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The combination of perfective aspect and present tense is frequently considered as an example of semantically incompatible grams. If verbal forms including markers of both perfective aspect and present tense do exist in a language, they... more
The combination of perfective aspect and present tense is frequently considered as an example of semantically incompatible grams. If verbal forms including markers of both perfective aspect and present tense do exist in a language, they tend not to express present resp. perfective in the strict sense. Thus, in Russian such forms usually convey the future, as in napishu 'I will write'. The article discusses a specific type of contexts where these forms develop a less trivial meaning of what can be called "prospective present". Obligatory components of these contexts are first person of the verb and negation. We focus on three instances of this kind: ne skazhu (lit. 'I won't tell'), ne dam (lit. 'I won't give') and ne pushchu (lit. 'I won't let')'. With the data of Russian National Corpus (RNC) and notably of the parallel corpora within RNC, we demonstrate that in certain uses, these constructions correspond to speech acts of refusal or prohibition and can be viewed, accordingly, as expressing a kind of performative meaning. As performatives, these verbs refer to a present situation: the speaker's refusal or prohibition comes into operation at the moment of utterance, and not at some point in the future. The present-tense reference is corroborated by the translational counterparts of ne skazhu / ne dam / ne pushchu from parallel corpora, as other languages regularly use present forms in these contexts. Thus, performative-like constructions provide new data on potential nonfuture meanings of perfective present forms.
The category of mood is closely related to modality, though specifically involves grammatical (inflectional) means for expressing core modal meanings (most notably, those of possibility and necessity). In other words, mood is defined as... more
The category of mood is closely related to modality, though specifically involves grammatical (inflectional) means for expressing core modal meanings (most notably, those of possibility and necessity). In other words, mood is defined as modality that is grammaticalized in the verbal system as an inflectional category. The category of mood is found in nearly all full-fledged inflectional verbal systems, along with the categories of aspect and tense. The typical opposition expected within the system of moods is the division into “indicative” and “non-indicative” moods, dependent on the real vs. irreal (or, more precisely, asserted vs. non-asserted) status of the proposition.

There is no “preferable” morphological device for the expression of mood in the world’s languages—all the existing grammatical means are in demand, both synthetic and periphrastic. Among the segmental markers of mood affixal marking prevails, involving both prefixes and suffixes and various combinations thereof (yielding circumfixal marking). Non-segmental and suprasegmental marking of mood is less frequent, but also quite common. Another strategy for mood marking in the languages of the world is suppletion, when inflectional modal meanings require a different stem feeding into the verbal paradigm.

Along with dedicated morphological markers of mood, there exists a plethora of cumulative types of marking, when mood is expressed simultaneously with other verbal categories, such as tense, aspect, voice, person, number, and possibly some others.

The structure of mood as a grammatical category poses a challenge for universal typological descriptions, as the diversity of all its guises in the world’s languages is notoriously high. Imperative and subjunctive are regarded as the two core non-indicative members of mood domain attested cross-linguistically. A kind of terminological complication may arise with respect to the terms indicative vs. subjunctive and realis vs. irrealis. Still, there exist some points that reveal the differences between subjunctive and irrealis, syntactic distribution being one of the most essential (given that subjunctive is to be considered primarily as a morphological device for expressing syntactic subordination).

Of course, the systems of mood in the world’s languages often display a greater diversity within the domain of non-indicative moods, and specifically epistemic and volitive values grammaticalize to separate inflectional forms, comprising various epistemic and optative moods respectively.
The paper discusses two “hidden” semantic oppositions in the Armenian verbal system: both have no specific segmental markers but are manifested in the division of verbal forms into certain formal classes. In the first case, we deal with... more
The paper discusses two “hidden” semantic oppositions in the Armenian verbal system: both have no specific segmental markers but are manifested in the division of verbal forms into certain formal classes. In the first case, we deal with the the division into synthetic and periphrastic forms, which corresponds to the expression of the so-called "temporal mobility" (or the ability to express the opposition between present and past). In the second case, it is the morphological opposition between the basic verbal stem and the stem with an alternation. The choice of the alternating stem is related to the perfective semantics of the verbal form, so that one can speak of a general aspectual opposition of perfective and imperfective sets of forms in Armenian (not isolated in traditional analysis).
This article analyzes constructions with two Russian prepositions pod ‘under’ and iz-pod ‘from-under’. It focuses on how temporal meanings are developed from spatial meanings. We relate three temporal constructions with the preposition... more
This article analyzes constructions with two Russian prepositions pod ‘under’ and iz-pod ‘from-under’. It focuses on how temporal meanings are developed from spatial meanings. We relate three temporal constructions with the preposition pod to spatial constructions with the same preposition. It is argued that the preposition iz-pod is a blend of the two prepositions iz ‘from’ and pod ‘under’. This argument is supported by symmetry between the spatial uses of both prepositions, and the fact that a temporal construction with the preposition iz-pod is directly related to one of the temporal constructions with the preposition pod. We show that temporal uses of both pod and iz-pod develop from peripheral spatial uses. Moreover only directional spatial constructions have parallels in the domain of time. We draw a parallel between the directional movement in space and time which is perceived as being in constant motion.
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The paper discusses the cross-linguistic classification of evidential values (including the so-called admirative value) and proposes a typology of evidential systems based on the distinction between ‘direct’, ‘reflected’, and ‘mediated’... more
The paper discusses the cross-linguistic classification of evidential values (including the so-called admirative value) and proposes a typology of evidential systems based on the distinction between ‘direct’, ‘reflected’, and ‘mediated’ evidence.
The present foreword, which is also a theoretical introduction to the subsequent contributions, provides a general overview of the project aimed at a database of cross-linguistically relevant grammatical contexts based on a parallel... more
The present foreword, which is also a theoretical introduction to the
subsequent contributions, provides a general overview of the project aimed at a database of cross-linguistically relevant grammatical contexts based on a parallel corpus of New Testament translations. In the final part, the reader will find a brief summary of the structure and content of the papers included in this issue.
The so-called acquisitive modality or actuality, describing a successful realization of an action, is a largely understudied type of modal values. It is of significant interest both from the viewpoint of its grammaticalization paths and... more
The so-called acquisitive modality or actuality, describing a successful realization of an action, is a largely understudied type of modal values. It is of significant interest both from the viewpoint of its grammaticalization paths and of a wide and rich variety of its lexical expression. The article discusses one of the main representatives of this lexical class in Swedish, the hard-totranslate verb orka, and its various counterparts in a Swedish-Russian parallel corpus. We propose a refined classification of acquisitive verbs in both languages and focus on several important components of acquisitive semantics, such as efficiency, volition, control and some others.
In these notes, we would like to draw attention to the extremely rich and diverse system of vocalic and consonantal alternations attested in the Shughni language. We will consider only the Shughni material (as best documented to date),... more
In these notes, we would like to draw attention to the extremely rich and diverse system of vocalic and consonantal alternations attested in the Shughni language. We will consider only the Shughni material (as best documented to date), although the phenomena under consideration are in most cases characteristic of other Pamir languages and can be considered their common feature. The peculiar systems of alternations of the Pamir languages, of course, are of considerable interest not only for Iranian studies, but also for areal typology and for that part of the general theory of language that deals with the interaction of morphology and phonology (or, as it is fashionable to say now, interface problems). //

В настоящих заметках мы хотели бы привлечь внимание к чрезвычайно богатой и разнообразной системе вокалических и консонантных чередований, засвидетельствованных в шугнанском языке. Мы ограничимся только шугнанским материалом (как наилучшим образом документированным на сегодняшний день), хотя рассматриваемые явления в большинстве случаев характерны и для других памирских языков и могут считаться их общей чертой. Своеобразные системы чередований памирских языков, безусловно, представляют значительный интерес не только для иранистики, но и для ареальной типологии и для той части общей теории языка, которая занимается взаимодействием морфологии и фонологии (или, как сейчас модно говорить, проблематикой интерфейса).
В статье предлагается краткий обзор истории изучения и типологического своеобразия шугнанского языка и дается общая характеристика исследовательского проекта НИУ ВШЭ, связанного с полевой работой на Памире и созданием компьютерных... more
В статье предлагается краткий обзор истории изучения и типологического своеобразия шугнанского языка и дается общая характеристика исследовательского проекта НИУ ВШЭ, связанного с полевой работой на Памире и созданием компьютерных инструментов для развития памирских исследований.
The paper discusses a number of theoretical issues related to Russian inflection from a rather technical perspective of building an optimal table for Russian nominal declension. These issues can be divided into three groups. The first... more
The paper discusses a number of theoretical issues related to Russian inflection from a rather technical perspective of building an optimal table for Russian nominal declension. These issues can be divided into three groups. The first group includes the hierarchy of case grams, as well as the order of cases in the table (implied by this hierarchy). The second group includes the inventory of declension classes (determined by allomorphic variation within the markers of one and the same gram), as well as the strategies of representing this allomorphic variation in inflectional paradigms. Finally, the third group includes the status of partitive (or “second genitive”) and adnumerative (or “counting form”) in the system of Russian declension; this latter problem has received relatively less attention, but it is closely related to the previous two groups.
В работе предпринята попытка приблизиться к пониманию семантики старославянского перфекта — аналитической глагольной формы, состоящей из l-причастия смыслового глагола и вспомогательного глагола byti в презенсе. Выделены типичные... more
В работе предпринята попытка приблизиться к пониманию семантики старославянского перфекта — аналитической глагольной формы, состоящей из l-причастия смыслового глагола и вспомогательного глагола byti в презенсе. Выделены типичные контексты употребления данной формы; основной задачей исследования является оценка получившегося «семантического портрета» старославянского перфекта с точки зрения типологических ожиданий, сформировавшихся в отношении перфектных форм в языках мира. Показано, что роль результативного компонента в семантике перфекта является, вопреки этим ожиданиям, минимальной.
The paper is concerned with the history of the Russian verb past’ ‘fall’, which until the mid-19th century used to have biaspectual present forms. The analysis deals both with the historical motivation for this biaspectual behaviour and... more
The paper is concerned with the history of the Russian verb past’ ‘fall’, which until the mid-19th century used to have biaspectual present forms. The analysis deals both with the historical motivation for this biaspectual behaviour and the factors behind its loss. The most important stage of the process seems to be the gradual disappearance
of the primary spatial usages of past’: these came to be expressed by a newly created aspectual pair, padat’/upast’. The latter is close to the so-called two-stem perfectivation verbs, which I examined in more detail in my previous work.
The paper discusses the morphological status and the origin of instrumental plural form in Classical Armenian. This form is typologically unique in two ways: first, it is the only segmentable form within the flective declensional... more
The paper discusses the morphological status and the origin of instrumental plural form in Classical Armenian. This form is typologically unique in two ways: first, it is the only segmentable form within the flective declensional paradigms in Classical Armenian, which consists of the instrumental case marker and a separate plural marker -k‘ ; second, this plural marker occupies a peculiar linear position after the case marker (and not before it, unlike in all standard agglutinative declension patterns). It is argued that the notion of “decumulation” can account for some properties of Classical Armenian declension; a hypothesis of late clitic origins of the plural marker within the form in question is also discussed.
В энецком языке есть специализированная форма прошедшего времени. Показатель этой формы имеет особый морфологический порядок. А именно, все грамматические показатели в энецком являются суффиксальными; далее, все показатели глагольных... more
В энецком языке есть специализированная форма прошедшего времени. Показатель этой формы имеет особый морфологический порядок. А именно, все грамматические показатели в энецком являются суффиксальными; далее, все показатели глагольных значений (как финитных, так и инфинитных) в энецком, как и в других самодийских языках, занимают суффиксальную позицию перед лично-числовыми показателями. Что же касается форманта прошедшего времени, он прибавляется после лично-числовых показателей, причем прибавляется к уже существующей в языке грамматической форме. Наиболее частотной, и одновременно демонстрирующей наиболее обширный набор значений, является комбинация этого показателя с формой аориста
(о семантике аористной формы см. в разделе 2). Именно эта форма называется прошедшим временем в грамматических описаниях энецкого [Siegl 2013], [Сорокина 2010], (а также в грамматических описаниях ненецкого, глагольная система которого в части, касающейся прошедшего времени, практически идентична системе лесного энецкого). Вместе с тем, показатель прошедшего времени может прибавляться не только к форме аориста, но и к целому ряду
других финитных глагольных форм. Семантика этих комбинаций также будет описана в статье.
Research Interests:
Настоящая статья посвящена определению обязательной се-мантической валентности предиката, однако в наши задачи не входит дать окончательную формулировку этого понятия. Мы хо-тели бы рассмотреть некоторые теоретические проблемы, с ним... more
Настоящая статья посвящена определению обязательной се-мантической валентности предиката, однако в наши задачи не входит дать окончательную формулировку этого понятия. Мы хо-тели бы рассмотреть некоторые теоретические проблемы, с ним связанные, и целый ряд спорных примеров, описание которых, с нашей точки зрения, требует тщательного предварительного тео-ретического обсуждения. Термин «семантическая валентность» введен и используется в рамках модели «Смысл ⇔ Текст» и, шире, Московской семан-тической школы (ср. работы И. А. Мельчука, Ю. Д. Апресяна, И. М. Богуславского и др.; многие из них будут упомянуты ниже). Однако этот термин тесно связан с широким кругом других тер-минов и понятий, принятых в современной лингвистике,-таких, как актант (в смысле Теньера), глубинный падеж (в смысле Филлмора), аргумент (в смысле Джэкендоффа) и др.,-поэтому затрагиваемая в связи с ним проблематика выходит за пределы одной конкретной теории.
С опорой на поэтический подкорпус Национального корпуса русского языка в статье рассматриваются некоторые характеристики метрики Б. Л. Пастернака и эволюция его стиха от раннего периода к позднему. В целом подтверждаются сделанные в... more
С опорой на поэтический подкорпус Национального корпуса русского языка в статье рассматриваются некоторые характеристики метрики Б. Л. Пастернака и эволюция его стиха от раннего периода к позднему. В целом подтверждаются сделанные в стиховедческих работах 1980-1990-х гг. наблюдения, что константой метрики Пастернака оказывается высокая (для поэта XX века) доля ямба и сравнительно низкая доля правильных трехсложных метров; особое внимание уделяется неклассической метрике, присутствующей не только в раннем, но и в позднем творчестве.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: