- I am a South African independent researcher & writer specialising in crime and criminal justice with focuses includin... moreI am a South African independent researcher & writer specialising in crime and criminal justice with focuses including policing (particularly the use of force), violent crime, addressing corruption in South Africa, the role of victims and witnesses in the criminal justice process and others. Over recent years the main focus areas of my work have included the Marikana massacre, public order policing (with some related work on police transparency), corruption in South Africa and the violence/crime prevention potential of a South African public employment programme, the Community Work Programme (CWP). Prior to working as an independent researcher I worked for a South African NGO the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation (CSVR), and my work tends to be linked to the NGO sector including work for the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), African Policing Civilian Oversight Forum (APCOF) as well as work with CSVR. From 2017 onwards I have been presenting a module on 'Public Security" at the School of Governance at the University of the Witwatersrand. Over 2016-2018 I have been a member of a panel of experts established by the Minister of Police in terms of the recommendations of the Marikana Commission of Inquiry. My work is informed by an interest in social justice.edit
The weakness of police accountability systems in South Africa contributes to widespread brutality by law enforcement officers. For accountability to be strengthened, the South African Police Service (SAPS) leadership must be directly... more
The weakness of police accountability systems in South Africa contributes to widespread brutality by law enforcement officers. For accountability to be strengthened, the South African Police Service (SAPS) leadership must be directly answerable for how their members use force. On their own, external oversight agencies such as the Independent Police Investigative Directorate cannot ensure accountability in police organisations such as SAPS that do not
require accountability for the use of force internally.
require accountability for the use of force internally.
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What are the weapons used in the policing of protests and in prisons in South Africa? Focusing on less-lethal weapons (LLWs) this monograph provides an in-depth look at the weapons provided to prison warders and public order police. The... more
What are the weapons used in the policing of protests and in prisons in South Africa? Focusing on less-lethal weapons (LLWs) this monograph provides an in-depth look at the weapons provided to prison warders and public order police. The monograph first looks at the use of these weapons in South African public and private prisons. Thereafter, it examines the use of these weapons by South African Police Service (SAPS) Public Order Police (POP) units in the policing of crowds (‘crowd management’). In both contexts it discusses the types of weapons authorised by the legal and regulatory framework and provided to prison
and POP officials as well as available evidence regarding the use and abuse of this equipment, the regulatory framework governing the use of equipment, and provisions regarding accountability. The concluding section notes key points of comparison and provides recommendations.
and POP officials as well as available evidence regarding the use and abuse of this equipment, the regulatory framework governing the use of equipment, and provisions regarding accountability. The concluding section notes key points of comparison and provides recommendations.
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This report focuses on a part of the Marikana massacre, an incident on Thursday 16 August 2012 in which 34 men, most of them striking mineworkers, were killed by members of the South African Police Service. The killings on that day took... more
This report focuses on a part of the Marikana massacre, an incident on Thursday 16 August 2012 in which 34 men, most of them striking mineworkers, were killed by members of the South African Police Service. The killings on that day took place at two different locations, about 500m apart, often referred to as Scene 1 and Scene 2. At each location, 17 people were fatally shot by gunfire from members
of the SAPS. This report focuses on describing and understanding the events at Scene 2.
of the SAPS. This report focuses on describing and understanding the events at Scene 2.
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This article is concerned with the events of 16 August 2012 at the Lonmin Marikana mine in the North West province, when members of the South African Police Service killed 34 people, most of whom were striking mineworkers. These killings,... more
This article is concerned with the events of 16 August 2012 at the Lonmin Marikana mine in the North West province, when members of the South African Police Service killed 34 people, most of whom were striking mineworkers. These killings, now widely referred to as the Marikana massacre, are regarded not only as a tragedy but also as an event of great significance in South Africa’s contemporary history. A commission of inquiry was held into the killings, but it did not reach any
conclusions about what had happened at the second massacre site, commonly referred to as Scene 2, at which 17 of the fatal shootings took place. While these events are now the subject of an investigation by police oversight and criminal justice agencies, we cannot assume that this will reveal the truth about the killings at Scene 2. To add to our understanding of the events at Marikana, this article analyses statements from the injured and arrested strikers taken by the Independent Police Investigative Directorate in the five days immediately after the massacre. This article examines data from the statements, and the circumstances in which these statements were taken, in order to
interrogate the assertion that ‘strikers were shot by police while surrendering or injured at Scene 2’. It concludes that, taken as a whole, the statements are a reliable source of information that some of
the strikers at Scene 2 were indeed shot while surrendering.
conclusions about what had happened at the second massacre site, commonly referred to as Scene 2, at which 17 of the fatal shootings took place. While these events are now the subject of an investigation by police oversight and criminal justice agencies, we cannot assume that this will reveal the truth about the killings at Scene 2. To add to our understanding of the events at Marikana, this article analyses statements from the injured and arrested strikers taken by the Independent Police Investigative Directorate in the five days immediately after the massacre. This article examines data from the statements, and the circumstances in which these statements were taken, in order to
interrogate the assertion that ‘strikers were shot by police while surrendering or injured at Scene 2’. It concludes that, taken as a whole, the statements are a reliable source of information that some of
the strikers at Scene 2 were indeed shot while surrendering.
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Cash-in-transit heists are worthy of being prioritised. But we should also be aware that by doing so, we are reinforcing an already entrenched pattern in terms of which the crimes that have the most impact on the upper classes and the... more
Cash-in-transit heists are worthy of being prioritised. But we should also be aware that by doing so, we are reinforcing an already entrenched pattern in terms of which the crimes that have the most impact on the upper classes and the elite business sector are prioritised above those impacting on the poor.
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This monograph examines the South African Police Service (SAPS) in the build-up to the Marikana massacre: the killings by police of 34 striking miners on 16 August 2012 at the Lonmin Marikana mine. The monograph focuses on decision-making... more
This monograph examines the South African Police Service (SAPS) in the build-up to the Marikana massacre: the killings by police of 34 striking miners on 16 August 2012 at the Lonmin Marikana mine. The monograph focuses on decision-making and the exercise of authority and influence by the senior leadership of the SAPS.
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Document prepared for the Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution (CASAC)
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Mail & Guardian, 19 June 2015
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Mail & Guardian op-ed piece originating from Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconcilition research programme on the violence prevention potential of the Community Work Programme. 26 June 2017
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Images of streets, in numerous South African communities, blocked with burning barricades have once again been in the news. Reports of violent protests appear to come from traditional “hot spots”, but also from new sites where community... more
Images of streets, in numerous South African communities, blocked with burning barricades have once again been in the news. Reports of violent protests appear to come from traditional “hot spots”, but also from new sites where community anger has boiled over. Are there any state initiatives that can speak to the underlying sense of powerlessness that drive such desperate strategies? (Daily Maverick, 18 May 2017)
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The article offers an analysis of the potential impact of the Community Work Programme (CWP) on crime and violence. The CPW is a public employment programme that was formally established within government in 2010. The CWP may have an... more
The article offers an analysis of the potential impact of the Community Work Programme (CWP) on crime and violence. The CPW is a public employment programme that was formally established within government in 2010. The CWP may have an impact on crime and violence through a number of different ‘pathways’. One of these, the focus of this article, is through wages provided to the participants, 75% of whom are women.
Notable here is the likely impact of these wages on the households of participants, including on their children and intimate partner relations. Whereas the CWP may have a beneficial impact on children in a household, there appears to be the potential that the CWP may aggravate the risk of violence, particularly for female participants who have unemployed partners. The article argues that if the crime prevention potential of the CWP is to be optimised, this motivates for providing ‘gender training’ to participants who may be at risk of intimate partner violence. In addition, limited male participation may reinforce a pattern of male exclusion, motivating for increasing the participation of men within the CWP.
Notable here is the likely impact of these wages on the households of participants, including on their children and intimate partner relations. Whereas the CWP may have a beneficial impact on children in a household, there appears to be the potential that the CWP may aggravate the risk of violence, particularly for female participants who have unemployed partners. The article argues that if the crime prevention potential of the CWP is to be optimised, this motivates for providing ‘gender training’ to participants who may be at risk of intimate partner violence. In addition, limited male participation may reinforce a pattern of male exclusion, motivating for increasing the participation of men within the CWP.
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APCOF Policy Paper, No 16, February 2017
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Edited version of a discussion paper initially presented at the Independent Complaints Directorate workshop on "Establishing a cordial relationship between the police, ICD and civil society: problems and prospects", Burgers Park Hotel,... more
Edited version of a discussion paper initially presented at the Independent Complaints
Directorate workshop on "Establishing a cordial relationship between the police, ICD and
civil society: problems and prospects", Burgers Park Hotel, Pretoria, 6-7 February 2006. The paper argues that making the oversight agency the focal point for lodging complaints against the police and the the key organisation responsible for investigations is therefore essentially counterproductive.
Directorate workshop on "Establishing a cordial relationship between the police, ICD and
civil society: problems and prospects", Burgers Park Hotel, Pretoria, 6-7 February 2006. The paper argues that making the oversight agency the focal point for lodging complaints against the police and the the key organisation responsible for investigations is therefore essentially counterproductive.
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Research Interests: Accountability, Security, Africa, Police, Southern Africa, and 4 morePolice Accountability, African Union, Sadc, and AU
This article discusses two research projects that have used the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) to analyse protest in South Africa and the policing thereof. A total of 23 information requests were submitted on behalf of the... more
This article discusses two research projects that have used the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) to analyse protest in South Africa and the policing thereof. A total of 23 information
requests were submitted on behalf of the two projects, 19 to the South African Police Service (SAPS) and four to the Independent Police Investigative Directorate. The article starts by discussing police
transparency in South Africa, information on the policing of protest that the SAPS routinely publishes in its annual report, the PAIA framework, and some of the limitations of the projects. It then focuses on
insights into SAPS information on levels of protest and protest-related violence in South Africa that emerged from the two projects. This includes information disclosed by the police regarding their use
of force during protests, and police accountability for this. The article concludes by reflecting on the implications of and lessons from these exercises in police transparency.
requests were submitted on behalf of the two projects, 19 to the South African Police Service (SAPS) and four to the Independent Police Investigative Directorate. The article starts by discussing police
transparency in South Africa, information on the policing of protest that the SAPS routinely publishes in its annual report, the PAIA framework, and some of the limitations of the projects. It then focuses on
insights into SAPS information on levels of protest and protest-related violence in South Africa that emerged from the two projects. This includes information disclosed by the police regarding their use
of force during protests, and police accountability for this. The article concludes by reflecting on the implications of and lessons from these exercises in police transparency.
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This article is concerned with the process of en masse recruitment implemented within the South African Police Service since 2002. As a result of this process the personnel strength of the SAPS has increased dramatically from 120 549 in... more
This article is concerned with the process of en masse recruitment implemented within the South African Police Service since 2002. As a result of this process the personnel strength of the SAPS has increased dramatically from 120 549 in 2002 to 199 345 in 2012, an increase of over 65%. A large proportion of SAPS personnel are now people who have joined since 1994 and particularly since 2002. En masse recruitment has in part addressed the legacy of apartheid by promoting racial and gender representativeness in the SAPS. In so doing it has facilitated entry into the civil service by a significant number of black, and particularly African,1 South Africans, thus contributing to ‘class formation’. At the same time the process does not ensure political non-partisanship on the part of the SAPS. It also has not necessarily contributed to ‘better policing’ in South Africa. While it may have increased the potential that the SAPS will enjoy legitimacy, this cannot be achieved by recruitment alone.
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The draft Western Cape Community Safety Bill, introduced in the provincial legislature in February 2012, is part of a broader provincial government initiative to tackle issues of safety in the province. The Bill sets out to concretise the... more
The draft Western Cape Community Safety Bill, introduced in the provincial legislature in February 2012, is part of a broader provincial government initiative to tackle issues of safety in the province. The Bill sets out to concretise the powers allocated to provincial governments by the Constitution. Specific provisions reflect the wish to give effect to Section 206(1) of the Constitution in terms of which provinces are to be consulted in the formulation of national policing policy. But the main focus of the Bill is on
provincial policing oversight powers. In line with the Civilian Secretariat for Police Service Act, the Bill aims to formalise the role of the provincial Department of Community Safety as distinct from the provincial secretariat. The Bill provides for inspections to be carried out at police stations by Community Policing Forums (CPF). This aspect of the initiative has the potential to redefine the relationship between CPFs and the police. It is also envisaged that a provincial ombud’s office will be created, in line with provisions of the Constitution, authorising provinces to investigate complaints against police. The Bill is of interest as it provides a model for fuller engagement by provincial governments in policing matters. At the same time the introduction of the draft Bill raises questions about potential political interference that the Bill does not address.
provincial policing oversight powers. In line with the Civilian Secretariat for Police Service Act, the Bill aims to formalise the role of the provincial Department of Community Safety as distinct from the provincial secretariat. The Bill provides for inspections to be carried out at police stations by Community Policing Forums (CPF). This aspect of the initiative has the potential to redefine the relationship between CPFs and the police. It is also envisaged that a provincial ombud’s office will be created, in line with provisions of the Constitution, authorising provinces to investigate complaints against police. The Bill is of interest as it provides a model for fuller engagement by provincial governments in policing matters. At the same time the introduction of the draft Bill raises questions about potential political interference that the Bill does not address.
Research Interests: Accountability, Security, Africa, Police, Southern Africa, and 4 morePolice Accountability, African Union, Sadc, and AU
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Research Interests: Criminal Justice, Accountability, Security, Africa, Police, and 6 moreSouthern Africa, African Union, Crime, Sadc, Crime Statistics, and AU
In May 2008 legislation was tabled in Parliament providing for the dissolution of the Directorate of Special Operations (known as the ‘Scorpions’), an investigative unit based in the National Prosecuting Authority. The draft legislation... more
In May 2008 legislation was tabled in Parliament providing for the dissolution of the Directorate of Special Operations (known as the ‘Scorpions’), an investigative unit based in the National Prosecuting Authority. The draft legislation provides that Scorpions members will selectively be incorporated into a new investigative unit located within the SAPS. These developments followed a resolution passed at the African National Congress
National Conference in Polokwane in December 2007, calling for the unit to be disbanded. Since December the ANC has been forced to defend its decision in the face of widespread support for the Scorpions. One of the accusations made by the ANC was that the Scorpions were involved in politically motivated targeting of
ANC members. This article examines the issue of political manipulation of criminal investigations and argues that doing away with the Scorpions will in fact increase the potential for such manipulation thereby undermining the principle of equality before the law.
National Conference in Polokwane in December 2007, calling for the unit to be disbanded. Since December the ANC has been forced to defend its decision in the face of widespread support for the Scorpions. One of the accusations made by the ANC was that the Scorpions were involved in politically motivated targeting of
ANC members. This article examines the issue of political manipulation of criminal investigations and argues that doing away with the Scorpions will in fact increase the potential for such manipulation thereby undermining the principle of equality before the law.
