David M . K . Sheinin
David M. K. Sheinin is Professor of History at Trent University (Canada).
He is the winner of the Trent University School of Graduate Studies Outstanding Graduate Mentorship Award (2022-23) and the Trent University Distinguished Research Award (2017). He served from 2014 to 2020 as the university's Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada mentor and liaison.
The _Student's Guide to Canadian Universities_ (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1999) named him "Favourite Professor" at Trent.
In 2021, Benjamin Bryce and David edited \Race and Transnationalism in the Americas\ (University of Pittsburgh Press).
In 2015, David edited _Sports Cultures in Latin American History_ (University of Pittsburgh Press). With Raanan Rein, David co-edited _Muscling in on New Worlds: Jews, Sports and the Making of the Americas_ (Brill, 2014)
In 2013, the Middle Atlantic Council of Latin American Studies awarded David The Arthur P. Whitaker Prize (best book in 2011-2012) for _Consent of the Damned: Ordinary Argentinians in the Dirty War_ (University Press of Florida, 2012). The prize committee found that "like the best books in our field do, _Consent of the Damned_ offers specific insights on a time and place (the Dirty War and its aftermath in Argentina) but also speaks to broader questions, in this case, the persistent challenges to establishing and maintaining an authentic and truly effective global human rights regime." The historian Michael Donoghue called the book excellent and original. The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee's Kristin Ruggiero described it as incredibly provocative and wonderfully readable.
David's 2006 book _Argentina and the United States: An Alliance Contained_ (University of Georgia Press) was described in the Hispanic American Historical Review, by the historian Glenn J. Dorn, as “masterful.” Dorn noted that “there are a few scholars in every generation who possess the range, expertise, and perspective to produce a truly first-rate survey, and Sheinin clearly falls within this elite group.” The historian James F. Siekmeier called the book "excellent" and wrote in Diplomatic History that "undoubtedly, the book will be the standard one-volume study of Argentine-U.S. relations for years to come."
In 2005, David was appointed a member of the Argentine National Academy of History (the first and only Canadian ever designated). In 2011 he was named "Amigo de Eloisa" by Eloisa Cartonera. His books and articles include two recent, short books on boxing and Argentine society, _El boxeador poeta_ [The Boxer Poet] (Eloisa Cartonera, 2010) and _El boxeador incrédulo_ [The Incredulous Boxer] (Eloisa Cartonera, 2011). David has held the J. Franklin Jameson Fellowship in American History (Library of Congress/American Historical Association), and in 2008 was named Edward Larocque Tinker Visiting Professor in Latin American History at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Among many articles and book chapters, David wrote “The Caribbean and the Cold War: Between Reform and Revolution,” in Stephan Palmié and Francisco A. Scarano, eds., _The Caribbean: An Illustrated History_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).
David appears regularly as the CHEX-TV "Daily Issues" political analyst in Peterborough, Ontario.
He is the winner of the Trent University School of Graduate Studies Outstanding Graduate Mentorship Award (2022-23) and the Trent University Distinguished Research Award (2017). He served from 2014 to 2020 as the university's Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada mentor and liaison.
The _Student's Guide to Canadian Universities_ (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1999) named him "Favourite Professor" at Trent.
In 2021, Benjamin Bryce and David edited \Race and Transnationalism in the Americas\ (University of Pittsburgh Press).
In 2015, David edited _Sports Cultures in Latin American History_ (University of Pittsburgh Press). With Raanan Rein, David co-edited _Muscling in on New Worlds: Jews, Sports and the Making of the Americas_ (Brill, 2014)
In 2013, the Middle Atlantic Council of Latin American Studies awarded David The Arthur P. Whitaker Prize (best book in 2011-2012) for _Consent of the Damned: Ordinary Argentinians in the Dirty War_ (University Press of Florida, 2012). The prize committee found that "like the best books in our field do, _Consent of the Damned_ offers specific insights on a time and place (the Dirty War and its aftermath in Argentina) but also speaks to broader questions, in this case, the persistent challenges to establishing and maintaining an authentic and truly effective global human rights regime." The historian Michael Donoghue called the book excellent and original. The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee's Kristin Ruggiero described it as incredibly provocative and wonderfully readable.
David's 2006 book _Argentina and the United States: An Alliance Contained_ (University of Georgia Press) was described in the Hispanic American Historical Review, by the historian Glenn J. Dorn, as “masterful.” Dorn noted that “there are a few scholars in every generation who possess the range, expertise, and perspective to produce a truly first-rate survey, and Sheinin clearly falls within this elite group.” The historian James F. Siekmeier called the book "excellent" and wrote in Diplomatic History that "undoubtedly, the book will be the standard one-volume study of Argentine-U.S. relations for years to come."
In 2005, David was appointed a member of the Argentine National Academy of History (the first and only Canadian ever designated). In 2011 he was named "Amigo de Eloisa" by Eloisa Cartonera. His books and articles include two recent, short books on boxing and Argentine society, _El boxeador poeta_ [The Boxer Poet] (Eloisa Cartonera, 2010) and _El boxeador incrédulo_ [The Incredulous Boxer] (Eloisa Cartonera, 2011). David has held the J. Franklin Jameson Fellowship in American History (Library of Congress/American Historical Association), and in 2008 was named Edward Larocque Tinker Visiting Professor in Latin American History at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Among many articles and book chapters, David wrote “The Caribbean and the Cold War: Between Reform and Revolution,” in Stephan Palmié and Francisco A. Scarano, eds., _The Caribbean: An Illustrated History_ (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011).
David appears regularly as the CHEX-TV "Daily Issues" political analyst in Peterborough, Ontario.
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2 septiembre, 2024
David M. K. Sheinin
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Desde la década del ‘90 hasta la de ‘40, el boxeo profesional fue objeto de críticas severas y extensas en Buenos Aires. De 1892 a 1923, quedó prohibido como espectáculo público en la ciudad por su violencia. El boxeo profesional funcionó en gran medida en la clandestinidad. La indignación en periódicos como Crítica y El Líder se centró en el negocio explotador del deporte, el trato violento de los boxeadores como trabajadores y los esfuerzos fallidos de los púgiles por sindicalizarse con éxito frente a los poderosos promotores.
A menudo influidas por críticas similares en el exterior, esas condenas nunca se disiparon del todo. Pero a finales de la década del ‘50, el gobierno y los medios de comunicación estaban mucho menos interesados en atacar al boxeo. En parte, el cambio fue político. En la década del ‘40, algunos boxeadores habían propuesto expropiar el Luna Park en un momento en que el presidente Juan Perón estaba expropiando empresas consideradas explotadoras de los trabajadores. Tras el derrocamiento de Perón en 1955, el lenguaje de la política de clases en la esfera pública cambió bruscamente. En la década del ‘60, algunos de los boxeadores más conocidos de Argentina no querían saber nada del deportista como obrero.En la película Destino para dos (1968) sobre la vida del campeón mundial de boxeo Horacio Accavallo, dirigida por el antiperonista Alberto Dubois, Accavallo se interpretó a sí mismo. El optimismo de la película evocaba los alegres musicales de Palito Ortega de la misma época. Siempre defensor de la libre empresa en la vida real, en la película Accavallo se presentaba como un católico tradicional sin interés por la política de clases y sin ninguna conciencia obrera. Mientras tanto, tras librar sus primeros nueve combates profesionales en Nueva York en 1964 y 1965, Oscar “Ringo” Bonavena regresó a Argentina y declaró a los medios de comunicación de Buenos Aires que, para triunfar, Argentina debía emular más de cerca la cultura de la libre empresa de Estados Unidos.
“Guia Pugilística” 1952. Fuente: Centro de Documentarción Histórico Luna Park
Empezando en la década del ’30, Simón Bronenberg fue la voz más significativa a la hora de configurar la forma en que los argentinos entendían el boxeo fuera del contexto de la explotación y la política de clases. Bronenberg fue el primer escritor de boxeo argentino destacado, y el periodista de esta disciplina preeminente de mediados del siglo XX, cuando era, junto con el fútbol, el deporte más popular del país. Fue cofundador, coeditor durante muchos años e impulsor del semanario K.O. Mundial, la revista de boxeo más importante y leída de la historia argentina. En sus páginas, a lo largo de cuatro décadas y para un público ávido, Bronenberg explicó el boxeo sobre el espectáculo, la mecánica de los golpes, las burocracias boxísticas, el negocio que gira alrededor del cuadrilátero y mucho más.
Las ideas de Bronenberg se cuentan en sus escritos en K.O. Mundial y en la Guía Pugilística anual que el propietario legendario del Luna Park, Tito Lectoure, le convenció para que lanzara en la década del ‘30. Cuando K.O. Mundial dejó de publicarse a principios de los ‘80 -y a pesar de que había editado varios libros y codirigido durante décadas la Guía Pugilística con José Cardona- Bronenberg ya había caído en la oscuridad, eclipsado por escritores más jóvenes y con menos talento.
El silencio de Bronenberg sobre política en la década del ‘40 es revelador. En las páginas de K.O. Mundial había referencias eruditas relacionadas ligeramente a su política liberal. Se refería a la muerte y los logros de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, por ejemplo, y comprendía, como muchos argentinos en aquel momento el papel del expresidente argentino como arquitecto de la democracia liberal argentina de finales del siglo XIX, de la educación pública y lo que eso significaba en el contexto del lugar de Argentina en un mundo moderno. Admirador del liberalismo transatlántico de principios del siglo XX, simpatizaba con el radicalismo, pero nunca lo manifestó explícitamente.
De izquierda a derecha: el match-macker del Luna Park, Lázaro Kocci; Nat fleisher, director de la revista The Ring, una de las publicaciones más influyentes en USA y Simón Bronenberg, director propietario de Guía Pugilística. Foto de la Guía Pugilística de 1954. Fuente: Centro de Documentarción Histórico Luna Park
A diferencia de la mayoría de los intelectuales argentinos del siglo XX, Bronenberg comprendió los beneficios de la sociedad moderna como firme entusiasta de Estados Unidos. Una de sus contribuciones clave a la esfera pública incluyóla educación de los argentinos en el boxeo estadounidense del siglo XX como camino de ruptura importante en la técnica, el espectáculo, el negocio y el rendimiento del deporte. Además de su trabajo en Argentina, Bronenberg representó y escribió para las dos revistas más importantes de mediados del siglo: The Ring (Estados Unidos) y Boxing News (Reino Unido). Aunque K.O. Mundial cubría el boxeo europeo y sudamericano, más allá de Argentina se centraba en Estados Unidos. Informaba regularmente sobre estadounidenses notables a los que admiraba y que habían alterado el panorama pugilístico. En algunos casos, ofrecía detalles sobre la forma en que esas figuras habían influido en el boxeo argentino. Desdeñaba la explotación de los boxeadores, pero no como una cuestión de política de clases. Admiraba el orden y despreciaba la corrupción en el deporte, como en 1963, cuando acusó al promotor y mánager argentino-brasileño Abraham Katzenelson de prácticas corruptas que incluían la contratación de boxeadores argentinos no autorizados y mal entrenados para pelear como “perdedores” en Brasil.
Bronenberg se inspiró para crear K.O. Mundial en la revista que más admiraba, The Ring, con sede en Nueva York. Basándose en su incomparable experiencia en el boxeo y en su conocimiento enciclopédico de este deporte, siguió los contornos de The Ring dedicando una parte de cada número de K.O. Mundial al boxeo estadounidense y a los promotores, entrenadores, boxeadores y periodistas estadounidenses. Hacía frecuentes referencias a Nat Fleischer, a quien consideraba el decano de los periodistas de boxeo. Las Guías Pugilísticas, las revistas anuales de boxeo de Bronenberg y Cardona, se basaban en las equivalentes de Fleischer en Estados Unidos.
Columna de Simón Bronenberg en “K.O. Mundial” 1952. Fuente: Todocoleccion
Al igual que Fleischer, Bronenberg se erigió en la máxima autoridad en reglas de boxeo, sus estadísticas y política nacional e internacional. Además, al igual que The Ring, K.O. Mundial combinaba una cobertura inigualable del boxeo nacional con los acontecimientos internacionales, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Bronenberg desempeñó un papel clave en ayudar a elevar la idea en Argentina de que el Madison Square Garden de Nueva York era la meca del boxeo internacional. Y al igual que Fleischer, Bronenberg encontró y empleó a los mejores periodistas de su generación. En los Juegos Olímpicos de Tokio de 1964, Bronenberg relató que Fleischer, el padre espiritual de todos los cronistas de boxeo, siempre llegaba pronto a los combates en el famoso Korakuen Hall. Con el estadio vacío, Fleischer estaba en su escritorio, organizando sus papeles y preparando material para su revista a sus ochenta años. Un modelo de profesionalismo norteamericano, según Bronenberg.
Bronenberg se refirió repetidamente a otros profesionales estadounidenses del boxeo como la cumbre de su profesión a nivel internacional. Entre ellos figuraban Teddy Brenner, el “Matchmaker” del Madison Square Garden nacido en Brooklyn, el entrenador Angelo Dundee y el periodista Lester Bromberg. En las páginas de K.O. Mundial, Bronenberg modeló sus columnas habituales “Compota de piñas” y “Bronenberg contesta” (en las que abordaba las preguntas de los lectores sobre uno u otro combate o boxeador, críticas a la revista, y noticias del mundo del boxeo) a partir de las populares columnas de Lester Bromberg, “BoxingTintypes” y “Strictly Personal”, en el New York World-Telegram.
Bronenberg se refería a dos gigantes estadounidenses del mundo del boxeo, LouStillman y Charles Goldberg. El Stillman’s Gym albergó a muchos de los mejores boxeadores estadounidenses durante décadas. Bronenberg mencionó a Goldberg en referencia a su entrenamiento del peso pesado argentino Ringo Bonavena. Pero su subtexto era el trabajo de Goldberg con otro grande del boxeo. “Una vez vi a Rocky Marciano entrenar en el gimnasio de Stillman cuando Marciano era campeón del mundo”, escribió Bronenberg en 1966. Lo que llamó su atención fue que Goldberg instruía a Marciano sobre cómo golpear el saco, cómo lanzar golpes, cómo saltar la cuerda, como si Marciano “fuera un principiante, recién iniciado en la letra ‘A’ del boxeo. Eso es lo que yo llamo celo profesional, conciencia, responsabilidad y toma de decisiones profesionales”, concluyó Bronenberg.
Páginas interiores de “Guía Pugilistica” 1960. Fuente: Mercado Libre
Para la década del ‘60, la influencia del boxeo estadounidense en el pensamiento de Bronenberg y en la Argentina era evidente en las páginas de la Guía Pugilística. Esto era especialmente cierto en el caso de los anuncios estadounidenses que financiaban la publicación, lo que demostraba tanto la creciente importancia del boxeo nacional a nivel internacional como la del boxeo estadounidense en el país. Todavía había muchos anuncios locales y muchos de Brasil. Sin embargo, en el interior de la portada de la edición de 1965, uno del Madison Square Garden describía el estadio como la capital mundial del deporte. Con sede en Long Island, Nueva York, Marvin Goldberg, el hermano de Charles Goldberg, se anunciaba como mánager de Ringo Bonavena. La edición de 1968 contaba con anuncios de Santos Zacarías y Amilcar Brusa, pero también de Chris...
Escrito a trompicones a partir de 2005, gran parte de método Palma refleja el desdén de muchos boxeadores profesionales por las opiniones de gente de clase media empeñados en eliminar el deporte por violencia. Al igual que otros boxeadores, Palma siempre comprendía los riesgos que corría. Se burlaba de la idea de “humanizar el boxeo” mediante la hiperregulación. “En principio, ¿qué sería humanizar?”, escribió. “¿Abolimos el boxeo y amanecemos más buenos?”. “El exceso de protección (guantes más grandes, protectores cabezales), atenta directamente contra aquellos individuos a quienes la vida otorgó por don, solamente la fuerza. ¿Con qué autoridad negamos esa posibilidad?” “El boxeo es un deporte de combate”, continuó Palma. “¿No le gusta? No lo practique”.
On May 25, 1987, SMJ sent a handwritten letter to John Sewell, Metro Toronto Housing Authority (MTHA) chair and former mayor of Toronto. Like hundreds of letters Sewell received from public housing residents—most of which he answered or addressed personally—SMJ’s note was all at once smart, raw, and to the point. She approached Sewell as a potential ally. “I am not a delinquent in my rent payments,” SMJ wrote, “nor am I a trouble maker.” She itemized problems in her unit that included unchanged door locks since occupancy, a bathroom floor in need of retiling, and poor plastering. She told Sewell of the “standard rehearsed excuses” from MTHA employees that included “We don’t have the tools necessary” and “I don’t have a work order for that.”
It got worse. SMJ wrote that some MTHA workers implausibly accused tenants of soliciting them while tenants reasonably accused workers of propositioning them. “We are not whores, pimps and dealers all, just as blue collar government employees are not all overpaid and under worked.” According to SMJ, tenants dreaded reprisals from MTHA staff for requesting repairs. “They fear eviction, improper use of keys to enter suites, mail tampering, destruction to home, pets or loss of personal belongings.”
These differences reflect the diversity of Jewish communities globally. Perhaps most importantly, Jewish experience reflects the political, social and economic evolution of each country throughout the 20th century.
York University professor David S. Koffman and I recently co-edited the book, Promised Lands North and South: Jewish Canada and Jewish Argentina in Conversation, which is the first to comparatively explore Jewish communities in the two countries, Argentina and Canada.
El Tribunal de Apelaciones del Quinto Circuito de Estados Unidos (que abarca Louisiana, Mississippi y Texas) determinó que son inconstitucionales las leyes que prohíben poseer armas a las personas con órdenes judiciales de alejamiento en su contra por violencia de género. La decisión fue redactada por los jueces Cory Wilson, James Ho y Edith Jones. Tanto Wilson como Ho fueron nombrados por Trump. La decisión no solamente envió un fuerte mensaje de un poderoso tribunal federal contra cualquier forma de control sobre la posesión de armas: también es probable que energice a los votantes conservadores y indecisos que creen que, en las últimas décadas, los tribunales y el gobierno federal han ido demasiado lejos al plantear desafíos basados en problemas de género a los derechos individuales. Es decir, la decisión del tribunal es tanto un apoyo al derecho a portar armas como un ataque a la política progresista de género.
Más sorprendente es la decisión del Quinto Circuito de anular una decisión de la Oficina Nacional de Alcohol, Tabaco, Armas de Fuego y Explosivos de prohibir los “bump stocks” (automatizadores de disparos), una forma de soporte de munición que puede transformar algunas armas en ametralladoras. Por lo general, los tribunales que han defendido el derecho de portar armas del individuo han invocado la disposición sobre tal derecho en la Segunda Enmienda de la Constitución Nacional, que supuestamente garantiza la posesión de armas como un derecho intrínseco. En este caso, la decisión del tribunal no dijo nada de la Segunda Enmienda. Atacó el poder de la burocracia del gobierno federal al considerar que sólo una ley del Congreso, y no una agencia gubernamental, podía tomar una decisión sobre la propiedad de las armas. El Quinto Circuito salió a restringir la autoridad de las burocracias del gobierno nacional, tema favorito de Donald Trump.
In 1908, twenty months after he lost his last fight and seven months after he died, Canadian boxer George Dixon was remembered at Thompson and Broome Streets in New York. The ornate fountain unveiled in his name gushed water from the forged mouth of a lion. The fountain is long gone, its whereabouts unknown. But more than a century later, in 2023, the dedication of a Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada plaque to Dixon outside the Africville Museum in Halifax, Canada, memorialized him again. This time, there were a new set of emphases.
The boxer commemorated in the Lower Manhattan fountain more than a century ago was renowned across the boxing world as the first Black athlete to win a world championship in any sport. His many accolades included the plaudits of the dean of twentieth-century boxing journalists, Nat Fleischer, who once called him the best featherweight in history. In his twenty-year professional career, Dixon fought a grueling 161 bouts, winning 66 (thirty by knockout), in addition to scores of exhibitions. From 1886 to mid-1902, he battled for the most part in drill halls, theaters, and athletic clubs up and down the east coast of the United States. After that, save for his final six fights, he boxed in similar venues in England.
The 2023 plaque unveiling in Halifax followed the commissioning of a nearby mural in 2020 of George Dixon in the ring, striking a white fighter hard in the face. The location of these two memorials was no accident. Dixon learned to fight as an adolescent in the Black community of Africville in Halifax. Like Chambacú in mid-twentieth-century Cartagena, Colombia; 1970s Brownsville, Brooklyn in New York; and many other Black neighborhoods in cities throughout the Americas, late nineteenth-century Africville was more than the childhood home of a great boxer. (The world champions Antonio “Kid Pambelé” Cervantes and Mike Tyson are from Chambacú and Brownsville, respectively.) It was a cauldron of artistic and cultural invention.2
As Sergeant Craig Marshall Smith makes clear in this interview, monu- ments to George Dixon in Africville not only promote the memory of a bril- liant Canadian boxer and his accomplishments. They form part of an ongoing process to recover what was destroyed when Africville was destroyed and African Canadian residents removed from a once-thriving neighborhood.
The city of Perry, located in north-central Oklahoma, is a two-industry town. Perry’s main employer, Ditch Witch, manufactures construction equipment. However, its other major product is amateur wrestlers. For over a century, Perry has left its mark on the sport of amateur wrestling at the state, national, and international levels. Oklahoma is a powerhouse in American amateur wrestling, and Perry has produced a vast majority of the state’s championship high school wrestling teams over the past sixty years. Many of its athletes have also gone on to have successful collegiate careers. Most significantly for the citizens of Perry, the community was also home to Jack VanBebber (1907–1986) and Danny Hodge (1932–2020).
Following a collegiate career that included winning three NCAA national championships out of Oklahoma A&M (now Oklahoma State University−Stillwater), VanBebber earned gold in freestyle wrestling in the seventy-two kilogram class at the 1932 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. Hodge, like VanBebber, was a three-time NCAA champion. He earned a silver medal at the 1956 Olympic Games in Melbourne, Australia, in the seventy-nine kilogram class. Hodge is also the namesake for the award given annually to the best collegiate wrestler in the United States.
Perry Wrestling Monument Park opened in 2016 under the management of the Perry Wrestling Foundation. Unlike the other monuments profiled in this book, it is a multilayered project that honors many athletes. Several plaques tell the story of Perry wrestling and name the many championship teams, athletes, and other individuals honored in association with the sport. Standing in front of the plaques are two statues, representing Perry’s Olympic medallists, VanBebber and Hodge. In addition to the statues, both VanBebber and Hodge have plaques outlining their accomplishments. The monument stands atop a cement slab that is painted to resemble a wrestling mat. At the edge of the mat are chairs representing the positions held by coaches during a wrestling match, and the entrance to the park is spanned by an arch. With its many elements, Perry Wrestling Monument Park is one of the most expan- sive monuments of its kind not only in the United States but also anywhere in the world, both with respect to its size and the number of combat athletes it commemorates.
Since the 1880s, statues of all kinds have proliferated across North America. But what is it about statues of combat athletes that makes them distinct? Certainly, statues of combat athletes share themes with statues com- memorating athletes from any sport. They speak to how fans remember sports heroes over time, the business, marketing of memory, and the shape of the cities and towns where the athletes resided. But in addition, there are four distinguishing features of statues to fighters.
First, the Uffizi Wrestlers was one of dozens of statues to wrestlers from ancient Greece, Rome, and other civilizations celebrated in Western Europe and the United States as markers of ancient societies that had inspired mod- ern democracy, literature, art, and science. Statues of such athletes not only dated from the ancient world. They also inspired new designs reminiscent of traditional forms and were reproduced multiple times. The most famous representations of such figures include Two Fighters (1530) by Michelangelo, François Rude’s Wrestler in Repose (1820), and Félix Maurice Charpentier’s Lutteurs (1893). For the conservators of Fairmount Park, as for the doyens of similar grand parks and museums across the United States, such statues and monuments of anonymous, muscular wrestlers reaffirmed community aspira- tions to high art and culture commensurate with a society whose cultural and political leaders sought to demonstrate the nation as a modern exemplar of what they considered civilized and advanced societies in the ancient world.
Second, throughout the Americas—during periods of mass popularity of wrestling, boxing, and mixed martial arts—the violence of combat sports left a mark on how fans and communities remember athletes. That relationship is not linear, nor is it fixed on the athlete or their sport as violent. Violence has often been a complex backdrop to what combat athletes represent to fans and communities. In many cases, combat athletes have endeared themselves to their followers not as violent performers but as having overcome violent pasts to reach levels of remarkable success.
Third, in the twentieth century, combat sports have often produced more detailed, more emotionally poignant stories of triumph than those associ- ated with team sports. Since combat sports illuminate the achievements of individuals, the stories are unencumbered by the many parallel narratives of others who shared the spotlight during key athletic milestones. As a result, fans have often consumed more deeply personal stories than those of team sport athletes.
Finally, in keeping with themes of violence and individual accomplish- ment, combat athlete narratives in North America over the past century have often focused more intensely than in other sports on the dynamic linking race to achievement. Issues of race are certainly important in narratives associated with team sports. However, the one-on-one character of combat sports allows for matters of race to be foregrounded in a way that is not possible in team sports, where large membership rosters often make matters of racial identity and racial representation more tenuous.
lived mid-twentieth-century identity transformations through boxing. In addi-
tion, the public journeys of each and the admiration each generated among
Jews and perhaps more importantly, among non-Jews tell us something larger about twentieth-century Canadian and Argentine Jewish life. There were similarities to be sure. But Jewish modernity was distinct in each nation. In Canada, it reflected rapid national economic growth, material advances for many Canadians, and an associated optimism that permeated how Canadians looked to the future. In Argentina, Jewish modernity often reflected a growing malaise among Argentines over economic decline, political violence and instability, and growing pessimism for the future.
In Argentina, little is known of Simón Bronenberg’s personal life. Even so, he
was the first prominent Argentine boxing writer and the pre-eminent boxing
journalist of the mid-twentieth century when boxing ranked with soccer as the most popular sports in Argentina. Bronenberg was the co-founder, the long-time editor, and the driving force behind K.O. Mundial, the most important and widely read boxing magazine in Argentine history. In its pages over four decades and for an eager public, Bronenberg explained boxing on spectacle, the mechanics of blows, bureaucracies, business, and much more. He taught Argentines how to appreciate the sport.
Like Bronenberg, the Toronto boxer Sammy Luftspring began his career in
the 1930s at a time when religious, cultural, and political strictures on Jews
shaped Jewish life and limited Jewish options in both countries. Mainstream
media regularly covered Lufstspring as a widely acknowledged boxing dynamo until 1940 when a detached retina forced him from the ring. Unlike Bronenberg who continued to work as a journalist through the 1970s, Luftspring reinvented himself as an iconic former boxer. He worked paid and unpaid jobs of the sort that boxers throughout the Americas took in retirement. Luftspring drove a taxi, refereed boxing matches, did sports color commentary for television, and represented a liquor company.
Pero hay algo que no va bien. El hecho de que se estén desarrollando y distribuyendo vacunas en Argentina y de que, cuando se produce un pequeño brote, las autoridades nacionales se muestren vigilantes para erradicarlo pone de relieve que la OMSA enumera dos categorías de países o zonas libres de fiebre aftosa.
Hay países y zonas libres de aftosa donde no se vacunan al ganado, y países/zonas libres de aftosa con la necesidad de vacunación. En la actualidad Argentina se divide dos. Al igual que Estados Unidos y Canadá, la Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego e Islas Malvinas están libres de fiebre aftosa sin necesidad de vacunación. El resto del país no sólo está sujeto a programas regulares de vacunación, sino que existen estrategias de vacunación variadas en las distintas provincias y regiones. En algunos lugares, la vacunación es obligatoria y universal, pero no en otros. Además, la frecuencia de las campañas de vacunación varía de un lugar a otro de Argentina y depende de un factor que el gobierno nunca ha podido controlar: la voluntad de los ganaderos de notificar los casos.
Pero a pesar de un final feliz, la historia se complica.
El 29 de mayo de 1940, diecinueve días después de que llegaron los nazis a los Países Bajos, Gurméndez planteó a sus homólogos diplomáticos en Holanda el dilema de los judíos refugiados. Les pidió a sus colegas que gestionen a sus gobiernos el asilo de los suplicantes. El ministro argentino en los Países Bajos, Carlos Brebbia, respondió de forma inequívoca. Aconsejó a sus superiores que rechacen la solicitud. La falta de voluntad del gobierno argentino de aceptar la petición uruguaya -la única apelación en tiempos de guerra al Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores argentino, en nombre de los judíos en los Países Bajos- representa un ejemplo clave de repetidos rechazos argentinos de refugiados judíos durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En este caso, el ministro argentino en los Países Bajos, Carlos Brebbia, avanzó argumentos discriminatorios para rehusar la solicitud de asilo. El Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores nunca cuestionó su razonamiento, rechazando de hecho a los refugiados en peligro. Además, el gobierno argentino evitó una decisión relacionada con los refugiados que pudiera invocar la animosidad de un beligerante clave, en este caso Alemania.
Compared to the World’s Fair glory days of the 1960s and 1970s, Expo Milano 2015 was a notorious bust. It drew few visitors, few pavilions, and little government financing of pavilion buildings. Even so, the Argentine government invested millions of dollars and significant political capital in its pavilion, the highlight of which was a visit during the fair by the Argentine president herself. Moreover, the performance of Peronist populism at the fair was incongruous. As Fernández de Kirchner’s presidential term came to a close in the months following the fair, part of her legacy included a legendary conflict with small and large agricultural producers, and a public distancing of the presidential administration from Peronist movement founder, Juan Perón. Yet, pavilion messaging combined a celebration of the past under Perón and of Argentine agricultural triumphal optimism with a nostalgic imaging of the industrial worker, represented in pavilion employees dressed as 1950s Argentine factory workers in blue one-piece tunics (Sheinin, 2019; Gardner, 2020, 87-110; Hora, 2020).
What did kirchnerismo hope to achieve in its last grand performance on the world stage? This chapter argues that in highlighting the administration’s emphasis on a romanticised past for working people; new immigration policies that facilitated the entry of racialized communities from neighbouring countries; Indigenous Argentines; and a putative scientific revolution in Argentina, the government hoped to capitalise on international alliances with other left-leaning governments (Venezuela, Ecuador, and others) to project a new left-populist model for national development as a lasting legacy of kirchnerismo (Rada, 2015; Vergara Parra, 2019).
En la columna de Ciencias Sociales, Política y Deporte fue invitado el historiador David Sheinin.
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It was just over a year ago when astronaut Commander Chris Hadfield spent an evening in Hastings to officially open the Hastings Field House at Fowld's Millennium Field. Caley Bedore returns to see how things are shaping up for its first full complement of programs this winter.
DAILY PARENT:
Jason Brock is Program Coordinator & Babies First Coordinator, at the Peterborough Family Resource Centre. The Centre on Antrim Street in Peterborough is a hub of activity with parenting programs, a toy lending library and numerous health-related projects to help new parents. A new season of programs is in store, AND there are several locations where new parents & young families can connect with the PFRC team… Jason has the details.
DAILY ISSUES with Dr. David Sheinin : From the World Anti-Doping Agency to former US Secretary of State Colin Powell….hackers are finding their ways into private documents via the world wide web. David Sheinin looks at the latest leaks and hacks – including the Williams sisters and drug use, and Colin Powell's comments on Trump. Are the leaks really “headline” worthy … and is it right for the media, the public, to build stories & opinion based on them?
SPONSORED FEATURE: “Conservation Connections” with Peterborough Distribution Inc: Big savings in store when a large furniture store takes on PDI’s offer of a lighting overhaul.
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Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV)
Brian May
August 31, 2016 10:00 pm
CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 31, 2016
IN THE FIELD:
They never know what they’ll get called to next and they always have to be ready with an appropriate response. Caley Bedore checks in with the Trent University Nursing program. Surely she’ll pick up some helpful first aid tips at the very least.
DAILY TECH:
Jeremy Biden is back, and while it’s always interesting to check out the bit tech items, sometimes the most helpful tech tools can be the smallest and the simplest.
DAILY PARENT:
Karen Halley is the Communications and Marketing Specialist at GreenUP. We’ll look at packing litterless lunches for school: it benefits the environment, reduces food waste, gets kids recycle/reuse aware and even helps put cash back into your wallet. Everyone likes the green-lunch-box idea, they just want to be able to do it easily. Great tips and product highlights tonight. @ptbogreenup www.greenup.on.ca
DAILY ISSUES:
Professor Dr. David Sheinin is watching Trudeau’s visit to China… talk about a political tightrope. What’s at stake with this state visit for China, Canada and the Prime Minister?
ROUNDTABLE:
Professional Organizer, Author and Entrepreneur Sherrie LeMasurier (SIMPLYHELPFUL.CA) gets a jump start on morning routines for next week.
From “Command Centre” to good old fashioned pre-planning, Sherrie brings in a host of ideas and tips for Conquering Morning Chaos.
@SimplyHelpfulCA www.simplyhelpful.ca and on facebook
Peterborough, ON, Canada / (CHEXTV)
Jared Foster
August 17, 2016 07:49 pm
CHEX Daily - Wednesday Aug. 17, 2016
DAILY ISSUES:
Dr. David Sheinin will be in to shed some light on the Paul Manafort scandal. Manafort is Donald Trump’s campaign chairman and a recent New York Times report revealed he was designated to receive more than $12 million dollars from a pro-Russia political group in Ukraine. The ledgers indicate secret payments were made to Manafort between 2007 – 2012.
Hopefully Lindsay isn’t trapped and makes it back by deadline! She is checking out Escape Maze – the adventure course that will test your puzzle solving skills and ability to work as a team.
DAILY PARENT
Shari Warfield will be in from the Canadian Mental Health Association. She heads up a ground-breaking program called the Transitional Age Youth Project. Right now it is an operational pilot program serving 5 people in the community. It is unique because it is for people who are dually diagnosed – both with developmental delays and mental health issues. It is meant to ease the transition between youth services and adult support systems. The program will be evaluated in March 2017 and they are hoping to roll it out on a permanent basis and have it act as a guide for other communities.
DAILY TECH:
It seems as though everyone is talking about it so we might as well too – Jeremy Biden will be in to chat about the Pokémon Go craze that is sweeping the globe.
DAILY ISSUES:
Dr. David Sheinin joins us today for Daily issues. Today we will discuss the attempted coup in Turkey – what is happening now and what the future looks like for the region.
ROUNDTABLE:
Jacob Rodenburg and Drew Monkman will be on set to chat about their new, co-authored book – The Big Book of Nature Activities. Both men have extensive backgrounds in outdoor education and environmental conservation and the book aims to share that knowledge through nature based activities. It is a year round guide to outdoor learning – meant to connect youth to the natural world.
Durante más de treinta años, las elecciones presidenciales estadounidenses se han decidido por los llamados “swing voters” (votantes indecisos): menos del 15 por ciento de los votantes, que podrían votar o republicano o demócrata, dependiendo de algunas cuestiones claves y del momento. El 85 por ciento restante ya ha tomado su decisión para noviembre de 2024, y se divide a partes iguales entre Trump y Biden. Así, sabemos que Detroit apoyará a Biden, por ejemplo, al igual que todas las grandes ciudades del medio oeste y el noreste de Estados Unidos. Y el estado de Iowa apoyará a Trump, en consonancia con las zonas rurales de todo el país. Como ha ocurrido tantas veces, las elecciones presidenciales de 2024 se decidirán por los votantes indecisos de los suburbios de las grandes ciudades y en un puñado de estados en los que el apoyo a los dos grandes partidos está siempre demasiado reñido: Pensilvania, Michigan, Wisconsin y Georgia, en particular. También hay indicios de que el apoyo a Trump está creciendo entre los votantes latinos de los estados fronterizos con México y entre los afroamericanos.
Trump tiene varias ventajas. Aunque puede perder los votos de algunas mujeres por su oposición al aborto, los ganará de los demócratas convencidos de que Biden es demasiado viejo para dirigir con eficacia. A pesar de que hay indicios de que la economía estadounidense está mejorando, la percepción pública sigue siendo de enorme preocupación, con muchos demócratas inquietos por la aparente incapacidad de Biden para propiciar el crecimiento económico. Además, los estadounidenses están muy preocupados por lo que consideran la pérdida de control de sus fronteras. Culpan al presidente Biden de lo que parece ser a muchos un flujo incontrolado de inmigrantes cruzando de México a Estados Unidos. La decisión tomada en abril de 2022 por el gobernador de Texas, Greg Abbot, de enviar micros llenos de inmigrantes indocumentados desde Texas a Nueva York y otras ciudades fue transformadora. Convirtió un problema político de Texas en un dilema político nacional. Partidarios y detractores de la inmigración indocumentada coinciden en que la carga financiera es insostenible. Y además de Texas, esa carga se enfrenta ahora a bastiones de Biden como Nueva York. Kathy Hochul, gobernadora Demócrata del estado de Nueva York, salió a criticar a su aliado político, Joe Biden, por la negativa del presidente a enviar fondos suficientes a la ciudad de Nueva York para apoyar a los inmigrantes indocumentados que llegaron en micros desde Texas. Según Hochul, en 2024 y 2025, la ciudad de Nueva York tendrá que gastar 12.000 millones de dólares para hospedar inmigrantes indocumentados, un dinero que ni la ciudad ni el Estado tienen.Muchos consideran que es una estimación baja. Como consecuencia, los votantes de los suburbios de Nueva York, Chicago y Filadelfia se decantan por Trump.