Eldad Ben-Aharon
Dublin City University, School of Law and Government, Faculty Member
- Diplomatic History, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, History and Memory, Political History, Middle East Studies, Cold War history, and 31 moreCold War International Relations, Turkish Foreign Policy, American History, Area Studies, Oral history, U.S. Foreign Policy, Research Methodology, Qualitative methodology, International Relations, International Studies, International Relations Theory, 1979 Iranian Revolution, Turkish Nationalism, Turkish politics, Modern Armenian History, Armenian Genocide, Counter terrorism, Terrorism and Counterterrorism, Diaspora and transnationalism, Modern Jewsih History, Ottoman Armenians, Holocaust education, Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Post Cold War Era, Cold War History and International Relations, Armenian Studies, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Restorative Justice, Holocaust Studies, Israel's Foreign Policy, and Foriegn Policyedit
- I obtained my PhD from Royal Holloway University of London (2019) and currently working as an Irish Research Council ... moreI obtained my PhD from Royal Holloway University of London (2019) and currently working as an Irish Research Council (IRC) Postdoctoral Fellow in International Security at Dublin City University's School of Law and Government. I lead the research project titled “2020 Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Israel’s Foreign Policy: Securitization, Geopolitics, and Arms Trading.” Here you can find more details about my work:
• My primary areas of interest include security and memory, securitization theory, foreign policy analysis, public and digital diplomacy, and elite interviews.
• My latest research has been published in leading academic journals such as the European Journal of International Security, Intelligence and National Security, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, Oral History Review, and Cold War History.
• I am working on two monographs on Israeli-Turkish relations (Edinburgh UP, 2025) and Israeli memory politics of the Armenian Genocide (Amsterdam UP, 2026).
• My op-eds and commentary have appeared in The Conversation, Newsweek, the Washington Post, Haaretz, the Jerusalem Post and NBC News.
• I am also a regular contributor to national and international media outlets and have been invited to comment on various news organizations and podcasts such as 'Secrets and Spies' and 'IR thinker'.
• I am an active member of several professional organizations and held visiting affiliations at Leiden Univeristy (NL), the PRIF Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (GR) and the University of South Welles (UK).
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0039-9827edit
This article is based on an interview conducted in July 2023 with Danny Yatom, the eighth Mossad chief. He had a distinguished career in the Israeli Defense Force, joining the Mossad in 1996 after his military service. Yatom's... more
This article is based on an interview conducted in July 2023 with Danny Yatom, the eighth Mossad chief. He had a distinguished career in the Israeli Defense Force, joining the Mossad in 1996 after his military service. Yatom's contributions were pivotal during the 1980s and 1990s, particularly in diplomatic engagements and peace negotiations between Israel and Jordan. With experience spanning elite military units, intelligence agencies, Prime Minister's offices, and the Israeli Parliament, his insights offer a comprehensive understanding of intricate matters, making it the primary reason for my decision to interview Yatom. Among other topics, Yatom provided nuanced perspectives on Israel's involvement in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, its relations with Azerbaijan, the special ties between Israel and Germany, and the 1979 Islamic revolution. I also inquired about the impact of emotions on decision-making in national security, the historical trajectory of the Mossad, and Israel's approach to Official Public Intelligence Disclosure.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, International Relations, Middle East Studies, Israel Studies, Middle East Politics, and 9 moreIsrael's Foreign Policy, The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Israel's national security and military history, IDF doctrine., German-Israeli Relations, Mossad, Shin Bet, Inter Services Intelligence & Mossad, and Israel Azerbaijan relations
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The 1979 Islamic Revolution was a tectonic change that influenced the geopolitics of the Middle East to this day. This article highlights the necessity of reexamining the events of 1979 from a securitisation perspective. Through an... more
The 1979 Islamic Revolution was a tectonic change that influenced the geopolitics of the Middle East to this day. This article highlights the necessity of reexamining the events of 1979 from a securitisation perspective. Through an investigation of Ayatollah Khomeini's pivotal role, I challenge the methodological nationalism often found in the study of Israel-Iran relations. Despite his unconventional position in security matters, Khomeini played a crucial role in the securitisation of the 1979 revolution. Drawing on Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs archives, secondary sources, elite interviews, and Khomeini's theological speeches, this article reexamines the intricate stages of securitisation and counter-securitisation spanning 16 years. Khomeini effectively mobilized the political audience (Iranian people) to support the revolution, aiming to overthrow the Shah and remove Israel's presence from Iran. I argue that a non-linear securitisation process was employed, characterised by Khomeini's ability to establish informal authority among the opposition. This process ultimately led to him gaining legitimacy from the Iranian people and culminated in the successful securitisation act of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
Research Interests: Jewish Studies, Research Methodology, Israel Studies, Iranian Studies, Jewish History, and 15 moreMiddle East Politics, Israeli Politics, Israel's Foreign Policy, Iran Foreign Policy, Israel and Zionism, Iran nuclear program, Methodological Nationalism, Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy, Israel's national security and military history, IDF doctrine., Foreign Policy of Islamic Republic of Iran, Securitisation Theory, Reza Shah, The Islamic Revolution of Iran 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini, and Shah of Iran
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Research Interests: International Relations, Armenian Studies, Israel Studies, Oral history, Turkish and Middle East Studies, and 9 moreTransitional Justice, Restorative Justice, Holocaust Studies, Israel's Foreign Policy, Cold War International Relations, Azerbaijan, Armenian Genocide, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, and Foriegn Policy
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The current Spotlight explores different interpretations of Germany's Staatsraison-or raison d'état-which emphasize Germany's commitment to defending Israel's national security. This component has played a crucial role in German-Israeli... more
The current Spotlight explores different interpretations of Germany's Staatsraison-or raison d'état-which emphasize Germany's commitment to defending Israel's national security. This component has played a crucial role in German-Israeli relations to date. The recent attempts (January-June 2023) by Benjamin Netanyahu's right-wing government to overhaul the Supreme Court have left Israeli society facing extreme tension and have shaken the country's sense of national unity. Since 1965 and especially in the post Cold War period, German Staatsraison has meant defending Israel's security-but with the assault on Israel's democracy, can it continue with the same purpose in the future? This Spotlight discusses how this development might impact German-Israeli relations.
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Research Interests: Armenian Studies, Israel Studies, Iranian Studies, Turkey, Conflict Resolution, and 10 moreArmenian History, Armenian Culture, Turkish Foreign Policy, Israel's Foreign Policy, The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Azerbaijan, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Armenian Genocide, South Caucasus, and Israel's national security and military history, IDF doctrine.
Research Interests: Area Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Armenian Studies, Israel Studies, Armenian Culture, and 11 moreIranian History, Modern Turkey, Israel's Foreign Policy, The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Armenian Genocide, History of Azerbaijan, Turkey's Foreign Policy, South Caucasus (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia) in Prehistory, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, The Islamic Revolution of Iran 1979, and Turkey’s Cold War history
In 1915, during World War I, the declining Ottoman Empire carried out an extended campaign of genocide against the Ottoman Armenians. From massacres to death marches, 1.5 million of the Armenian population were exterminated. The... more
In 1915, during World War I, the declining Ottoman Empire carried out an extended campaign of genocide against the Ottoman Armenians. From massacres to death marches, 1.5 million of the Armenian population were exterminated. The Holocaust, in which six million European Jews were exterminated as part of what the Nazis called the ‘Final Solution of the Jewish Question,’ was perpetrated during World War II. Over the last forty years, the memorialisation of the Holocaust has become a distinct aspect of Western culture, encompassing reparations, museums, memorials and documentaries, and even legislation criminalising its denial. Education about the Holocaust, and its continued memorialisation is led by, among others, powerful transnational organisations such as The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), and by national research institutions such as Yad Vashem in Jerusalem and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM). However, there is no comparable culture of memorialisation of the Armenian genocide. In fact, that genocide has been subjected to a vigorous campaign of denial led by the Republic of Turkey, and by a marked reluctance of worldwide governments and parliaments to recognise its existence formally. Only recently (from 2016–2019), have parliaments in the US, the Netherlands and Germany recognised the Armenian genocide, yet others, such as those of Israel and the UK, continue to reject such recognition. What drives these divergent trends in Holocaust and Armenian genocide memory? Why is there a significant difference in the way in which these two genocides have been represented in the public, political and international arenas by the perpetrators, victims and third-party countries? This report aims at finding answers to these key questions by assessing the perpetrator states’ trajectories of Holocaust and Armenian genocide memory from the early years of the Cold War into the post-Cold War world order. In doing so, the report will highlight some of the most important milestones, actors and patterns that shaped the memory (politics) of the Armenian genocide and the Holocaust. Finally, conclusions are drawn for current domestic and foreign policy realms.
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Research Interests: Human Rights, NATO, Memory Studies, Commemoration (Memory Studies), Holocaust Studies, and 8 moreHolocaust education, History of Modern Turkey, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Cultural Memory and identity politics in globalization, Normative Political Theory, Holocaust and genocide education, Armenain Genocice, Legacy, Media, and Pandemic Coronavirus COVID19
Research Interests: International Relations, Australian Studies, Israel Studies, Memory Studies, Collective Memory, and 10 moreHistory of New Zealand, Modern Turkey, The Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Armenian Genocide, History of Azerbaijan, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Diplomacy and international relations, Norms in International Relations, Holocuast Studies, and Memory Laws
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If the Netanyahu government passes its radical legislation, even Germany's commitment to its historical responsibility for the Holocaust would be insufficient to defend an Israel that so blatantly tramples minority rights Israeli Prime... more
If the Netanyahu government passes its radical legislation, even Germany's commitment to its historical responsibility for the Holocaust would be insufficient to defend an Israel that so blatantly tramples minority rights Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz met last week in Berlin. Israel and Germany have had close diplomatic ties, but tensions over Netanyahu's government's plans to overhaul Israel's judiciary to take more power for themselves are stoking tensions.
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In his three minute video address for International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Turkey's president didn't even mention the word 'Jew.' And in his listing of genocides, one was notably missing. At first glance, the three-minute video... more
In his three minute video address for International Holocaust Remembrance Day, Turkey's president didn't even mention the word 'Jew.' And in his listing of genocides, one was notably missing. At first glance, the three-minute video featuring Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan marking International Holocaust Remembrance Day seems indistinguishable from the many messages of commemoration and solidarity offered by world leaders. Erdogan describes how the racism and hate crimes that led to the genocides of the Holocaust, Bosnia, Rwanda and Cambodia are still thriving today; he mentions the UN Genocide Convention ; he ends with the hope for a future without discrimination and crimes against humanity.
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Research Interests: Peace and Conflict Studies, Armenian Studies, Middle East Studies, Israel Studies, Caucasus, and 10 moreArmed Conflict, Diaspora Studies, Turkish Foreign Policy, Holocaust education, Modern Turkey, Israel's Foreign Policy, Armenian Genocide, Middle East, Arms Trade, and Armenain Genocice, Legacy, Media
Netanyahu and the right are slamming Yair Lapid for what they call illegitimate negotiations and for 'selling out' to Hezbollah. So can a caretaker PM sign international accords of this magnitude?
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נראה כי הפוליטיקה של האשמה הגרמנית אל מול הסבל היהודי/ישראלי מיצתה עצמה בשני העשורים האחרונים. לממשלת בנט יש כעת הזדמנות וסיבות כלכליות ותרבותיות לשפר את היחסים עם גרמניה והאיחוד האירופי
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על רקע המצב הפוליטי בישראל עלולים איראן וארגוני הטרור באזור להגביר את הניסיונות לאתגר את מערכת הביטחון, מתוך מחשבה שהעיתוי, בתוך ממשלת מעבר, יהיה לא נוח לישראל כדי להגיב. ד"ר פנינה שוקר וד"ר אלדד בן אהרון מנתחים את המצב ומסבירים למה זה לא... more
על רקע המצב הפוליטי בישראל עלולים איראן וארגוני הטרור באזור להגביר את הניסיונות לאתגר את מערכת הביטחון, מתוך מחשבה שהעיתוי, בתוך ממשלת מעבר, יהיה לא נוח לישראל כדי להגיב. ד"ר פנינה שוקר וד"ר אלדד בן אהרון מנתחים את המצב ומסבירים למה זה לא הזמן להחליף רמטכ"ל
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Dr. Eldad Ben Aharon is docent aan het Instituut voor Regiostudies van de Universiteit van Leiden. Ben Aharon is expert in de diplomatieke geschiedenis van het Midden-Oosten tijdens de Koude Oorlog. Zijn onderzoek richt zich op de... more
Dr. Eldad Ben Aharon is docent aan het Instituut voor Regiostudies van de Universiteit van Leiden. Ben Aharon is expert in de diplomatieke geschiedenis van het Midden-Oosten tijdens de Koude Oorlog. Zijn onderzoek richt zich op de buitenlandse politiek van Israel, de relatie tussen Israël en Turkije en de geschiedenis van modern Armenië. Ook publiceert hij opiniestukken en analyses van actuele ontwikkelingen in bladen zoals Jerusalem Post, The Conversation en Times of Israel. Momenteel schrijft hij een boek over de diplomatieke relaties tussen Israel, Turkije (en de VS) in het licht van de ontwikkelingen in de regio. De lezing zal te zien zijn op onze website, op Zoom en onze Facebookpagina. Via Zoom kunt u vragen stellen. U hoeft zich niet van tevoren aan te melden.
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Research Interests: International Relations, Jewish Studies, Israel Studies, Transnationalism, Cold War, and 10 moreHolocaust Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, History of the Jews, Diaspora Studies, Cold War history, Turkish Jews, Sephardic Jews, Judaeo-Persian, Iranian Jews, Jewsih History, and The Jews of the Arabian Peninsula
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Research Interests: Middle East Studies, Israel Studies, Geopolitics, Mediterranean Studies, National Identity, and 8 moreIsrael's Foreign Policy, Oil Natural Gas Energy Geopolitics, Palestinian-Israeli conflict, Israel's national security and military history, IDF doctrine., Benjamin Netanyahu, Benjamin Netanyahu Israel, Prime minister, Israel's Economy, and Israel’s High Court of Justice
Unfreezing diplomatic relations could end decades of conflict, but will likely involve the interests of several regional players A possible peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia could put an end to the ongoing conflict between the two... more
Unfreezing diplomatic relations could end decades of conflict, but will likely involve the interests of several regional players A possible peace deal between Azerbaijan and Armenia could put an end to the ongoing conflict between the two Caucasus nations. However, several issues remain unresolved-and perhaps not only by the two countries in question.
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Research Interests: International Relations, Middle East Studies, Intelligence Studies, Elites (Political Science), Israeli History, and 8 moreIsrael's Foreign Policy, Oral History and Memory, Intelligence History, Israel's national security and military history, IDF doctrine., Mossad, Social Constractivism, Expert/elite Interviews, and Isreali politics
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Research Interests: Peace and Conflict Studies, Armenian Studies, Conflict Resolution, Modern Turkey, Israel's Foreign Policy, and 6 moreThe Nagorno Karabakh Conflict, Israel, Ethnicity & Ethnic Conflicts, Iran nuclear program, Turkey's energy policies, and Israel's national security and military history, IDF doctrine.
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נייר מדיניות זה סוקר ומנתח את מדיניות-החוץ של ישראל ביחס לסוגיית ההכרה ברצח העם הארמני ואת ההימנעות של ממשלות ישראל השונות מהבעת תמיכה בתביעת הארמנים להכרה. המאמר טוען שהדבר נובע מאינטרסים גיאופוליטיים וביטחוניים – ובראשם יחסי ישראל עם... more
נייר מדיניות זה סוקר ומנתח את מדיניות-החוץ של ישראל ביחס לסוגיית ההכרה ברצח העם הארמני ואת ההימנעות של ממשלות ישראל השונות מהבעת תמיכה בתביעת הארמנים להכרה. המאמר טוען שהדבר נובע מאינטרסים גיאופוליטיים וביטחוניים – ובראשם יחסי ישראל עם תורכיה, אזרבייג‘ן וארה"ב; מהרצון לשמר את תפיסת ייחודיות השואה; מהיעדר לחץ ציבורי ופרלמנטרי; ומהזנחת מרכיבים ערכיים שעשויים לחזק את העוצמה הרכה של ישראל. המאמר מספק רקע היסטורי לסוגיה, סוקר את העמדות שנוקטות מדינות שונות ואת התמורות שחלו בעמדות אלו לאורך השנים, ובוחן את מדיניות ישראל – ואת הסיבות לה – על פני ארבעה עשורים, מראשית שנות ה-80 'ועד ימינו. המאמר גם בוחן את מרכזיות זיכרון השואה בעיצוב המדיניות הישראלית, ומתייחס לאפשרות קיומו של מנעד בין הכחשה להכרה, שעשוי לאפשר לישראל לנקוט צעדים הדרגתיים מבלי לסכן אינטרסים חיוניים.
Air raid sirens followed by artillery, missile, and drone strikes by Azerbaijani forces on Nagorno-Karabakh signaled a new round of violence and, perhaps, the death knell for an ethnic Armenian presence in the region. A ceasefire was... more
Air raid sirens followed by artillery, missile, and drone strikes by Azerbaijani forces on Nagorno-Karabakh signaled a new round of violence and, perhaps, the death knell for an ethnic Armenian presence in the region. A ceasefire was declared on Wednesday afternoon, but not before at least 34 Armenians had been killed-including two children-and 200 wounded, according to Armenian reports. The fresh fighting follows three years of failed peace talks, skirmishes, and weeks of military buildup in the region. According to several reports, the Armenian government in Artsakh agreed to lay down arms and abandon military positions.