Intermarium

El artículo describe el proyecto geopolítico anticomunista denominado Intermarium, cuya finalidad fue desarrollar una red de grupos para combatir a la izquierda, desde una
perspectiva conservadora, católica y capitalista. Este proyecto, según lo han expuesto diversos personajes
de las sociedades reservadas en México, fue el origen y modelo del combate al comunismo. En razón de ello, se busca evidenciar los nexos y argumentos históricos para comprobar dicha relación.

The term “Intermarium” has a long historical tradition and was commonly used to define the area between the Baltic and Black Seas. With its regular re-appearances in contemporary academic and political discourses, this book explores and assesses a variety of its connotations. In order to do this, it applies a multi-dimensional approach to the Intermarium. Six researchers specializing in Central and Eastern European history, geopolitics, security, economics, and cultural studies are brought together here to share their expert knowledge. As a result, the book discusses various, unique aspects of the Intermarium. At the very end, a conclusion is drawn as to whether the cognominal framework possesses any feasible potential for emergence and development in the contemporary international architecture.

A catalogue for a project Intermarium, including four exhibitions at FUTURA Art Centre in Prague (Czech Republic), Chimera-Project Gallery in Budapest (Hungary), Plusminusnula Gallery in Zilina (Slovakia) and BWA SOKÓŁ Gallery in Nowy Sącz (Poland) taking place throughout the year 2016.

Intermarine Area Archaeology refers to research programmes focusing on the prehistory of the Baltic-Pontic Intermarine Area, i.e. lands extending between the Baltic and Black seas. This article outlines the development stages and current state of Intermarine Area Archaeology in Poland, being one of the several important research studies into the prehistory of the continent in the Eneolithic, Bronze, and Early Iron Ages. The authors concentrate on the southern portion of the Intermarine Area that covers the Black Sea catchment area. When describing the current state of the Polish conceptual and research contribution to Intermarine Area Archaeology, space shall be given to the programme offer, formation of international research teams, and research specializations.

The setbacks of the Visegrad Group on the level of end-game negotiation as well as its absence in EU macro-regional strategy projects show that the mechanism of the “hard power”, such as economic potential or number of votes in the EU institutions are not sufficient to enforce the interests of the V4 or its member states on the European level. On the other hand the Visegrad Group and the V4+ format is an attractive and respected negotiation platform both within the EU as well as between the V4 and the “third states”.
Therefore the main hypothesis of the presented publication is that one of the main sources of attractiveness and tools of the influence of the Visegrad Group on the decision making process in the EU, on the Central European EU members, existing or potential EU-candidates and the “third states” is the “soft power” of the Group, i.e. its ability to achieve preferable outcomes in world politics because other states want to follow it or have agreed to a situation that produces such effects” (Nye, 1990, 166). Subsequently the research question is what the content of the Visegrad Group soft power could be and if V4 has remained the “trade mark” of Central European states, the content of which could be a trade mark now in the post-accession period?Authors cover the following aspects of the Visegrad cooperation: cooperation of the V4 states and the presence of the V4 within the framework of EU; cooperation in military and security areas;; opportunities for the transit between the East and West; V4 as the target region for the
immigrants from „third countries“; the level of religiosity and secularization in Central Europe as a part of Visegrad´s soft power; threats and opportunities for V4 within the framework of EU Eastern Partnership Program. According to the authors of the publication Visegrad remains the most viable and most functioning regional initiative in Central Europe and the V4 + format allowed to transform this group to the specific centre of gravity for the wider region of Central and East-Central Europe. The main findings of the presented publications are that the role of the Visegrad Group in Europe is increasing. Its success is conditioned by the awareness of the V4 states of the need for cooperation as well as by their willingness to continue in the process of modernization. We have to correct our initial hypothesis, according to
which the main tool of the strengthening of the V4 position in Europe is the soft power. V4 could play the role of the European security and economic actor; however the main condition of the economic success of the Visegrad sub-region will be investment in education and infrastructure. Nevertheless, the crucial prerequisite of the success of the Visegrad Group and cooperation in the Central European area will be the success of the European Union and its ability to overcome the current economic and financial crisis. The success of European integration will also have a decisive impact on the future development of the domestic and foreign policy of the East European states.

Content


Instead of Introduction - how much is Visegrad Present in Europe? (Juraj Marušiak)
Part I.
Visegrad in the EU and NATO

Chapter 1
The Visegrad Group between the Trade-mark and the Political Organization of the Peripheral Countries (Piotr Bajda)

Chapter 2
“Success” of V4 Countries in European External Action Service (Radoslava Brhlíková)

Chapter 3
Visegrad cooperation in military and security areas (Zbyněk Dubský)

Part II.
Economic, Cultural and Socio-Demographic Challenges to the V4 states

Chapter 4
Visegrad Transit – Information and Transport Region (Jaromír Hladký)

Chapter 5
Modern Migration and Electoral Integration of Immigrants in Central Europe (Iván Halász)

Chapter 6
Policy towards Ethnic Minorities in Slovakia and in the V4 Countries in the Context of the European Union. Three Possible Scenarios of Future Development (Zuzana Poláčková)

Chapter 7
Is a “Christian Center” in Central-Eastern Europe Emerging? Comparison of the Level of Religiosity and Secularization in Central Europe in the European Context (David Reichardt)

Part III.
Visegrad and the New Challenges in the Eastern Europe

Chapter 8
Russian Neo-Imperialism: Ideal Aspiration or New Geopolitical Reality (Pavel Usov)

Chapter 9
Ukraine and the Visegrad Group Countries: Cooperation within the Framework of Eastern Partnership and the Political Realities in Ukraine (Galina Zelenko)

Chapter 10
"The Right for Freedom to Religion and Belief" Road Map for the Promotion of MultiReligious Belarus in the Framework of the European Integrative Projects (Natalia Kutuzova, Iryna Mikheyeva)

Conclusions (Juraj Marušiak)

So far, an eastern enlargement of the B9 and 3SI has not been publicly discussed among the two initiatives’ member states or their potential new members. Presumably, there are major stakeholders or even entire national governments within the B9 and 3SI that would be reluctant to extend them beyond their current confines. It will thus take a larger debate driven by Georgian, Moldovan, and Ukrainian actors as well as their supporters within both groups’ member states to push the membership extension agenda. The major Western organizations and east-central European governments would have to come to an agreement that a restructuring of post-Soviet geopolitics in such a way is useful and in the interest of all parties involved. At that point, the B9 and 3SI could start gradually filling the current security vacuum in the eastern European gray zone.

Poland interests and her policy are strongly determined by her geopolitical conditions. More than 40 years of people democracy under USSR domination brings in whole region civilization and economic backwardness. After 1989 Poland attempts to “catch up” the Old Europe. Initiative of Three Seas is one of such attempt. Increasing relations with central and southern Europe especially in case of diversification of raw materials – like gas – can bring to region an independence from Russian supplies. Three Seas goes back to conception of Intermarium, and redefine her on amended conditions of modern world. In this article the Authors will present short history of conception Intermarium, main assumptions of polish foreign policy and will try to answer the question is this conception is still present in polish foreign policy, even if in changed form of Three Seas.

Un allargamento a Est del 3SI e del B9 non è stato discusso pubblicamente – né tra gli Stati Membri che fanno parte di questi due gruppi di cooperazione, né tra i potenziali nuovi membri. Presumibilmente, vi sono importanti parti interessate o addirittura interi governi nazionali all’interno del B9 e del 3SI che sarebbero refrattari ad una loro estensione oltre i confini attuali. Sarà necessario, quindi, un dibattito più ampio guidato da attori di Ucraina, Georgia, e Moldavia, nonché dei loro sostenitori all’interno del B9 e del 3SI per mettere all’ordine del giorno questa riconfigurazione. Potrebbe anche essere necessario un accordo esplicito o addirittura un incoraggiamento attivo per la ridefinizione delle due iniziative da parte di Washington, Bruxelles, Berlino e Parigi. Il B9 e il 3SI potrebbero iniziare a riempire gradualmente l’attuale “vacuum” in termini di sicurezza per quella “zona grigia” dell’est europeo.