Cesar Guarde Paz
Nankai University, College of Foreign Languages, Faculty Member
- University of Barcelona, Departament de Filosofia Teorètica i Pràctica, Department MemberSun Yat-Sen University, Chinese Lauguage and Literature, Graduate Studentadd
- Philosophy, Ancient economies (Archaeology), Education, History, Anthropology, Friedrich Nietzsche, and 31 moreConfucianism, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Cinema, Hong Kong Cinema and Popular Culture, Chinese Studies, Chinese Philosophy, Chinese Language and Culture, Chinese linguistics, Chinese literature, May Fourth Movement, Dunhuang manuscripts, Dunhuang Studies, H.P. Lovecraft, Pessimism, Political Philosophy, Conservatism, Confucius, Daoism, Translation Studies, Ancient Greek Philosophy, Intellectual History of Enlightenment, Plato and Platonism, Wuxia Film, Early Christianity, Race and Racism, Human Rights, Greek Tragedy, Philology, Dostoevsky, Early China, and Classical Chinese Philosophyedit
This comparative linguistic study delves into the fascinating possibility of a linguistic connection between Basque (Euskara) and Japanese, two languages separated by thousands of kilometers and millennia. Through meticulous analysis, the... more
This comparative linguistic study delves into the fascinating possibility of a linguistic connection between Basque (Euskara) and Japanese, two languages separated by thousands of kilometers and millennia. Through meticulous analysis, the authors present evidence of lexical, morphological, and grammatical similarities suggesting a remote link between these languages, proposing a common ancestor in linguistic prehistory. From just a few words collected by Resurrección María de Azkue (1966) and recent press sources, we have now progressed to 61 potential correlates; although there are likely many more, as this study has never aimed to conduct a comprehensive comparison of the Basque and Japanese lexicons.
The study employs the expanded "Swadesh List" of 200 words, plus 8 additional, equally stable ("non-borrowable" between languages of different families), to find 20.67% potential cognates between both languages, suggesting a common "Mother Language" and placing the divergence of these languages between approximately 7000 and 5000 years ago. This result positions Basque and Japanese as "first cousin languages," challenging the traditional notion that Basque is an isolated language, the sole survivor of a family unrelated to any other Eurasian family.
The document delves into lexical comparisons between terms with clear phonetic and semantic similarities. These coincidences not only suggest a deep cultural and linguistic connection but also prompt a reconsideration of theories regarding prehistoric human migrations and settlement patterns, offering new avenues for future research in comparative and prehistoric linguistics.
We provide a summary of Basque and Eurasian paleogenetics that could yield valuable insights into the potential relationship between the Basque language and genetic migrations in the Iberian Peninsula. We briefly address the ongoing genetic diversity in the Basque Country and southern France from prehistory to the present day. True isolation, preserving the distinct genetics of Basques, particularly evident in paternal lineages of the "R1b Clan," began around the Iron Age, continuing into Roman times. This isolation has also preserved their remarkable language, which, as a living fossil, should be considered "Cultural Heritage of Humanity," akin to numerous languages already declared as such by UNESCO. We find no inherent superiority or greater relevance in these languages compared to Basque, which has endured, thanks in part to its genetic isolation, maintaining many of its ancient voices unchanged by external influences, despite acquiring Celtic-Iberian, Latin, Romance, and other loanwords.
We are aware that "genes ≠ languages." No one has yet demonstrated a direct relationship between genes and languages. However, it has been shown that the same language can be spoken by different genetic lineages (both paternal and maternal), and vice versa, that the same genetic lineages (both paternal and maternal) can speak different languages. Therefore, there is no exact correspondence between genes and languages.
The first thing that must be understood and accepted, whether one likes it or not, is that genes are not equal to languages. Geneticists have already been convinced of this. In other words, many languages can be spoken by individuals with the same genetic profile, and conversely, the same language can be spoken by individuals with a single genetic profile. If there ever was something akin to "genes = languages," it could only have occurred in the origins of the first language families of the Paleolithic or Mesolithic. However, with the advent of the Neolithic and its significant movements and the inevitable increase in genetic mixing, it is no longer tenable to assert that "genes = languages." The Pre-Proto-Basque could have been perfectly forged in the Altai Mountains and surrounding areas; in fact, this is where the R1b emerges, which after thousands of years inhabiting these regions, migrates towards northwest Eurasia (Siberians and Uralics) and towards the Asian steppes and southern Russia, giving rise to the Yamnaya, and from these descendants of the "R1b Clan," the vast majority of Basque-speaking people (note that after the Basque speakers, those with the highest concentration of ancestral R1b from the same Yamnaya branch are the Bashkirs). Therefore, even though "genes ≠ languages" at least since the Neolithic, in this case study, it could even be genetically supported. It is abundantly clear that "genes ≠ languages," but the comparison of linguistic data with genetic data allows us, in this case, to conclude that the Basque language (possibly related to the Transeurasian/Altaic, perhaps Pre-Proto-Turkic) could be linked to some males of the "R1b Clan" (post-Bronze Age) originating in the Altai Mountains, not only genetically but also linguistically.
The theory proposed here suggests that Basque, undoubtedly stemming from this R1b paternal genetic lineage, has preserved an agglutinative language similar to Transeurasian/Altaic and Pre-Proto-Turkic spoken by ancient R1b individuals over 5000 years ago, and could have reached southern France at some point between that time and the Bronze Age, through a group of steppe descendants of the Yamnaya who spoke this agglutinative language related to the Transeurasian/Altaic macrofamily, most likely carriers of a western pre-proto-Turkic branch, although other groups of this same Yamnaya steppe culture may have spoken a variant of Indo-Iranian-European. Both possibilities are not mutually exclusive. The coexistence of these two languages is best supported with genetic and linguistic data, as demonstrated in another study currently undergoing editing.
Thus, this study demonstrates, through the application of historical-linguistic scientific methods, that Basque and Japanese, beyond their natural differences due to geographical and temporal isolation, may share a common ancestor. This conclusion not only challenges traditional perceptions of the isolated development of these languages but also opens new avenues of research into prehistoric connections between distant peoples, suggesting a much richer and more complex shared history than previously considered. The evidence presented underscores the importance of continuing to explore the depths of our linguistic and cultural past to unravel the mysteries of human connection across time and space.
(End of summary)
The study employs the expanded "Swadesh List" of 200 words, plus 8 additional, equally stable ("non-borrowable" between languages of different families), to find 20.67% potential cognates between both languages, suggesting a common "Mother Language" and placing the divergence of these languages between approximately 7000 and 5000 years ago. This result positions Basque and Japanese as "first cousin languages," challenging the traditional notion that Basque is an isolated language, the sole survivor of a family unrelated to any other Eurasian family.
The document delves into lexical comparisons between terms with clear phonetic and semantic similarities. These coincidences not only suggest a deep cultural and linguistic connection but also prompt a reconsideration of theories regarding prehistoric human migrations and settlement patterns, offering new avenues for future research in comparative and prehistoric linguistics.
We provide a summary of Basque and Eurasian paleogenetics that could yield valuable insights into the potential relationship between the Basque language and genetic migrations in the Iberian Peninsula. We briefly address the ongoing genetic diversity in the Basque Country and southern France from prehistory to the present day. True isolation, preserving the distinct genetics of Basques, particularly evident in paternal lineages of the "R1b Clan," began around the Iron Age, continuing into Roman times. This isolation has also preserved their remarkable language, which, as a living fossil, should be considered "Cultural Heritage of Humanity," akin to numerous languages already declared as such by UNESCO. We find no inherent superiority or greater relevance in these languages compared to Basque, which has endured, thanks in part to its genetic isolation, maintaining many of its ancient voices unchanged by external influences, despite acquiring Celtic-Iberian, Latin, Romance, and other loanwords.
We are aware that "genes ≠ languages." No one has yet demonstrated a direct relationship between genes and languages. However, it has been shown that the same language can be spoken by different genetic lineages (both paternal and maternal), and vice versa, that the same genetic lineages (both paternal and maternal) can speak different languages. Therefore, there is no exact correspondence between genes and languages.
The first thing that must be understood and accepted, whether one likes it or not, is that genes are not equal to languages. Geneticists have already been convinced of this. In other words, many languages can be spoken by individuals with the same genetic profile, and conversely, the same language can be spoken by individuals with a single genetic profile. If there ever was something akin to "genes = languages," it could only have occurred in the origins of the first language families of the Paleolithic or Mesolithic. However, with the advent of the Neolithic and its significant movements and the inevitable increase in genetic mixing, it is no longer tenable to assert that "genes = languages." The Pre-Proto-Basque could have been perfectly forged in the Altai Mountains and surrounding areas; in fact, this is where the R1b emerges, which after thousands of years inhabiting these regions, migrates towards northwest Eurasia (Siberians and Uralics) and towards the Asian steppes and southern Russia, giving rise to the Yamnaya, and from these descendants of the "R1b Clan," the vast majority of Basque-speaking people (note that after the Basque speakers, those with the highest concentration of ancestral R1b from the same Yamnaya branch are the Bashkirs). Therefore, even though "genes ≠ languages" at least since the Neolithic, in this case study, it could even be genetically supported. It is abundantly clear that "genes ≠ languages," but the comparison of linguistic data with genetic data allows us, in this case, to conclude that the Basque language (possibly related to the Transeurasian/Altaic, perhaps Pre-Proto-Turkic) could be linked to some males of the "R1b Clan" (post-Bronze Age) originating in the Altai Mountains, not only genetically but also linguistically.
The theory proposed here suggests that Basque, undoubtedly stemming from this R1b paternal genetic lineage, has preserved an agglutinative language similar to Transeurasian/Altaic and Pre-Proto-Turkic spoken by ancient R1b individuals over 5000 years ago, and could have reached southern France at some point between that time and the Bronze Age, through a group of steppe descendants of the Yamnaya who spoke this agglutinative language related to the Transeurasian/Altaic macrofamily, most likely carriers of a western pre-proto-Turkic branch, although other groups of this same Yamnaya steppe culture may have spoken a variant of Indo-Iranian-European. Both possibilities are not mutually exclusive. The coexistence of these two languages is best supported with genetic and linguistic data, as demonstrated in another study currently undergoing editing.
Thus, this study demonstrates, through the application of historical-linguistic scientific methods, that Basque and Japanese, beyond their natural differences due to geographical and temporal isolation, may share a common ancestor. This conclusion not only challenges traditional perceptions of the isolated development of these languages but also opens new avenues of research into prehistoric connections between distant peoples, suggesting a much richer and more complex shared history than previously considered. The evidence presented underscores the importance of continuing to explore the depths of our linguistic and cultural past to unravel the mysteries of human connection across time and space.
(End of summary)
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ABSTRACTThe pedagogical crisis that the West faces today, so brilliantly foreseen by Hannah Arendt in this essay “The Crisis in Education”, is now confirmed by all those educators who must confront daily the result of diluting pedagogical... more
ABSTRACTThe pedagogical crisis that the West faces today, so brilliantly foreseen by Hannah Arendt in this essay “The Crisis in Education”, is now confirmed by all those educators who must confront daily the result of diluting pedagogical standards and the loss of moral and professional authority. Education is essential in defining a country’s quality of life and, therefore, a crisis in education is also a crisis in all spheres, including social, financial and, last but not least, political. The present paper seeks to explore, through two different models –Greece and China–, how education and knowledge were understood in antiquity and to what extend classical philosophers can still teach us, with common sense, how to deal with such methodological problems. Using a comparative approach, we will analyze Greek theories of knowledge and epistemological and pedagogical issues in classical and early medieval Confucianism, emphasizing their strategies to defend against relativism, opinion ...
This essay examines the relationship between li 禮 and yi 義 in Liu Xiang’s 劉向 Categorized Biographies of Women or Lienü zhuan 列女傳, the first Chinese monograph devoted to women, focusing on the contents of books 4 and 5, where Liu Xiang... more
This essay examines the relationship between li 禮 and yi 義 in Liu Xiang’s 劉向 Categorized Biographies of Women or Lienü zhuan 列女傳, the first Chinese monograph devoted to women, focusing on the contents of books 4 and 5, where Liu Xiang introduces radical ideas like self-mutilation, suicide, and compulsory separation of the sexes. Although these moral devices are employed as an instrument of remonstrance, giving women a voice that had long been neglected, they are also the result of the deontic prescriptions of li-binding obligations, which keep the self in silence and subjection.
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From classical antiquity to contemporary times, challenging situations of dilemmatic or paradoxical nature continue to fascinate both scholars and the casual reader. Although Western literature provides a fruitful source of philosophical... more
From classical antiquity to contemporary times, challenging situations of dilemmatic or paradoxical nature continue to fascinate both scholars and the casual reader. Although Western literature provides a fruitful source of philosophical discussion on the circumstances under which a morally competent agent faces incompatible moral requirements, Sinology has rarely accepted the idea of moral dilemmas in Chinese philosophy in general and Confucianism in particular. The present paper explores moral and morally motivated dilemmas in Liu Xiang’s 劉向 Lienü Zhuan 列女傳 and the philosophical strategies employed for their resolution within the framework of the Confucian tradition, emphasizing similarities with Western traditions such as Greek tragedy or Thomistic philosophy.
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Abstract Once ostracized and relegated to a mere marginal position in the history of modern Chinese literature, Lin Shu 林紓 (1852–1924) has now become an important and relatively well-known figure. This paper summarizes existing research... more
Abstract Once ostracized and relegated to a mere marginal position in the history of modern Chinese literature, Lin Shu 林紓 (1852–1924) has now become an important and relatively well-known figure. This paper summarizes existing research on Lin Shu's translations and the controversy between the vernacular and the classical language, emphasizing the achievements of Chinese and Japanese scholarship during the past century. For practical reasons, results have been divided chronologically into four categories: (1) Criticism of Lin Shu before 1924; (2) Early Chinese Scholarship (1924–1935); (3) Late Chinese and Early Japanese Scholarship (1935–1960); (4) Renaissance of Studies on Lin Shu outside China (1960–2000). This periodization is supplemented with a brief excursus on the current state of Lin Shu studies.
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De Laertii Diogenis fontibus, KGW II 1.84, Z. 33 – KGW II 1.85, Z. 32: Iam novam neque minorem proponimus quaestionem: quis hic fuit D i o c l e s , c u i u s l i b e r L a e r t i o n o n e x a l i o r u m m e m o r i a n o t u s e s t ,... more
De Laertii Diogenis fontibus, KGW II 1.84, Z. 33 – KGW II 1.85, Z. 32: Iam novam neque minorem proponimus quaestionem: quis hic fuit D i o c l e s , c u i u s l i b e r L a e r t i o n o n e x a l i o r u m m e m o r i a n o t u s e s t , s e d i p s e a d m a n u s f u i t ? Quando floruit? Cui addictus erat philosophiae disciplinae? Nihil nobis respondent Ionsius, I. Vossius, C. Muellerus1. Hoc unum scimus eum Magnesiae esse ortum: utra in urbe ortus sit, disceptari non potest, quamquam Heckerus Batavus confidenter Magnesiam ad Sipylum sitam intellegit. Neque certius est, quod idem homo doctus suspicatur e schola Pergamena eum esse profectum. Toto vero caelo erravit cum ille tum Panzerbieterus in Iahn. Ann. Suppl. V. (1837) p. 219,2 quod eum c. 200 a. Ch. n. floruisse dicit. Ex eis enim quae disputavimus apertum est eum post Posidonii discipulos sed non longo intervallo i. e. in priore primi p. Chr. saeculi parte floruisse. At unde ille Heckeri error? Excitantur apud Laertium Sotionis Διόκλειοι ἔλεγχοι: hunc Sotionem sumpsit Heckerus, non demonstravit non fuisse diversum ab illo διαδοχῶν scriptore Alexandrino: sumpsit idem hos Διοκλείους ἐλέγχους referendos esse ad Dioclem Magnetem. Quae res paucis transigi potest. Ille enim Sotion, qui Διοκλείους ἐλέγχους scripsit, ex eorum erat numero, qui maledictis eos insectantur, a quibus de bonorum finibus aliisque philosophorum opinionibus dissentiunt. In libro ita ut diximus inscripto id egit, ut Epicuri vitam moresque invidia obrueret. Quo libro cum Dioclis cuiusdam sententias impugnaverit, hic Diocles inter Epicuri amicos habendus est. Atqui idem statuo de Diocle βίων φιλοσόφων scriptore: qui Epicuri eiusque scholae temperantiam victusque simplicitatem luculentis laudat verbis. Ergo eundem esse Dioclem in aperto est, qui philosophorum vitas scripserit et qui Sotionis odium inimicitiasque lacessiverit. Vnde efficitur ut Dioclis memoria reconcinnata Sotionis aetatem assequi possimus. Contra Heckerus de uno solo illo Sotione Alexandrino διαδοχῶν scriptore cogitandum esse sumpsit atque inde Dioclis aetatem certis terminis circumscribere conatus est. Iam etiam hoc apparet, cur Dioclem Pergamenae addictum scholae finxerit.
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Vgl. Ernst Köpke, Ueber die Gattung der ’Απομνημονεύματα in der Griechischen Litteratur, Brandenburg 1857, S. 3: Wie man sich aber gesprochener Worte und Reden erinnern konnte, so konnte man es natürlich auch geschriebener, und wenn ich... more
Vgl. Ernst Köpke, Ueber die Gattung der ’Απομνημονεύματα in der Griechischen Litteratur, Brandenburg 1857, S. 3: Wie man sich aber gesprochener Worte und Reden erinnern konnte, so konnte man es natürlich auch geschriebener, und wenn ich auch auf diese Bedeutung aufmerksam mache, so will ich damit nur die Titel derjenigen Schriften rechtfertigen, deren Verfasser in ihren Apomnemoneumaten zwar nicht Selbsterlebtes und Selbstgehörtes, wie Xenophon selbst [...], sondern Selbstgelesenes und geschriebene Aussprüche und Auseinandersetzungen wiedergeben, wie dies nachher z. B. von Favorinus zu zeigen sein wird.
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Einleitung in das Studium der platonischen Dialoge, KGW II 4.61, Z. 18 – KGW II 4.62, Z. 32: Die Jugend muß ganz aus der Welt der Verführung u. Verirrung herausgehoben werden: denn was ein einzelnes Vorbild gut macht, geht durch die... more
Einleitung in das Studium der platonischen Dialoge, KGW II 4.61, Z. 18 – KGW II 4.62, Z. 32: Die Jugend muß ganz aus der Welt der Verführung u. Verirrung herausgehoben werden: denn was ein einzelnes Vorbild gut macht, geht durch die schlechten Eindrücke zu Grunde. Die beste Naturanlage geht zu Grunde, wenn sie der rechten Pflege entbehrt. Die falsche Lehre liegt nicht sowohl in einigen Sophisten, sondern in der Luft eines ungesunden Staatswesens. Was soll die Jugend Gutes Lernen, wenn sie das Volk im Theater, in der Ecclesia oder im Kriegslager anhört? Auch die Methode des Socrates, mitten unter dem Volke ein neues Geschlecht erziehen zu wollen, ist nicht radikal genug. Flucht aus der Wirklichkeit vor allem nöthig. Der E g o i s m u s soll auch nach Sokrates vernichtet werden, indem er Gütergemeinschaft nicht des Gesetzes, sondern der Sitte empfiehlt. Plato geht weiter: er hebt das Eigenthum auf: damit den abgesonderten Hausstand, die Familie. Er hat einen großen Abscheu vor dem Kapitalwucher „da sitzen sie nun in der Stadt, bestiefelt u. gewappnet, die einen von Schulden überbürdet, die anderen ehrlos geworden, noch andere Beides, Alle voll Haß und über Anschlägen brütend auf die, die sie um das Ihrige gebracht haben wie auf die ganze Welt, lauernd auf einen allgemeinen Umsturz. Die Geldmänner aber schleichen geduckt umher wie das leibhaftige böse Gewissen, sehen hinweg über die, die sie unglücklich gemacht haben, bohren den ersten besten jungen Herrn, der sich nichts Böses vorsieht, mit einer Ladung ihres Geldes an, streichen die Wucherzinsen ein u. erfüllen die Stadt mit Drohnen u. Bettlern, denen sie den letzten Blutstropfen ausgesogen haben.“ – Das Geld soll ganz verschwinden aus der Welt. Er denkt über das Recht auf Privateigenthum so, als ob er von der dorischen Wanderung u. der Vertheilung des Peloponnes unter die siegreichen Häupter etwa ein Menschenalter getrennt sei. So ein Gedanke lag den Alten näher als uns. Sie glaubten an Völker, die gar keine Ehe u. kein Eigenthum besaßen zB. die Galactophagen „die gerechtesten der Völker“ oder die Agathyrsen Herodot IV 104. Theopomp, Schüler des Isocrates schildert den Zustand der Weiber bei den Tyrrhenern ebenso (Athen. XII p. 517[)]: wo die Kinder als Gemeingut aufgezogen werden. Plato’s Staat soll eine E i n h e i t sein, aber die Menschen werden durch das „Mein u. Dein“ am meisten getrennt, daher Neid u. Zwietracht. Der Mensch ist der Staat im Kleinen, der Staat der Mensch im Großen. Der Egoismus ist bei Beiden auszurotten. Wie wird nun die Staatsgewalt aufgebaut? Aller Staatsdienst setzt ein Wissen u. Können voraus: jedenfalls 2 Stände, einen für die Regierung u. Verwaltung, einen Anderen für die Vertheidigung. Für ihren Unterhalt sorgt die niedere Masse, mit gewöhnlicher Lebensart. Für gesunden Nachwuchs sorgen die Weiber. Pl. betrachtet das Weib als eine geringere Spielart des Mannes, durch das Maaß der Anlagen von ihm unterschieden. Die Frage nennt er „eine Sturzwelle, die mit Geschick begegnet sein will, wenn sie nicht das ganze Fahrzeug in den Wellen begraben soll.“ [...]
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Einleitung in das Studium der platonischen Dialoge, KGW II 4.57, Z. 31 – KGW II 4.59, Z. 11: Gerechtigkeit ist nach Kephalos die Beobachtung der Wahrheit in Worten u. Werken u. pünktliche Abtragung dessen, was man Göttern u. Menschen... more
Einleitung in das Studium der platonischen Dialoge, KGW II 4.57, Z. 31 – KGW II 4.59, Z. 11: Gerechtigkeit ist nach Kephalos die Beobachtung der Wahrheit in Worten u. Werken u. pünktliche Abtragung dessen, was man Göttern u. Menschen schuldig ist. Genauer wird dann „abtragen“ ἀποδιδόναι interpretirt, zugleich „zurückgeben“ als überhaupt „leisten“. Das Schuldige wird als das bezeichnet, was jedem zukommt προσῆκον. Jetzt wird nachgewiesen, daß die Gerechtigkeit nicht, wie die anderen [Objekte]1 Thätigkeiten, ein bestimmtes vereinzeltes Objekt hat, sondern das allgemein zweckbestimmende Princip sei, das zu den Einzelnen die ihnen zukommende Stelle in der menschl. Gemeinschaft anweist. Jetzt wichtige Unterredung zw. Sokrates u. Thrasymachus: Thras. macht die Consequenz: will man nur denen nützen, die uns nützen u. denen schaden die uns schaden, so wird die Gerechtigkeit zum blossen Handeln nach äußeren Vortheilen u. es kommt nur darauf an, daß man die Macht hat, das Handeln durchzusetzen. Gerechtigkeit als der Vortheil des Stärkeren. Gerecht. ist der Wille des Herrschenden, zum Gesetz erhoben, zu seinem Vortheil. Es wird eingewendet, daß die Herrschenden sich über ihren Vortheil täuschen könnten u. daß dann das Recht ihr Schaden sei. Thrasym. gesteht zu, daß sie die Herrschenden nur so weit sind als sie ihren Vortheil verstehen. Aber es wird gezeigt daß jede Kunst u. Kunde, wenn man jeden Mangel von ihr ausschließt, um ihrer selbst wegen getrieben wird u. nicht erst ihren eigenen Vortheil besorgt, sondern nur den des Gegenstandes, über den sich die Herrschaft erstreckt. Thr.: dann müßten ja die Hirten den Vortheil ihrer Herden u. nicht ihren eigenen besorgen. Sodann giebt er zu daß die Ungerechtigkeit viel mehr als die G. äußeren Gewinn u. Glück bringt: am meisten bei Tyrannen. Und jetzt nennt er das Ungerechtigkeit, was er vorhin G. nannte. Beide Einwände werden beseitigt. Wenn die Ungerechtigk. allein vortheilhaft ist, so würde diese Einsicht u. Tüchtigkeit sein. Aber der Gerechte sucht nicht gegen Gerechte sondern nur gegen den Ungerechten im Vortheil zu sein, der Ungerechte gegen Beide: und ein dem Ersteren, nicht dem Letzteren gleiches Verhalten gilt von jeder Einsicht u. Kunst. Außerdem enthält jede Genossenschaft (u. zB. eine Räuberbande) das Vermögen, Anderen unrecht zu thun, dadurch daß ihre Genossen wenigstens unter einander Recht üben. Die Ungerechtigk. ist also nur vermittelst der Gerechtigkeit möglich. Die Einwürfe des Glaucon u. des Adeimantos II p. 357–367. Glaukon vertieft die Einwendungen des Thrasym. Er verlangt daß die Gerechtigkeit nicht nur ein augenblickl. Gut oder ein Übel sei, sondern ein absolutes Gut mit dauerndem Zwecke. Erschien die Auff. des Thrasym. als staatenauflösendes Princip, so ist doch auch gerade eine staatenbildende Auffassung möglich: weil das Unrechtleiden als Übel größer denn das Unrechtthun als Gut sei, so sei wohl der Staat ein Gesellschaftsvertrag zwischen beiden: diese Mitte sei Gerechtigkeit.2
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Welche Substanzen sind damit bezeichnet? Im Timaeus p. 27 unterscheidet er das was stets ist, nie wird, Objekt der Vernunfterkenntniß u. das was nie ist, immer wird, Objekt der Sinneswahrnehmungen: also Ideen u. Abbilder. Die Weltseele... more
Welche Substanzen sind damit bezeichnet? Im Timaeus p. 27 unterscheidet er das was stets ist, nie wird, Objekt der Vernunfterkenntniß u. das was nie ist, immer wird, Objekt der Sinneswahrnehmungen: also Ideen u. Abbilder. Die Weltseele erkennt mittelst des A n d e r e n das Sinnliche, mittelst des S e l b i g e n das Intellegible αἰσθητόν. Also besteht jedenfalls eine gewisse Ve r w a n d t s c h a f t zwischen τἀυτόν u. Ideen, zwischen θάτερον u. sinnl. Dingen. Nun theilt Plato die Gesamtheit des Seienden auf folg. Weise ein
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Einleitung in die lateinische Epigraphik, KGW II 4.197, Z. 8–36: K alender 2) Es gab 1) fasti sacri sive calendares s. minores 2) fasti civiles s. maiores s. consulares et triumphales. Die Stein u. Marmortafeln mit der eingehauenen... more
Einleitung in die lateinische Epigraphik, KGW II 4.197, Z. 8–36: K alender 2) Es gab 1) fasti sacri sive calendares s. minores 2) fasti civiles s. maiores s. consulares et triumphales. Die Stein u. Marmortafeln mit der eingehauenen Schrift werden „bemalt“ genannt (rothe Färbung der Festtage (fasti purpurei) fasti purpurissati. Die erste Columne eines jeden Monats enthält unter einander die Buchstaben A bis H, immer von Neuem wiederholt. Bezug auf die von den Nundinis gebildeten Zeitabschnitte. Sieben Tage arbeitete der Landmann, am 8 kam er zur Stadt, um zu kaufen u. zu verkaufen u. an Gerichtssachen theilzunehmen A bis H einschließlich, kamen die nundinae nono quoque vor. Die zweite Columne enthält das Datum des Tags nach röm. Zählung mit K. Non. Eid. Die dritte die Eigenschaft des Tages. F. Nefasti [NP nefastus principio]1 nefasti hilares N nef. tristes. EN endotercisus (intercisus) (ein kleiner Theil dazwischen). C. comitialis. Eine neue Columne bezeichnet Feste u. Spiele; darunter steht auch Merk. (entweder mercatus oder mercedonius dies „Lohn u. Zahltag“. Mitunter sind noch einige berühmte Jahrestage beigeschrieben: Die wichtigsten Fragmente der fasti calendares (Es giebt 19 Hemerologia): die fasti Pränestini u. fasti Maffeiani.
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Darstellung der antiken Rhetorik, KGW II 4.477, Z. 30 – 479, Z. 9: Der künst l iche Beweis eine logische Operation, durch die das Ungewisse mittelst des Gewissen u. Wahrscheinl. Glaubwürdigkeit bekommt ' « argumentum argumentatio.... more
Darstellung der antiken Rhetorik, KGW II 4.477, Z. 30 – 479, Z. 9: Der künst l iche Beweis eine logische Operation, durch die das Ungewisse mittelst des Gewissen u. Wahrscheinl. Glaubwürdigkeit bekommt ' « argumentum argumentatio. Dag. ist $' ; « kein rhetor. Terminus. Jeder Beweis durch Induction (durch Beispiele) oder durch Syllogismus (durch Schlüsse) zu Stande gebracht. Die ' « zerfallen also in 6 , B u. ' . Die 6 , . zerfallen in " ": u. 6 " ":. Ist der rhetor. Schluß vollständig, aus Obersatz Untersatz Schlußsatz bestehend, so heißt er Epicheirem. Dionys. v. Halik. bemerkt, daß Lysias nur in Enthymemen, Isaeus u. Hyper-
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Die vorplatonischen Philosophen, KGW II 4.271, Z. 27 – 272, Z. 1: Also nächst dem Werden ist der zwei te Hauptbegriff die ">. Clem. Strom. III 4731 „man würde den Namen der "> nicht kennen, wenn es nicht Gesetze gäbe.“... more
Die vorplatonischen Philosophen, KGW II 4.271, Z. 27 – 272, Z. 1: Also nächst dem Werden ist der zwei te Hauptbegriff die ">. Clem. Strom. III 4731 „man würde den Namen der "> nicht kennen, wenn es nicht Gesetze gäbe.“ Plutarch de exilio cap. 11 3 « .0 %' (B ) α = F κ, #E « ">« 6' " 6; B . Dann berühmte Stelle Clem. Strom V 599 " μ . μ 4': Κ « , Κ $ , D' 6' > . $ ’ R $ λ " λ / '& $ , 4' ) " λ $' ( ) (sich entzündend nach Maßen und verlöschend nach Maßen).
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Vgl. Eduard Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung, Leipzig 1869, Bd. I, S. 557, Anm. 2: Doch ist mir Lassalle’s (II, 99)1 Erklärung wahrscheinlicher, der zufolge die Meinung die ist, dass aus dem Meer... more
Vgl. Eduard Zeller, Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung, Leipzig 1869, Bd. I, S. 557, Anm. 2: Doch ist mir Lassalle’s (II, 99)1 Erklärung wahrscheinlicher, der zufolge die Meinung die ist, dass aus dem Meer nur die reinen Dünste aufsteigen, welche dem Feuer zur Nahrung dienen, aus der Erde nur die dunkeln, nebligen, aus denen das Feuchte seine Nahrung zieht; so dass jene das Meer im Uebergang zum Feuer, diese die Erde im Uebergang zum Wasser darstellen.
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This paper offers a full description of the Recto page, section II, of the Pelliot chinois 3685, part of the funds acquired by the National Library of France in 1910. Because of the original careless description of its contents, the text... more
This paper offers a full description of the Recto page, section II, of the Pelliot chinois 3685, part of the funds acquired by the National Library of France in 1910. Because of the original careless description of its contents, the text has remained unidentified. After demonstrating that the Pelliot chinois 3685 is a copy of the Xin ji wenci Jiu jing chao 新集文詞九經抄 (Collation of the New Compilation of the Writings from the Nine Canonical Works), we offer a complete critical transcription and translation of the text.
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Lin Shu, the well-known scholar who introduced Western literature in China at the end of the Qing Dynasty, left behind a staggering amount of works translated over a period of twenty-six years. This titanic labor could not have been... more
Lin Shu, the well-known scholar who introduced Western literature in China at the end of the Qing Dynasty, left behind a staggering amount of works translated over a period of twenty-six years. This titanic labor could not have been achieved without the assistance of his cotranslators, who orally rendered the original texts into spoken Chinese, just to be immediately translated into classical Chinese by Lin Shu. This paper provides accurate identification of twenty of the remaining fifty-five translations of the Lin Shu corpus whose original work is unknown. Based upon these new findings, we advance an asymmetric reading of Lin Shu’s translations, emphasizing the role of his cotranslators in the quality of the final product. Recent scholarship has started to emphasize the relevance of Lin Shu 林纾 (1852-1924) in the evolution and reform of Modern Chinese Literature. Viewed as an old-fashioned and vulgar 1 by the May Fourth devotees during his lifetime, criticism began to fade soon aft...
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Although aspects of the moral dilemma have been discussed by Western philosophers from Plato onwards, substantially less attention has been devoted to the possibility and consequences of moral quandaries within Chinese philosophy in... more
Although aspects of the moral dilemma have been discussed by Western philosophers from Plato onwards, substantially less attention has been devoted to the possibility and consequences of moral quandaries within Chinese philosophy in general and Confucianism in particular. This paper argues, against common contemporary approaches to the problem, that “hard” moral dilemmas were not avoided by classical Chinese philosophers. For this purpose, I explore the episode of the son covering for the crimes of his father in the Analects, which was reformulated and instrumentalized by other philosophers such as Lü Buwei and Han Fei.
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This thesis has the primary objective to investigate and show the different conceptualizations of “virtue” in ancient Chinese thought (770 BC-220 AD) and its relation with the leitmotifs of “election,” “ethical dilemma,” and... more
This thesis has the primary objective to investigate and show the different conceptualizations of “virtue” in ancient Chinese thought (770 BC-220 AD) and its relation with the leitmotifs of “election,” “ethical dilemma,” and “consequence”. In order to achieve this purpose, this study is divided in five main parts: an introductory chapter that gathers the necessary philosophical prerequisites to understand the current state of the art in moral dilemmas East and West; a second chapter is included to illustrate recent philological and philosophical research in the definition of the different moral concepts at stake: li (propriety), yi (righteousness), xiao (filial deference), de (virtue, charisma), and the most important ren. The three remaining chapters focus on the three-dimensional configuration of the Confucian text: poetry, philosophy, and history, and the moral dilemmas they personally address. Chapter 3 compares the ritual texts of the Confucian tradition with the Classic of Poetry or Shijing, identifying a core conflict that is left unresolved in Chinese tradition: the social mores of the ritual texts forbid or punish behavior that is actually praised or accepted by the poetry collected, edited, and approved by Confucius. Chapter 4 discusses moral dilemmas in philosophical texts and authors (Analects, Mencius, Hanfei, etc.), outlining parallelisms between Confucian and Classic Greek cases of conflict between civil and public cases of conflict. Finally, chapter 5 raises the issue of tragedy or tragic thought in Confucianism, studying the historical literature of the Han period and two of its most representative texts: the Historical Records or Shiji of Sima Qian and the Biographies of Exemplary Women by Liu Xiang. In the former, we refer to the stories of Yurang and Nie Zheng, carefully describing its points of contact with the tragic legends of Ajax and Antigone.
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Presentamos aquí la traducción de los tres textos inéditos en su versión íntegra, realizada a partir de los documentos originales que componen la correspondencia entre Lin Shu y Cai Yuanpei: Lin Shu, “Lin Qinnan Zhi Cai Heqing shu”... more
Presentamos aquí la traducción de los tres textos inéditos en su versión íntegra, realizada a partir de los documentos originales que componen la correspondencia entre Lin Shu y Cai Yuanpei:
Lin Shu, “Lin Qinnan Zhi Cai Heqing shu” 林琴南致蔡鶴卿書 (“Misiva remitida a Cai Heqing por Lin Qinnan”), Gongyan bao 公言報, Beiping (Beijing), 18/3/1919, p. 6.
La carta de Lin Shu fue publicada a continuación de una larga crítica titulada “Qing kan Beijing xuejie sichao bianqian zhi jinzhuang” 請看北京學界思潮變遷之近狀 (“Por favor observen el reciente estado de los cambios en las tendencias de pensamiento del mundo académico de Beijing”, pp. 3-6). La misiva aparecería reproducida junto a la réplica de Cai Yuanpei en sus diversas publicaciones y, posteriormente, en Lin Shu, Wei Lu wenji, san ji 畏廬文集，三集 (Shanghai, Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924, pp. 26a-28a) bajo el título “Da daxuetang xiaozhang Cai Heqing Taishi shu” 答大學堂校長蔡鶴卿太史書 (“Misiva de respuesta al presidente de la Universidad Imperial, el Gran Académico Cai Heqing”).
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Lin Shu, “Lin Qinnan Zhi Cai Heqing shu” 林琴南致蔡鶴卿書 (“Misiva remitida a Cai Heqing por Lin Qinnan”), Gongyan bao 公言報, Beiping (Beijing), 18/3/1919, p. 6.
La carta de Lin Shu fue publicada a continuación de una larga crítica titulada “Qing kan Beijing xuejie sichao bianqian zhi jinzhuang” 請看北京學界思潮變遷之近狀 (“Por favor observen el reciente estado de los cambios en las tendencias de pensamiento del mundo académico de Beijing”, pp. 3-6). La misiva aparecería reproducida junto a la réplica de Cai Yuanpei en sus diversas publicaciones y, posteriormente, en Lin Shu, Wei Lu wenji, san ji 畏廬文集，三集 (Shanghai, Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924, pp. 26a-28a) bajo el título “Da daxuetang xiaozhang Cai Heqing Taishi shu” 答大學堂校長蔡鶴卿太史書 (“Misiva de respuesta al presidente de la Universidad Imperial, el Gran Académico Cai Heqing”).
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On the Relevance of Philological Fineness: Focusing on Lin Shu Studies
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La presente ponencia tiene como objetivo mostrar, a través de los textos confucianos y de sus intérpretes, cuál ha sido la posición de la mujer en la filosofía china clásica. Se analizará el papel que en las Analectas de Confucio, en los... more
La presente ponencia tiene como objetivo mostrar, a través de los textos confucianos y de sus intérpretes, cuál ha sido la posición de la mujer en la filosofía china clásica. Se analizará el papel que en las Analectas de Confucio, en los textos rituales, en el Clásico de Poesía y en Mencio juega la mujer, así como las interpretaciones que sobre estos pasajes, en ocasiones demasiado escuetos para posicionarse claramente sobre ellos, han realizado los comentaristas, desde la Antigüedad hasta finales de la Época Imperial. Un examen atento mostrará que el confucianismo, a pesar de no preocuparse excesivamente de la cuestión, supo desafiar la concience collective y resaltar el papel de la mujer en la historia y en la sociedad. Finalmente, a través de una breve comparación con lo que la filosofía clásica occidental tiene que decir sobre la cuestión del género, concluiré con unas observaciones sobre el papel del confucianismo en las sociedades modernas asiáticas y su relevancia para la formación de un discurso feminista autóctono.
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This Pivot reconsiders the controversial literary figure of Lin Shu and the debate surrounding his place in the history of Modern Chinese Literature. Although recent Chinese mainland research has recognized some of the innovations... more
This Pivot reconsiders the controversial literary figure of Lin Shu and the debate surrounding his place in the history of Modern Chinese Literature. Although recent Chinese mainland research has recognized some of the innovations introduced by Lin Shu, he has often been labeled a 'rightist reformer' in contrast to 'leftist reformers' such as Chen Duxiu and the new wave scholars of the May Fourth Movement. This book provides a well-documented account of his place in the different polemics between these two circles ('conservatives' and 'reformers') and provides a more nuanced account of the different literary movements of the time. Notably, it argues that these differences were neither in content nor in politics, but in the methodological approach of both parties. Examining Lin Shu and the 'conservatives' advocated coexistence of both traditional and modern thought, the book provides background to the major changes occurring in the intellectual landscape of Modern China.
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Un reciento artículo publicado en la revista electrónica ArqueoWeb y firmado por la doctora en Arqueología Esther Rodríguez González (CSIC) parece haber reabierto -y presuntamente zanjado- el antiguo debate sobre la identificación o... more
Un reciento artículo publicado en la revista electrónica ArqueoWeb y firmado por la doctora en Arqueología Esther Rodríguez González (CSIC) parece haber reabierto -y presuntamente zanjado- el antiguo debate sobre la identificación o relación entre Tartessos y la Atlántida. Dada la aseveración categórica con la que, con celo casi religioso, la doctora Rodríguez concluye su artículo, esto es, que la Atlántida no pertenece al terreno de lo histórico sino que existió únicamente en los límites de la filosofía platónica, se hace necesario realizar aquí una serie de puntualizaciones en lo que respecta tanto a su metodología como a su conocimiento de la filosofía platónica. Es por ello que centraré este breve análisis en aquellas afirmaciones que adolecen de precisión argumentativa o que incurren simplemente en graves contradicciones epistemológicas, contradicciones éstas que cualquier revisor de una revista con aspiraciones académicas debería haber notado antes de aceptar su publicación