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This article is based on an interview conducted in July 2023 with Danny Yatom, the eighth Mossad chief. He had a distinguished career in the Israeli Defense Force, joining the Mossad in 1996 after his military service. Yatom's... more
This article is based on an interview conducted in July 2023 with Danny Yatom, the eighth Mossad chief. He had a distinguished career in the Israeli Defense Force, joining the Mossad in 1996 after his military service. Yatom's contributions were pivotal during the 1980s and 1990s, particularly in diplomatic engagements and peace negotiations between Israel and Jordan. With experience spanning elite military units, intelligence agencies, Prime Minister's offices, and the Israeli Parliament, his insights offer a comprehensive understanding of intricate matters, making it the primary reason for my decision to interview Yatom. Among other topics, Yatom provided nuanced perspectives on Israel's involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, its relations with Azerbaijan, the special ties between Israel and Germany, and the 1979 Islamic revolution. I also inquired about the impact of emotions on decision-making in national security, the historical trajectory of the Mossad, and Israel's approach to Official Public Intelligence Disclosure.
The 1979 Islamic Revolution was a tectonic change that influenced the geopolitics of the Middle East to this day. This article highlights the necessity of reexamining the events of 1979 from a securitisation perspective. Through an... more
The 1979 Islamic Revolution was a tectonic change that influenced the geopolitics of the Middle East to this day. This article highlights the necessity of reexamining the events of 1979 from a securitisation perspective. Through an investigation of Ayatollah Khomeini's pivotal role, I challenge the methodological nationalism often found in the study of Israel-Iran relations. Despite his unconventional position in security matters, Khomeini played a crucial role in the securitisation of the 1979 revolution. Drawing on Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs archives, secondary sources, elite interviews, and Khomeini's theological speeches, this article reexamines the intricate stages of securitisation and counter-securitisation spanning 16 years. Khomeini effectively mobilized the political audience (Iranian people) to support the revolution, aiming to overthrow the Shah and remove Israel's presence from Iran. I argue that a non-linear securitisation process was employed, characterised by Khomeini's ability to establish informal authority among the opposition. This process ultimately led to him gaining legitimacy from the Iranian people and culminated in the successful securitisation act of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
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The current Spotlight explores different interpretations of Germany's Staatsraison-or raison d'état-which emphasize Germany's commitment to defending Israel's national security. This component has played a crucial role in German-Israeli... more
The current Spotlight explores different interpretations of Germany's Staatsraison-or raison d'état-which emphasize Germany's commitment to defending Israel's national security. This component has played a crucial role in German-Israeli relations to date. The recent attempts (January-June 2023) by Benjamin Netanyahu's right-wing government to overhaul the Supreme Court have left Israeli society facing extreme tension and have shaken the country's sense of national unity. Since 1965 and especially in the post Cold War period, German Staatsraison has meant defending Israel's security-but with the assault on Israel's democracy, can it continue with the same purpose in the future? This Spotlight discusses how this development might impact German-Israeli relations.
In 1915, during World War I, the declining Ottoman Empire carried out an extended campaign of genocide against the Ottoman Armenians. From massacres to death marches, 1.5 million of the Armenian population were exterminated. The... more
In 1915, during World War I, the declining Ottoman Empire carried out an extended campaign of genocide against the Ottoman Armenians. From massacres to death marches, 1.5 million of the Armenian population were exterminated. The Holocaust, in which six million European Jews were exterminated as part of what the Nazis called the ‘Final Solution of the Jewish Question,’ was perpetrated during World War II. Over the last forty years, the memorialisation of the Holocaust has become a distinct aspect of Western culture, encompassing reparations, museums, memorials and documentaries, and even legislation criminalising its denial. Education about the Holocaust, and its continued memorialisation is led by, among others, powerful transnational organisations such as The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), and by national research institutions such as Yad Vashem in Jerusalem and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). However, there is no comparable culture of memorialisation of the Armenian genocide. In fact, that genocide has been subjected to a vigorous campaign of denial led by the Republic of Turkey, and by a marked reluctance of worldwide governments and parliaments to recognise its existence formally. Only recently (from 2016–2019), have parliaments in the US, the Netherlands and Germany recognised the Armenian genocide, yet others, such as those of Israel and the UK, continue to reject such recognition. What drives these divergent trends in Holocaust and Armenian genocide memory? Why is there a significant difference in the way in which these two genocides have been represented in the public, political and international arenas by the perpetrators, victims and third-party countries? This report aims at finding answers to these key questions by assessing the perpetrator states’ trajectories of Holocaust and Armenian genocide memory from the early years of the Cold War into the post-Cold War world order. In doing so, the report will highlight some of the most important milestones, actors and patterns that shaped the memory (politics) of the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust. Finally, conclusions are drawn for current domestic and foreign policy realms.
Lapid and Biden last week worked to refine the current US position regarding Israel's initiative to prevent war with Hezbollah, and now Lapid must take the reins, gently.
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If the Netanyahu government passes its radical legislation, even Germany's commitment to its historical responsibility for the Holocaust would be insufficient to defend an Israel that so blatantly tramples minority rights Israeli Prime... more
If the Netanyahu government passes its radical legislation, even Germany's commitment to its historical responsibility for the Holocaust would be insufficient to defend an Israel that so blatantly tramples minority rights Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz met last week in Berlin. Israel and Germany have had close diplomatic ties, but tensions over Netanyahu's government's plans to overhaul Israel's judiciary to take more power for themselves are stoking tensions.
In his three minute video address for International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Turkey's president didn't even mention the word 'Jew.' And in his listing of genocides, one was notably missing. At first glance, the three-minute video... more
In his three minute video address for International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Turkey's president didn't even mention the word 'Jew.' And in his listing of genocides, one was notably missing. At first glance, the three-minute video featuring Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan marking International Holocaust Remembrance Day seems indistinguishable from the many messages of commemoration and solidarity offered by world leaders. Erdogan describes how the racism and hate crimes that led to the genocides of the Holocaust, Bosnia, Rwanda and Cambodia are still thriving today; he mentions the UN Genocide Convention ; he ends with the hope for a future without discrimination and crimes against humanity.
Netanyahu and the right are slamming Yair Lapid for what they call illegitimate negotiations and for 'selling out' to Hezbollah. So can a caretaker PM sign international accords of this magnitude?
נראה כי הפוליטיקה של האשמה הגרמנית אל מול הסבל היהודי/ישראלי מיצתה עצמה בשני העשורים האחרונים. לממשלת בנט יש כעת הזדמנות וסיבות כלכליות ותרבותיות לשפר את היחסים עם גרמניה והאיחוד האירופי
על רקע המצב הפוליטי בישראל עלולים איראן וארגוני הטרור באזור להגביר את הניסיונות לאתגר את מערכת הביטחון, מתוך מחשבה שהעיתוי, בתוך ממשלת מעבר, יהיה לא נוח לישראל כדי להגיב. ד"ר פנינה שוקר וד"ר אלדד בן אהרון מנתחים את המצב ומסבירים למה זה לא... more
על רקע המצב הפוליטי בישראל עלולים איראן וארגוני הטרור באזור להגביר את הניסיונות לאתגר את מערכת הביטחון, מתוך מחשבה שהעיתוי, בתוך ממשלת מעבר, יהיה לא נוח לישראל כדי להגיב. ד"ר פנינה שוקר וד"ר אלדד בן אהרון מנתחים את המצב ומסבירים למה זה לא הזמן להחליף רמטכ"ל
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Dr. Eldad Ben Aharon is docent aan het Instituut voor Regiostudies van de Universiteit van Leiden. Ben Aharon is expert in de diplomatieke geschiedenis van het Midden-Oosten tijdens de Koude Oorlog. Zijn onderzoek richt zich op de... more
Dr. Eldad Ben Aharon is docent aan het Instituut voor Regiostudies van de Universiteit van Leiden. Ben Aharon is expert in de diplomatieke geschiedenis van het Midden-Oosten tijdens de Koude Oorlog. Zijn onderzoek richt zich op de buitenlandse politiek van Israel, de relatie tussen Israël en Turkije en de geschiedenis van modern Armenië. Ook publiceert hij opiniestukken en analyses van actuele ontwikkelingen in bladen zoals Jerusalem Post, The Conversation en Times of Israel. Momenteel schrijft hij een boek over de diplomatieke relaties tussen Israel, Turkije (en de VS) in het licht van de ontwikkelingen in de regio. De lezing zal te zien zijn op onze website, op Zoom en onze Facebookpagina. Via Zoom kunt u vragen stellen. U hoeft zich niet van tevoren aan te melden.
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This one-day workshop considers how human rights affect and are affected by recognitions and denials of historical atrocities. Do recognitions of past crimes ensure the protection of human rights among perpetrator states? Do denials of... more
This one-day workshop considers how human rights affect and are affected by recognitions and denials of historical atrocities. Do recognitions of past crimes ensure the protection of human rights among perpetrator states? Do denials of such crimes undermine these rights? What kinds of rights must be in place to promote recognitions of difficult pasts?
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Turkey’s Cold War history has received only limited attention from scholars. Most studies focus on conventional questions of either diplomacy or governance, sidelining the history of cultural developments, social movements, and... more
Turkey’s Cold War history has received only limited attention from scholars. Most studies focus on conventional questions of either diplomacy or governance, sidelining the history of cultural developments, social movements, and transnational dynamics. Addressing these gaps in the literature, this webinar will feature new and original research on how to make sense of Turkey’s “Cold War experience” during the 1950s–’80s.

This webinar is organized by Alp Yenen (Leiden University) and Jan-Markus Vömel (University of Konstanz).

Presentations by Nadav Solomonovich (University of Haifa), Hüseyin Çiçek (University of Vienna), Çimen Günay-Erkol (Özyeğin University), Sevil Çakır Kılınçoğlu (University of Göttingen), Zeynep Bursa-Millet (CETOBaC/EHESS Paris), Cangül Örnek (Maltepe University), and Eldad Ben Aharon (Leiden University).

This event is connected with Leiden University’s Turkish Studies, DFG Research Network on Contemporary History of Turkey, and Turkey Studies Network in the Low Countries.
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Unfreezing diplomatic relations could end decades of conflict, but will likely involve the interests of several regional players A possible peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia could put an end to the ongoing conflict between the two... more
Unfreezing diplomatic relations could end decades of conflict, but will likely involve the interests of several regional players A possible peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia could put an end to the ongoing conflict between the two Caucasus nations. However, several issues remain unresolved-and perhaps not only by the two countries in question.
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נייר מדיניות זה סוקר ומנתח את מדיניות-החוץ של ישראל ביחס לסוגיית ההכרה ברצח העם הארמני ואת ההימנעות של ממשלות ישראל השונות מהבעת תמיכה בתביעת הארמנים להכרה. המאמר טוען שהדבר נובע מאינטרסים גיאופוליטיים וביטחוניים – ובראשם יחסי ישראל עם... more
נייר מדיניות זה סוקר ומנתח את מדיניות-החוץ של ישראל ביחס לסוגיית ההכרה ברצח העם הארמני ואת ההימנעות של ממשלות ישראל השונות מהבעת תמיכה בתביעת הארמנים להכרה. המאמר טוען שהדבר נובע מאינטרסים גיאופוליטיים וביטחוניים – ובראשם יחסי ישראל עם תורכיה, אזרבייג‘ן וארה"ב; מהרצון לשמר את תפיסת ייחודיות השואה; מהיעדר לחץ ציבורי ופרלמנטרי; ומהזנחת מרכיבים ערכיים שעשויים לחזק את העוצמה הרכה של ישראל. המאמר מספק רקע היסטורי לסוגיה, סוקר את העמדות שנוקטות מדינות שונות ואת התמורות שחלו בעמדות אלו לאורך השנים, ובוחן את מדיניות ישראל – ואת הסיבות לה – על פני ארבעה עשורים, מראשית שנות ה-80 'ועד ימינו. המאמר גם בוחן את מרכזיות זיכרון השואה בעיצוב המדיניות הישראלית, ומתייחס לאפשרות קיומו של מנעד בין הכחשה להכרה, שעשוי לאפשר לישראל לנקוט צעדים הדרגתיים מבלי לסכן אינטרסים חיוניים.
Air raid sirens followed by artillery, missile, and drone strikes by Azerbaijani forces on Nagorno-Karabakh signaled a new round of violence and, perhaps, the death knell for an ethnic Armenian presence in the region. A ceasefire was... more
Air raid sirens followed by artillery, missile, and drone strikes by Azerbaijani forces on Nagorno-Karabakh signaled a new round of violence and, perhaps, the death knell for an ethnic Armenian presence in the region. A ceasefire was declared on Wednesday afternoon, but not before at least 34 Armenians had been killed-including two children-and 200 wounded, according to Armenian reports. The fresh fighting follows three years of failed peace talks, skirmishes, and weeks of military buildup in the region. According to several reports, the Armenian government in Artsakh agreed to lay down arms and abandon military positions.
https://zoryaninstitute.org/the-zoryan-institute-highlights-the-work-of-dr-bedross-der-matossian-zi-board-member-and-author-of-denial-of-genocides-in-the-21st-century/

July 12th, 2023: The Zoryan Institute had the pleasure of highlighting the work of Dr. Bedross Der Matossian, member of the Zoryan Institute’s Academic Board of Directors and Professor of Modern Middle East History in the Department of History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, in the form of an interview about his latest book, Denial of Genocides in the 21st Century.
Understanding genocide denial is crucial to understanding genocide as a whole. As prominent genocide scholar and the late Chair of the Zoryan Institute’s Academic Board of Directors, Dr. Roger Smith shared, “Genocide denial supports the re-enactment of genocide not only by the original perpetrator, but by others who wish to resolve political and social problems through mass violence, defining the problem as the people who are said to constitute the problem.” This can look like the total loss of human sympathy toward groups who have experienced the devastations of a genocide, as well as academic and political corruption. It is for this reason, among others, that the study of genocide denial is crucial to the field of genocide studies but also to the prevention of genocide across the world.
In his latest book, Dr. Der Matossian explores genocide denial across multiple contexts and how it has evolved and adapted in its forms throughout the 21st Century. Dr. Der Matossian’s work on this subject is an extremely valuable addition to the field.
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