. It is a year round guide to outdoor learning – meant to connect youth to the natural world.
Hopefully Lindsay isn’t trapped and makes it back by deadline! She is checking out Escape Maze – the adventure course that will test your puzzle solving skills and ability to work as a team.
DAILY PARENT
Shari Warfield will be in from the Canadian Mental Health Association. She heads up a ground-breaking program called the Transitional Age Youth Project. Right now it is an operational pilot program serving 5 people in the community. It is unique because it is for people who are dually diagnosed – both with developmental delays and mental health issues. It is meant to ease the transition between youth services and adult support systems. The program will be evaluated in March 2017 and they are hoping to roll it out on a permanent basis and have it act as a guide for other communities.
DAILY TECH:
It seems as though everyone is talking about it so we might as well too – Jeremy Biden will be in to chat about the Pokémon Go craze that is sweeping the globe.
DAILY ISSUES:
Dr. David Sheinin joins us today for Daily issues. Today we will discuss the attempted coup in Turkey – what is happening now and what the future looks like for the region.
ROUNDTABLE:
Jacob Rodenburg and Drew Monkman will be on set to chat about their new, co-authored book – The Big Book of Nature Activities. Both men have extensive backgrounds in outdoor education and environmental conservation and the book aims to share that knowledge through nature based activities. It is a year round guide to outdoor learning – meant to connect youth to the natural world.
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CHEX Daily
29 September 2015
29 September 2015
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Argentina, AMIA bombing, political crisis
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NFL Playoffs, Tom Brady, cheating
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Charlie Hebdo, Dalhousie University Dentistry case
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Por el momento, la campaña presidencial de Joe Biden se centra en el levantamiento del 6 de enero como clave para la victoria en las próximas elecciones presidenciales. Creen que los votantes estadounidenses se volverán contra Trump por... more
Por el momento, la campaña presidencial de Joe Biden se centra en el levantamiento del 6 de enero como clave para la victoria en las próximas elecciones presidenciales. Creen que los votantes estadounidenses se volverán contra Trump por su papel en la insurrección. Sin embargo, varios analistas del Partido Demócrata, entre ellos David Axelrod, asesor de campaña de Barak Obama, han cuestionado ese énfasis por considerarlo equivocado y un enorme error táctico (y han enfadado a la Casa Blanca al hacerlo). Muchos creen que Biden no tiene una estrategia sólida para la victoria en 2024.
Durante más de treinta años, las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses se han decidido por los llamados “swing voters” (votantes indecisos): menos del 15 por ciento de los votantes, que podrían votar o republicano o demócrata, dependiendo de algunas cuestiones claves y del momento. El 85 por ciento restante ya ha tomado su decisión para noviembre de 2024, y se divide a partes iguales entre Trump y Biden. Así, sabemos que Detroit apoyará a Biden, por ejemplo, al igual que todas las grandes ciudades del medio oeste y el noreste de Estados Unidos. Y el estado de Iowa apoyará a Trump, en consonancia con las zonas rurales de todo el país. Como ha ocurrido tantas veces, las elecciones presidenciales de 2024 se decidirán por los votantes indecisos de los suburbios de las grandes ciudades y en un puñado de estados en los que el apoyo a los dos grandes partidos está siempre demasiado reñido: Pensilvania, Michigan, Wisconsin y Georgia, en particular. También hay indicios de que el apoyo a Trump está creciendo entre los votantes latinos de los estados fronterizos con México y entre los afroamericanos.
Trump tiene varias ventajas. Aunque puede perder los votos de algunas mujeres por su oposición al aborto, los ganará de los demócratas convencidos de que Biden es demasiado viejo para dirigir con eficacia. A pesar de que hay indicios de que la economía estadounidense está mejorando, la percepción pública sigue siendo de enorme preocupación, con muchos demócratas inquietos por la aparente incapacidad de Biden para propiciar el crecimiento económico. Además, los estadounidenses están muy preocupados por lo que consideran la pérdida de control de sus fronteras. Culpan al presidente Biden de lo que parece ser a muchos un flujo incontrolado de inmigrantes cruzando de México a Estados Unidos. La decisión tomada en abril de 2022 por el gobernador de Texas, Greg Abbot, de enviar micros llenos de inmigrantes indocumentados desde Texas a Nueva York y otras ciudades fue transformadora. Convirtió un problema político de Texas en un dilema político nacional. Partidarios y detractores de la inmigración indocumentada coinciden en que la carga financiera es insostenible. Y además de Texas, esa carga se enfrenta ahora a bastiones de Biden como Nueva York. Kathy Hochul, gobernadora Demócrata del estado de Nueva York, salió a criticar a su aliado político, Joe Biden, por la negativa del presidente a enviar fondos suficientes a la ciudad de Nueva York para apoyar a los inmigrantes indocumentados que llegaron en micros desde Texas. Según Hochul, en 2024 y 2025, la ciudad de Nueva York tendrá que gastar 12.000 millones de dólares para hospedar inmigrantes indocumentados, un dinero que ni la ciudad ni el Estado tienen.Muchos consideran que es una estimación baja. Como consecuencia, los votantes de los suburbios de Nueva York, Chicago y Filadelfia se decantan por Trump.
Durante más de treinta años, las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses se han decidido por los llamados “swing voters” (votantes indecisos): menos del 15 por ciento de los votantes, que podrían votar o republicano o demócrata, dependiendo de algunas cuestiones claves y del momento. El 85 por ciento restante ya ha tomado su decisión para noviembre de 2024, y se divide a partes iguales entre Trump y Biden. Así, sabemos que Detroit apoyará a Biden, por ejemplo, al igual que todas las grandes ciudades del medio oeste y el noreste de Estados Unidos. Y el estado de Iowa apoyará a Trump, en consonancia con las zonas rurales de todo el país. Como ha ocurrido tantas veces, las elecciones presidenciales de 2024 se decidirán por los votantes indecisos de los suburbios de las grandes ciudades y en un puñado de estados en los que el apoyo a los dos grandes partidos está siempre demasiado reñido: Pensilvania, Michigan, Wisconsin y Georgia, en particular. También hay indicios de que el apoyo a Trump está creciendo entre los votantes latinos de los estados fronterizos con México y entre los afroamericanos.
Trump tiene varias ventajas. Aunque puede perder los votos de algunas mujeres por su oposición al aborto, los ganará de los demócratas convencidos de que Biden es demasiado viejo para dirigir con eficacia. A pesar de que hay indicios de que la economía estadounidense está mejorando, la percepción pública sigue siendo de enorme preocupación, con muchos demócratas inquietos por la aparente incapacidad de Biden para propiciar el crecimiento económico. Además, los estadounidenses están muy preocupados por lo que consideran la pérdida de control de sus fronteras. Culpan al presidente Biden de lo que parece ser a muchos un flujo incontrolado de inmigrantes cruzando de México a Estados Unidos. La decisión tomada en abril de 2022 por el gobernador de Texas, Greg Abbot, de enviar micros llenos de inmigrantes indocumentados desde Texas a Nueva York y otras ciudades fue transformadora. Convirtió un problema político de Texas en un dilema político nacional. Partidarios y detractores de la inmigración indocumentada coinciden en que la carga financiera es insostenible. Y además de Texas, esa carga se enfrenta ahora a bastiones de Biden como Nueva York. Kathy Hochul, gobernadora Demócrata del estado de Nueva York, salió a criticar a su aliado político, Joe Biden, por la negativa del presidente a enviar fondos suficientes a la ciudad de Nueva York para apoyar a los inmigrantes indocumentados que llegaron en micros desde Texas. Según Hochul, en 2024 y 2025, la ciudad de Nueva York tendrá que gastar 12.000 millones de dólares para hospedar inmigrantes indocumentados, un dinero que ni la ciudad ni el Estado tienen.Muchos consideran que es una estimación baja. Como consecuencia, los votantes de los suburbios de Nueva York, Chicago y Filadelfia se decantan por Trump.
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A common Jewish Argentine creation story begins in 1889, with 824 Russian Jews disembarking in Buenos Aires and ushering in three decades of massive Jewish migration to that city. In six key themes, this article expands the parameters of... more
A common Jewish Argentine creation story begins in 1889, with 824 Russian Jews disembarking in Buenos Aires and ushering in three decades of massive Jewish migration to that city. In six key themes, this article expands the parameters of that story chronologically, spatially, culturally, and politically. It focuses on the Jewish gaucho (skilled horseman) as an iconic representation of the intersections of Jewish and non-Jewish Buenos Aires; the meanings of neighborhood; the tragedy of 'white slavery'; cultural institutions; Sephardic porteños (Buenos Aires residents); and the Jewish anarchists and socialists.