- MLitt in International Security and PhD in International Relations (University of St. Andrews); E.MA Fellow in Intern... moreMLitt in International Security and PhD in International Relations (University of St. Andrews); E.MA Fellow in International Relations (Venice, Italy); Russell Trust Award Recipient; Karol Wojtyla Fellow; European Commission Expert, Rapporteur & Evaluator H2020 MSCA – EU REA; BISA member, associate member of the Centre for Security Research (CeSeR) Edinburgh.
Areas of research: international security, terrorism and political violence, radicalisation, migration, societal insecurity, religion and politics, clash of civilisations, culture and identity in IR.
Find out more at www.bartoszewicz.mgedit
This paper presents findings of a comparative study carried out in Poland and the Czech Republic, which analysed the societal attitudes towards migration and migrants in Europe. Our research shows that the reaction to migration in Poland... more
This paper presents findings of a comparative study carried out in Poland and the Czech Republic, which analysed the societal attitudes towards migration and migrants in Europe. Our research shows that the reaction to migration in Poland and the Czech Republic constitutes a reversed (bottom up) securitisation. Moreover, contrary to the majority of security challenges where the immediate threats are understood to be more dangerous than those placed in a distant future, when it comes to securitised migration, the threat projection increases the further into the future it is cast, and immediacy loses its potency as a catalyst. Societal discourses on migration foresee a dismal future which becomes more and more dystopian with the passing time.
Research Interests: International Security, Security, Migration, European Politics, Transnational migration, and 9 moreFutures Studies, Migration (Anthropology), Poland, Czech Republic, Central and Eastern Europe, Migrations, Migrants, International Relations and European Studies, and Migration and undocumented migrants
The Three Seas Initiative was launched in 2015 by Croatia and Poland; today, it brings together 12 European states located in the Adriatic, Baltic, and Black Seas basins. To understand the rationale behind this seemingly precarious... more
The Three Seas Initiative was launched in 2015 by Croatia and Poland; today, it brings together 12 European states located in the Adriatic, Baltic, and Black Seas basins. To understand the rationale behind this seemingly precarious regional project, this paper employs the optics of critical geopolitics, which shifts the focus away from the exclusive concerns of great powers machinations, counters the dominant narrative by emphasising the multiplicity of voices in the geopolitical spectrum and stresses the emancipatory nature of the whole project balanced by its heterarchical characteristic. This angle allows us to capture the full complexity of this geopolitical design characterised by two phenomena: ‘being in between’ (monolithic powers, areas of domination, or at least domination, one religion and one language) and ‘fragmentation and multinationality’. The analysis demonstrates that Intermarium is an attempt to break away from everything that prevents the region ‘between Berlin and Moscow’ from being a subject, not an object of political affairs, and shows how Central and Eastern Europe fits into the post-liberal international order.
Research Interests:
We invite media and migration scholars to join our special collection on European Perspectives on Migration: Media Narratives and Societal Discourses after 2015, which will be published in Humanities and Social Sciences Communications:... more
We invite media and migration scholars to join our special collection on European Perspectives on Migration: Media Narratives and Societal Discourses after 2015, which will be published in Humanities and Social Sciences Communications: https://www.nature.com/palcomms/calls-for-papers#European%20Perspectives.
Check the attachment for details, or contact the editors if you have any questions.
Check the attachment for details, or contact the editors if you have any questions.
Research Interests:
This paper closely scrutinises NATO engagement in the Middle East. The Eastern Flank countries are of particular interest for us. Our main argument is that the quantitative approach to the study of free riding is useful only when it comes... more
This paper closely scrutinises NATO engagement in the Middle East. The Eastern Flank countries are of particular interest for us. Our main argument is that the quantitative approach to the study of free riding is useful only when it comes to black-and-white policy choices and either-or policy decisions. Simultaneously, it fails when we are faced with more complex situations in which evaluations go beyond the very simple numerical markers, such as the 2% threshold of defence spending. By bringing together a unique regional focus (the European East and the Middle East), theoretical dilemmas (free-riding) and policy issues (NATO’s multilateral framework of cooperation understood in terms of strategic interests and practical engagement), we are able to show that Romania is a subtle free rider, which cannot be verified by merely looking at numbers alone but can be ascertained by a careful qualitative analysis which reveals a discrepancy between the country’s strategic interests and its level of engagement.
Research Interests:
The recent rise in the defence budgets among the NATO members reawakens the free-riding dilemma. This article provides an analysis of the defence spending of two new member states, the Czech Republic and Lithuania. Based on the... more
The recent rise in the defence budgets among the NATO members reawakens the free-riding dilemma. This article provides an analysis of the defence spending of two new member states, the Czech Republic and Lithuania. Based on the free-riding theory, we explain why some of the new NATO members decide to increase their defence budgets (Lithuania), and others do not (Czech Republic). In contrast to the majority of works which focus either on the US as the biggest spender or on the “old” members of the Alliance, we explain under what circumstances some of the small European states who became new NATO members started to increase their defence budgets even though they do not have to, and the literature suggests that free-riding is easier. In the process, we identify three crucial factors that influence the decision-making process in this regard: the level of threat perception, economic situation, and the US pressure.
Research Interests:
This paper looks at the challenges to the sustainable development of migrant and refugee children in Libyan refugee camps and migrant detention centres. Libya, next to Syria, is still the most destabilised Arab country with a myriad of... more
This paper looks at the challenges to the sustainable development of migrant and refugee children in Libyan refugee camps and migrant detention centres. Libya, next to Syria, is still the most destabilised Arab country with a myriad of conflicting parties, warlords, militias, terrorist organisations as well as smugglers and traffickers that continuously compete in a complex network of multidimensional power struggles. Our single case study based on ethnographic fieldwork adopts the human security approach, which provides security analysis with an inherently "sustainable" dimension. In the paper we provide an overview of the empirical study carried out in seven Libyan refugee camps (Tripoli, Tajoura, Sirte, Misrata, Benghazi, Derna and Tobruk) between 2013 and 2019. Our findings show that for refugee children even everyday activities pose a danger to health and life, and the many threats to their security encompass a broad spectrum from health to safety, from education to falling prey to bundlers from terrorist organisations and paramilitary militias. These issues, undoubtedly pertinent on the individual level of analysis, are further exacerbated by the underlying, conflict-induced factors and preclude a safe and secure environment.
Research Interests:
Po październiku 2017 r. pojawiła się pokusa, aby „Państwo Islamskie” włożyć do lamusa historii i zaprzestać rozważań nad jego istnieniem i oddziaływaniem. Ale to przecież właśnie teraz nadszedł czas na rzetelne analizy i refleksje nad tym... more
Po październiku 2017 r. pojawiła się pokusa, aby „Państwo Islamskie” włożyć do lamusa historii i zaprzestać rozważań nad jego istnieniem i oddziaływaniem. Ale to przecież właśnie teraz nadszedł czas na rzetelne analizy i refleksje nad tym fenomenem. Niniejszy artykuł omawia funkcjonowanie PI w oparciu o siłę biorąc pod uwagę jego status i cele, sojuszników oraz zasięg terytorialny, a także analizując zasoby zarówno twardej, jak i miękkiej siły jego oddziaływania. Na siłę PI składały się następujące elementy: złożona struktura i różnice taktyczne, w tym dobrze określone cele działań wojennych, wysokie morale i wyszkolenie, dobre dowodzenie, ale także inkluzyjny charakter organizacji. Co więcej PI wykazało się ogromnymi zdolnościami adaptacyjnymi (różne teatry działań), odpornością na straty (ludzkie, terytorialne), zdolnością do kumulacji doświadczeń i otwartością na nowe formy aktywności, ale także siły i środowiska, czy też może raczej – wejściem na zupełnie nowy poziom działań wojskowych, politycznych i ideologicznych oraz terytorialnych. W drugiej części artykułu analiza skupia się na głównych aktorach wydarzeń bliskowschodnich, którzy często wykorzystywali Kalifat (lub walkę z nim) do osiągnięcia własnych partykularnych interesów za pomocą rozwiązań siłowych. W szczególności refleksje obejmują aktorów lokalnych (państwa arabskie, Iran, Turcję) oraz międzynarodowych (USA wraz zachodnimi sojusznikami, Rosję) porównując ich podejście do PI, co pozwala na określenie jak wysoko w hierarchii ich celów strategicznych znajduje się ostateczne wyeliminowanie Kalifatu oraz ewaluację skuteczności polityki prowadzonej za pomocą siły militarnej i potęgi ekonomicznej. Dla Ameryki i całego Zachodu istnienie i działalność PI oznaczało fiasko prowadzonej dotychczas polityki; dla niektórych państw regionu (Irak, Syria) było zagrożeniem egzystencjalnym, dla innych nieco nieobliczalnym, ale użytecznym instrumentem przydatnym dla rozwiązań siłowych (Arabia Saudyjska, Katar), dla innych jeszcze (Turcja) czynnikiem, którego siłę można wykorzystać dla własnych celów.
Research Interests:
Any desire that one might have prompts us to come up with images that specify the content of what one wishes for. The question is of where these images stem from and how they are constituted in our consciousness. According to both a... more
Any desire that one might have prompts us to come up with images that specify the
content of what one wishes for. The question is of where these images stem from
and how they are constituted in our consciousness. According to both a Biblical
account and a thorough phenomenology of imagination there are two morally and
spiritually different ways to exercise the act of imagination5
: one makes an image
of the real givenness and penetrates into it towards its ultimate origin and essence.
This imaginative act aspires to ascend to the ultimate source of the givenness thus
I call it ‘imagination in God’ or ‘sub-creative imagination’ (using the term of J.R.R.
Tolkien6
). This is opposed to the one that moves away from reality towards the
construction of an alternative world. This is what I call ‘fantasy’ for it is based only
on the ‘phantasmata’7
, the exposed data that can be freely analyzed and modified
by the creative mind.8
I will limit myself to make three claims according to the three crucial moments of
the process of specifying the ‘desire for peace’ in an image: its fundament, its intentional object and its subject. I will briefly show the alternatives at hand when desiring
peace with the two diametrically opposed attitudes towards reality that lead to the
moral right of wrong usage of imagination.
pp. 41-51
content of what one wishes for. The question is of where these images stem from
and how they are constituted in our consciousness. According to both a Biblical
account and a thorough phenomenology of imagination there are two morally and
spiritually different ways to exercise the act of imagination5
: one makes an image
of the real givenness and penetrates into it towards its ultimate origin and essence.
This imaginative act aspires to ascend to the ultimate source of the givenness thus
I call it ‘imagination in God’ or ‘sub-creative imagination’ (using the term of J.R.R.
Tolkien6
). This is opposed to the one that moves away from reality towards the
construction of an alternative world. This is what I call ‘fantasy’ for it is based only
on the ‘phantasmata’7
, the exposed data that can be freely analyzed and modified
by the creative mind.8
I will limit myself to make three claims according to the three crucial moments of
the process of specifying the ‘desire for peace’ in an image: its fundament, its intentional object and its subject. I will briefly show the alternatives at hand when desiring
peace with the two diametrically opposed attitudes towards reality that lead to the
moral right of wrong usage of imagination.
pp. 41-51
Research Interests:
This paper analyses migration policies of Hungary and Germany with a particular focus on the role of elites and the way they framed the migration crisis in official narratives, and how it affected decisions connected to the migration... more
This paper analyses migration policies of Hungary and Germany with a particular focus on the role of elites and the way they framed the migration crisis in official narratives, and how it affected decisions connected to the migration policies between 2015 and 2017. Theoretically, the elitist policymaking model is supplemented with the democratic theories and the theories of integration. Methodologically, the paper is a comparative analysis aiming to account for the differences between two EU member states with an opposite approach to migration. Indeed, while Hungary and Germany are usually pitched against each other as two radically different examples of migration policy, the elite-centred approach shows a puzzling symmetry of differences between these two case studies. While policy results are divergent, there is a palpable cohesion of behaviours and narrative patterns indicating the political elites as the primary driver behind shaping and implementing migration policies. In what follows, after establishing the theoretical underpinnings, the paper compares national legislations, accepted migrant quotas and the official narratives of the Hungarian and German governments. The case analysis allows for the reinterpretation of seemingly contradictory migration policies and as such offers new solutions to the problem both on the national and international level.
Research Interests:
Although the Czech and Polish politics do not frequently make headlines in anglophone media, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has once again become a fulcrum of events that are analytically challenging and normatively disturbing. This... more
Although the Czech and Polish politics do not frequently make headlines in anglophone media, Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has once again become a fulcrum of events that are analytically challenging and normatively disturbing. This paper seeks to identify patterns of elite recruitment and political careers in CEE and the relationship they bear to the democratisation of political regimes, especially changes among political elites in the context of celebritisation of politics in post-communist CEE countries. Such changes usually occur during an incremental process encompassing such issues as elite circulation, elite recruitment, representation, and the relationship between professionalisation and fragmentation of the elites. Careful analysis in an actor centred approach of how new parliamentary Polish and Czech elites were formed and changed, shows three distinct waves of politics: missionary, professional and the current wave of celebrity populism. As such, the paper explains structural factors that lead to celebritisation of politics and account for the attractiveness of celebrity populism in the region and the increasing allure of politicians representing this kind of policymaking.
Research Interests:
This paper is a non-conventional academic paper based on a live discussion organized by the Polish expert on Saudi women's issues, Professor Anna Odrowaz-Coates (2015, 2016), which took place in The Maria Grzegorzewska University in... more
This paper is a non-conventional academic paper based on a live discussion organized by the Polish expert on Saudi women's issues, Professor Anna Odrowaz-Coates (2015, 2016), which took place in The Maria Grzegorzewska University in Warsaw, in June 2018. Two participating experts are known for their conflicting points of view on issues of security and integration of Muslims in Europe. In this exchange of viewpoints, they focussed on the issue of conversion to Islam in Poland and the UK, drawing upon multiple field research experiences they encountered. The main points of reference deal with the conversion of British prisoners whilst in prison and that of Polish women of diverse backgrounds. The impact of new media on the formation of public opinion, dissemination of faith and radicalization is also considered. The expert debate makes a significant contribution towards the socio-cultural and political discussion on culture clash versus coherence, integration and stability in a European context. It also concerns the use of new communication technology for the preservation of peace, radicalization and the elevation of moral panic.
Research Interests:
Radical parties in Europe are increasingly popular across the whole continent. Therefore, the pan-European dimension of this phenomenon requires a thorough analysis. Also, increasing politicisation of hitherto social movements like... more
Radical parties in Europe are increasingly popular across the whole continent. Therefore, the pan-European dimension of this phenomenon requires a thorough analysis. Also, increasing politicisation of hitherto social movements like PEGIDA, proliferation of various forms of direct democracy (referenda, demonstrations, manifestations), and vigilante groups (like Soldiers of Odin) present both in the eastern and western part of the European Community begs for a deepened reflection regarding the drivers and determinants of these phenomena. We need to answer the question whether radicalisation of European politics is a temporary occurrence or will it become a permanent feature of the European political landscape due to structural reasons. This paper argues that the crisis of societal security manifests itself through a crisis of representative democracy institutions and mechanisms visible in “radicalisation of politics” taking forms of anti-establishment initiatives (radical parties, social movements, and vigilante groups) and various forms of direct democracy (referenda, manifestations, demonstrations).
Research Interests:
Europe is undoubtedly changing into Festung Europa – Fortress Europe. While its external boundaries are daily traversed by hundreds of migrants and refugees, its heretofore invisible internal borders have begun to sprout barbed wires,... more
Europe is undoubtedly changing into Festung Europa – Fortress Europe. While its external boundaries are daily traversed by hundreds of migrants and refugees, its heretofore invisible internal borders have begun to sprout barbed wires, barriers and armed patrols. This paper analyzes the problem of migration and the ongoing European migration crisis through the lens of societal insecurity, arguing that the trend toward radicalization of European societies and electoral politics is one the most volatile ramifications of securitizing migration. The European migration crisis has led to a societal security dilemma resulting in a growing chasm between the political elites in member states of the European Union and their societies. The radicalization of those societies is visible in the rising popularity of anti-establishment (populist) parties, the push for direct democracy (demonstrations, manifestations, referenda), and the attractiveness of vigilante groups. Where the state responds to this trend, culture becomes a security policy and “immiskepticism” is the default approach. If it does not respond, society either looks for new political representatives or takes matters into its own hands, sometimes resorting to violence. While the former trend is more visible in the Eastern part of the European Union, the latter is more typical of its Western part.
Research Interests:
This paper analyses terrorist threat in Europe in the context of existence and activity of the Islamic State (ISIS). The first part is devoted to the evolution of the terrorist threat in Europe, with particular emphasis placed on changes... more
This paper analyses terrorist threat in Europe in the context of existence and activity of the Islamic State (ISIS). The first part is devoted to the evolution of the terrorist threat in Europe, with particular emphasis placed on changes in its nature in the context of ISIS strategy and the refugee crisis. Subsequently, the paper discusses the three structural factors which influence the level of terrorist threat on the European continent: the Schengen zone, the areas of restricted state control (so called no-go zones) and associated with them the problem of crime. The article then examines how both, the situational and the structural factors determine prevention and counter-terrorism strategies, which must take into consideration both internal and external threat, posed not only by organized terrorist cells whose members had undergone proper training, but also by independently radicalised lone wolves outside the radar of the security services. The nature of this threat renders the whole continent vulnerable and thus the danger is present even in countries such as Poland, previously considered to be relatively safe. Upon exploration of Polish case study, the paper concludes reiterating the main findings.
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2016). Fortress Europe: Terrorist Threat in the Context of ISIS. Studia Polityczne [Political Studies] 4 (44), pp. 205-223.
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2016). Fortress Europe: Terrorist Threat in the Context of ISIS. Studia Polityczne [Political Studies] 4 (44), pp. 205-223.
Research Interests:
My reflections are focused on the issue of women's impact in the realm of international relations and world politics. These dimensions are discussed far too rarely in reference to the role of women and if so, majority of the analyses... more
My reflections are focused on the issue of women's impact in the realm of international relations and world politics. These dimensions are discussed far too rarely in reference to the role of women and if so, majority of the analyses merely touches upon the surface of this phenomenon. Undeniably, the complexity of contemporary trends and long-term tendencies calls for more research in the area. Perhaps ourselves, the women of academia, we are not aware of the profound impingement of the feminine element on the world of international affairs. In order to counter these tendencies, the paper ponders three questions in particular: The first one asks how the relational nature of a woman influences the realm of international relations. The second raises the issue of the nature and direction of an evolution observable in the realm of world politics both in theory and in practice. And finally, basing on obtained answers, I should like to question some possible recommendations for the future.
Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). Making a better world: the feminine touch. “Akademickie Czasopismo Socjologiczne/Academic Journal of Sociology”, 11(2), pp. 25-33.
Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). Making a better world: the feminine touch. “Akademickie Czasopismo Socjologiczne/Academic Journal of Sociology”, 11(2), pp. 25-33.
Research Interests:
Women are considered a modernising factor in Islam. For decades the active and vocal Muslim feminists represented a progressive and liberating force challenging the traditional understanding of women in Islam and spearheading the efforts... more
Women are considered a modernising factor in Islam. For decades the active and vocal Muslim feminists represented a progressive and liberating force challenging the traditional understanding of women in Islam and spearheading the efforts aimed at widening the spaces where females could exercise their full potential. Radical Islam, to the contrary, was believed to be and thus portrayed, as inherently masculine and necessarily patriarchal enterprise, somewhat oppressive when it came to women or at least defending the traditional status quo with regards to gender relations and roles. This paper provides an analysis of an emerging trend whereby Muslim women are not only active in the modernising circles but, quite the opposite, become vocal proponents of radical political Islam. Hence, instead of being the much hoped for progressive force, they constitute an avant-garde of the opposite: radical agenda advocating and actively supporting the agenda of political Islam; also in the sphere of political violence. This paper examines how feminisation of radical Islam progressed over time and shows how what hitherto represented a solely masculine privilege and domain, now also belongs to women. Where at first women were not present, with time they became pliable instrument in political struggle, only to gain their own independent voice, agency and a power to act autonomously.
ISBN 978-83-65158-04-8 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). Feminisation of Radical Islam. “Studia Erasmiana Wratislaviensia”, Vol. 9, pp. 307-330.
ISBN 978-83-65158-04-8 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). Feminisation of Radical Islam. “Studia Erasmiana Wratislaviensia”, Vol. 9, pp. 307-330.
Research Interests:
The paper provides a comprehensive overview of European radical parties. The main aim of this paper is to examine whether there are common patterns regarding these parties, and to analyse the implications of this phenomenon. In order to... more
The paper provides a comprehensive overview of European radical parties. The main aim of this paper is to examine whether there are common patterns regarding these parties, and to analyse the implications of this phenomenon. In order to achieve the above, the paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, the phenomenon of political radicalisation in contemporary Europe is explored. This leads to mapping the radical political landscape in Europe. Finally, the paper concludes with the analysis of the possible outcomes of radicalisation of European politics including the possible societal effects. By doing so the paper argues that a fresh theoretical approach to comprehend the phenomenon is necessary.
ISSN 1641-4233 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). 50 shades of Radicalism: A comparative analysis of contemporary radical parties in Europe. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal special edition on “Political Radicalization in Europe: old and new threats”, Vol. 17, no. 1/2015, pp. 27-43.
ISSN 1641-4233 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2015). 50 shades of Radicalism: A comparative analysis of contemporary radical parties in Europe. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal special edition on “Political Radicalization in Europe: old and new threats”, Vol. 17, no. 1/2015, pp. 27-43.
Research Interests:
This paper focuses on the representation of European converts to Islam in the public imagination. Firstly, the theoretical grounds for representations of converts in public imagination are identified and media images of converts involved... more
This paper focuses on the representation of European converts to Islam in the public imagination. Firstly, the theoretical grounds for representations of converts in public imagination are identified and media images of converts involved in political violence are presented. The second part of the paper discusses the three prevailing motifs pertaining to European converts to Islam within the context of political violence. The Young and Angry, Swift and Deadly, and Gullible and/or Brainwashed motifs present in public imagination, and ubiquitous in the media and pop culture, are often mimicked in scholarly analyses. While these three images are not the only media representations of European converts to Islam, they are the most prevalent and thus indicate the main influences in shaping the public imagination. This paper accordingly elucidates how such conceptualisation leads to a false and misleading perception of the connection between European converts to Islam and terrorism.
ISSN 2041-871X Bartoszewicz, M.G (January 2015). The ‘White Army of Terror’: European Converts to Islam and Public Imagination. “Islam and Civilisational Renewal”, Vol. 6, No 1, pp. 25-42.
Available online: http://www.iais.org.my/icr/index.php/icr/article/view/46150
ISSN 2041-871X Bartoszewicz, M.G (January 2015). The ‘White Army of Terror’: European Converts to Islam and Public Imagination. “Islam and Civilisational Renewal”, Vol. 6, No 1, pp. 25-42.
Available online: http://www.iais.org.my/icr/index.php/icr/article/view/46150
Research Interests:
This paper explores the question of European identity not in terms of a concept nut rather in terms of a process. It argues that it is within the identity formation process one can find the answers whether or not the idea of European... more
This paper explores the question of European identity not in terms of a concept nut rather in terms of a process. It argues that it is within the identity formation process one can find the answers whether or not the idea of European identity is feasible. The paper proceeds as follows: Initially some conceptual debates are critically discussed in order to clarify the mode of enquiry. This leads to a discussion on the identity construction process in the European context and in particular the role of the ‘Other’ is analysed. Arguing that the process of European identity formation is so arduous because Europe is its own 'Other' this paper attempts to shed new light on the hazards inherent to the Europeanisation phenomenon and in particular to the project of European identity construction.
ISSN 2082-5897 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). European Identity: Europe as Its Own ‘Other’, “Horizons of Politics”, Vol. 5, No 10, March 2014, pp. 31-49.
ISSN 2082-5897 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). European Identity: Europe as Its Own ‘Other’, “Horizons of Politics”, Vol. 5, No 10, March 2014, pp. 31-49.
Research Interests:
When pondering the issues that make life in Kosovo difficult, and making Kosovo difficult for the rest of Europe, one would hardly place terrorism at the top of the list. In Kosovo other problems command attention; state agencies,... more
When pondering the issues that make life in Kosovo difficult, and making Kosovo difficult for the rest of Europe, one would hardly place terrorism at the top of the list. In Kosovo other problems command attention; state agencies, international organisations and NGOs list international organised crime, corruption and economic crisis as the three most menacing spectres in Kosovo. The EU progress report 2012 states clearly that ―to date, terrorism has been a lesser threat in Kosovo than other forms of serious crime‖ 1 and indeed, incidents of terrorism do not occur to persuade international observers that it poses an insidious danger. One could however wonder whether the international community is able to read the writing on the wall when it comes to the increasing possibility of religiously motivated terrorist activity. By examining the processes of Islamic radicalisation in Kosovo, this paper argues that, although Kosovo has a secularised Muslim population, radicalisation by stealth has already started, out of view of public opinion, and there is an increasing possibility that a terrorism hub will develop in the region. With this aim in mind, the paper first provides a brief overview of Kosovo terrorist organisations, then moves on to discuss the religious element of Albanian identity. In the final part it examines the ways in which radicalisation by stealth has already begun. The main claim is that this phenomenon ought to be monitored carefully as it renders Kosovo vulnerable to infiltration by international terrorist groups.
ISSN 1230-4999 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). Radicalisation by Stealth: Kosovo Case Study, “The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs”, 4/2013, pp. 95-106.
ISSN 1230-4999 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). Radicalisation by Stealth: Kosovo Case Study, “The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs”, 4/2013, pp. 95-106.
Research Interests:
ISBN 1781-9210
Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). Europesebekeerlingen tot de islam: risico op radicalisering? (European Converts to Islam: Risk of Radicalisation?), Orde van de Dag, 2013/62.
Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). Europesebekeerlingen tot de islam: risico op radicalisering? (European Converts to Islam: Risk of Radicalisation?), Orde van de Dag, 2013/62.
Research Interests:
This article summarising some findings from a doctoral dissertation discusses European converts to Islam. It explores the conditions under which conversion leads to radicalisation and terrorist violence; it analyses recrudescent... more
This article summarising some findings from a doctoral dissertation discusses European converts to Islam. It explores the conditions under which conversion leads to radicalisation and terrorist violence; it analyses recrudescent concomitances of causal mechanisms of this phenomenon. Furthermore, it explores possible pathways existing between conversion, radicalisation and terrorist violence; identifies key variables pertaining to causal pathways and processes; provides hypotheses regarding the radicalisation pathways, and establishes a typology that can serve as a basis for further studies. By dispelling stereotypes on European New Muslims (ENM) this research note offers a new, contextual approach to the issue under consideration. In doing so it invites the reader to reconsider the concepts of " convert " , " radicalisation " and " potential "-concepts crucial for questioning the widely expressed assumptions that European converts to Islam are a homogenous " risk group " and a security threat.
Bartoszewicz, M.G (2013). Controversies of Conversions: The Potential Terrorist Threat of European Converts to Islam, Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol. 7, No 3.
Available online: http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/index.php/pot/article/view/265
Bartoszewicz, M.G (2013). Controversies of Conversions: The Potential Terrorist Threat of European Converts to Islam, Perspectives on Terrorism, Vol. 7, No 3.
Available online: http://www.terrorismanalysts.com/pt/index.php/pot/article/view/265
Research Interests:
Jean Monnet kdysi prohlásil, že Evropa se bude utvářet prostřednictvím krizí a že bude vlastně součtem řešení těchto krizí. V Evropě je dnes tolik krizí, že to slovo již na nikoho žádný dojem neudělá. V kontextu soudobých krizí se sice o... more
Jean Monnet kdysi prohlásil, že Evropa se bude utvářet prostřednictvím krizí a že bude vlastně součtem řešení těchto krizí. V Evropě je dnes tolik krizí, že to slovo již na nikoho žádný dojem neudělá. V kontextu soudobých krizí se sice o Evropě hodně diskutuje, většina analýz je však buď dosti úzce zaměřená na vybraný rozměr či typ fenoménu, nebo tak popisná, že byť dokáže říct, co se na kontinentu děje, není schopna popsat procesy, ke kterým dochází. Kniha Pevnost Evropa se ptá po příčinách, a co je důležitější, vysvětluje rozličné, vzájemně propojené prvky této mnohostranné evropské krize. Zaměřuje se na migraci, terorismus, krizi zastupitelské demokracie, atrofii EU, totalitarismus nových ideologií a radikalizaci ve společnosti.
Research Interests:
Jean Monnet powiedział kiedyś, że Europa będzie wykuwana w kryzysach i będzie stanowić sumę rozwiązań przyjętych w ich trakcie. Obecnych kryzysów w Europie jest tyle, że samo to słowo przestało robić na kimkolwiek wrażenie. O Europie w... more
Jean Monnet powiedział kiedyś, że Europa będzie wykuwana w kryzysach i będzie stanowić sumę rozwiązań przyjętych w ich trakcie. Obecnych kryzysów w Europie jest tyle, że samo to słowo przestało robić na kimkolwiek wrażenie. O Europie w kontekście targających nią kryzysów pisze się dużo, jednak większość publikowanych analiz jest albo dość wąska i ogranicza się do wybranej płaszczyzny czy rodzaju zjawisk, albo też jest na tyle deskryptywna, że pomimo tego, iż jest w stanie powiedzieć co się dzieje na kontynencie, nie potrafi wyjaśnić zachodzących procesów. "Festung Europa" stawia pytania o przyczyny, oraz – co ważniejsze – wyjaśnia, jak poszczególne elementy tego wielowątkowego kryzysu europejskiego mają się do siebie czy na siebie wzajemnie wpływają. Wśród poruszanych problemów znajdują się migracja, terroryzm, kryzys demokracji reprezentatywnej, atrofia projektu unijnego, totalitaryzm nowych ideologii oraz radykalizacja postaw społecznych.
Research Interests:
Populism is one of the main symptoms of the contemporary crisis in Europe. How can the rise of populism best be understood? Whereas existing analyses predominantly utilise rationalist and behaviouralist approaches and focus on political,... more
Populism is one of the main symptoms of the contemporary crisis in Europe. How can the rise of populism best be understood? Whereas existing analyses predominantly utilise rationalist and behaviouralist approaches and focus on political, economic and cultural interests, this contribution proposes a different approach. I focus on affects and emotions. I show that where other parties or political movements opt for rational and dispassionate debates on merits of political programmes, populists instead offer, invoke and respond to strong emotions across multiple political settings. Emotions feed and propel populism in its bid for power by forming collective identities through the clustering of love for “us” and hate for the “other”.
Ontological Security Theory (OST) is used here as a framework for understanding populist behaviour in the sphere of security perception, identification and community-building. In recent debates, OST has been used because it allows the motives for certain behaviours to be located in the need to maintain or recreate positive identity constructed via biographical narratives. OST suggests that any lack of narrative continuity regarding the shape of the self-images for both individual and collective identities will therefore constitute a source of ontological threat; the lack of a sense of security. In this contribution I use examples of populist policies and discourses in Hungary and Poland that illustrate this dynamic to analyse the past- and future-oriented collective identifications underpinning the recent rise of populism in Europe.
Ontological Security Theory (OST) is used here as a framework for understanding populist behaviour in the sphere of security perception, identification and community-building. In recent debates, OST has been used because it allows the motives for certain behaviours to be located in the need to maintain or recreate positive identity constructed via biographical narratives. OST suggests that any lack of narrative continuity regarding the shape of the self-images for both individual and collective identities will therefore constitute a source of ontological threat; the lack of a sense of security. In this contribution I use examples of populist policies and discourses in Hungary and Poland that illustrate this dynamic to analyse the past- and future-oriented collective identifications underpinning the recent rise of populism in Europe.
Research Interests: Self and Identity, Identity (Culture), Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Populism, Cultural Identity, and 9 moreNational Identity, Social emotions, Affect/Emotion, Poland, Hungary, Ontological Security, Radical Right-wing Populist Parties, Ethnicity and National Identity, and Ontological Turn
The intersectionality of nationalism, memory, and securitized identity narrative rendered the politics of memory and the history politics with particular importance. The following chapter tackles the issue of memory and history politics... more
The intersectionality of nationalism, memory, and securitized identity narrative rendered the politics of memory and the history politics with particular importance. The following chapter tackles the issue of memory and history politics through the lenses of the ontological security theory used as a framework for understanding state policies in the sphere of security perception and behaviors. For the purposes of this chapter, the history politics is understood as a construction of a binding historical memory by organizing history in a particular narrative constructs that help to develop and/or maintain a salient group self-identity. After having delineated the theoretical foundation, the interaction between security and managed historical memory is in its political, institutional, and discursive aspect will be explored. The three interrelated factors important in ontological security behavior-1) discourse frames, 2) institutional arrangement, and 3) policies-will be analyzed in the Polish context.
Research Interests:
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2017). Polskie rozumienie wolności a realia Unii Europejskiej, in Kloczkowski J. (Ed.) Wolność. Polskie i czeskie dylematy, Kraków: Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej, pp. 161-173 Czech version of the chapter can be found at... more
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2017). Polskie rozumienie wolności a realia Unii Europejskiej, in Kloczkowski J. (Ed.) Wolność. Polskie i czeskie dylematy, Kraków: Ośrodek Myśli Politycznej, pp. 161-173
Czech version of the chapter can be found at https://www.pravybreh.cz/polske-chapani-svobody-a-realita-evropske-unie
Czech version of the chapter can be found at https://www.pravybreh.cz/polske-chapani-svobody-a-realita-evropske-unie
Research Interests:
One of the biggest challenges to inter-religious dialogue and full reconciliation between Christians and Muslims is the existence and activity of the Islamic State (ISIS). this Chapter examines the issue of reconciliation in the context... more
One of the biggest challenges to inter-religious dialogue and full reconciliation between Christians and Muslims is the existence and activity of the Islamic State (ISIS). this Chapter examines the issue of reconciliation in the context of the religious persecution of Christian minorities in the areas under control of ISIS. After a situational analysis and presentation of various forms of violence that the Christians are exposed to, the Chapter discusses the reactions to ISIS and its activities. the Chapter distinguishes between reactions that ignore and endorse political theology of the Islamic State. The former group includes military, economic and diplomatic reactions of politicians, especially from the West, who reject or belittle the religious dimension of ISIS. The second group comprises of these reactions that either accept this religious aspect or are voices from the communities persecuted by the self-proclaimed caliphate. This Chapter focuses specifically on responses from the Roman Catholic Church juxtaposing the top-down initiatives of Pope and the hierarchy of Western prelates with the bottom-up trends observable among ordinary faithful. Furthermore, the differences in approach to reconciliation between Catholics form outside the areas controlled by the Islamic state, and those who have been directly affected by the persecutions is underlined.
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2016). Reconciliation in the Shadow of ISIS. In J. Kulska "Faces of Reconciliation / Oblicza pojednania", Opole: Uniwersytet Opolski, pp. 241-256.
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2016). Reconciliation in the Shadow of ISIS. In J. Kulska "Faces of Reconciliation / Oblicza pojednania", Opole: Uniwersytet Opolski, pp. 241-256.
Research Interests:
Multiculturalism has been a trademark of the British educational system. Cultural pluralism was endorsed and, at least on paper, integrated into the curricula. The chapter examines recent developments in the educational system in the UK... more
Multiculturalism has been a trademark of the British educational system. Cultural pluralism was endorsed and, at least on paper, integrated into the curricula. The chapter examines recent developments in the educational system in the UK with regards to multiculturalism and the controversies it evokes. On the one hand, it is claimed that it does not have a meaningful and influential form and a such resembles a pony paraded around for the sake of appearances. Other approaches indicate that it has a harmful effect on the educational system and the society at large. In fact, it is both due the fact that education in Great Britain lost vision and allowed for the ‘ideals’ to be replaced by the ‘ideology’. After providing a brief overview of the multicultural education in Britain, it moves on to contextualize the main argument analysing the case study: operation ‘Trojan Horse’ – a plot to take over of city schools by the Islamists.
ISBN 978-83-64953-05-7 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). Muslims and the Educational System in Great Britain: a Trojan Horse or a Parade Pony? In A. Odrowąż-Coates, M. Kwiatkowski (Eds.), “The future of education and society through the eyes of social researchers.” Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Akademii Pedagogiki Specjalnej im. M. Grzegorzewskiej, pp. 132-157.
ISBN 978-83-64953-05-7 Bartoszewicz, M.G (2014). Muslims and the Educational System in Great Britain: a Trojan Horse or a Parade Pony? In A. Odrowąż-Coates, M. Kwiatkowski (Eds.), “The future of education and society through the eyes of social researchers.” Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Akademii Pedagogiki Specjalnej im. M. Grzegorzewskiej, pp. 132-157.
Research Interests:
An essay on Polish scientific diaspora in the context of planned reform by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education in Poland. Esej dotyczący planowanej reformy nauki polskiej w kontekście sytuacji polskich naukowców... more
An essay on Polish scientific diaspora in the context of planned reform by the Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education in Poland.
Esej dotyczący planowanej reformy nauki polskiej w kontekście sytuacji polskich naukowców pracujących na uczelniach zagranicznych.
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2018). Uniwersytet utracony, „Rzeczpospolita”, wtorek 19 czerwca 2018 r., nr 140 (11080), str. A11
Esej dotyczący planowanej reformy nauki polskiej w kontekście sytuacji polskich naukowców pracujących na uczelniach zagranicznych.
Bartoszewicz, M.G. (2018). Uniwersytet utracony, „Rzeczpospolita”, wtorek 19 czerwca 2018 r., nr 140 (11080), str. A11
Research Interests:
My paper presents a couple of considerations concerning religiously motivated hate-speech from the perspective of political science. My argumentation must yield to brevity due to time constraints, but I am aware that each of the problems... more
My paper presents a couple of considerations concerning religiously motivated hate-speech from the perspective of political science. My argumentation must yield to brevity due to time constraints, but I am aware that each of the problems I touch upon deserves a separate paper. In my short presentation, I will focus on the following issues: the problem of criminalising emotions, the focus on a symptom not the root of the problem, political ramifications of "hate speech" regulations involving suppression of open debate, and finally, on using speech restriction as a tool in political struggles.