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It seemed that the Kremlin achieved the impossible over the seventy years of Soviet control of Eurasia: the heterogeneous populations of the region, who spoke 150 different languages and even more dialects and had very little in common... more
It seemed that the Kremlin achieved the impossible over the seventy years of Soviet control of Eurasia: the heterogeneous populations of the region, who spoke 150 different languages and even more dialects and had very little in common with one another, were unified under the identical political institutions, participated in a single centrally planned economy and were educated in the same school system (Darden, 2009, p. 3). In short, the Soviet leadership made serious efforts to create a single nation-state based on a one-language- ...
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In recent years Russia has re-emerged as a major political and economic actor, in particular in former Soviet space. However, as Moscow attempts to reassert its influence — even control — over these areas, it finds that in the years since... more
In recent years Russia has re-emerged as a major political and economic actor, in particular in former Soviet space. However, as Moscow attempts to reassert its influence — even control — over these areas, it finds that in the years since the collapse of the former USSR other state and non-state actors have established contacts with the countries of the region and attempted to exercise influence in them. The result is a competitive relationship between Moscow and the external actors for presence and influence throughout these regions.1
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L'article entend expliquer l'effondrement du communisme en Europe centrale et orientale, l'acceptation de cet effondrement par l'Union soviétique, le rôle de la Pologne dans ce processus et la nature probable des futures... more
L'article entend expliquer l'effondrement du communisme en Europe centrale et orientale, l'acceptation de cet effondrement par l'Union soviétique, le rôle de la Pologne dans ce processus et la nature probable des futures relations entre la Pologne et TU.R.S.S. Les révolutions est-européennes de 1989 ont des racines communes, à savoir l'incapacité des régimes communistes d'asseoir leur légitimité ou de répondre aux revendications de leurs populations, soucieuses de participer davantage à la vie politique et de voir le niveau de vie s'accroître. En outre, l'évolution de la politique soviétique, associée à la « nouvelle pensée », a encouragé le changement de régime et empêché toute intervention soviétique directe lorsque les événements sont allés bien au-delà des prévisions de Moscou. Les événements survenus en Pologne à partir de la fin des années soixante-dix ont jeté les bases de la révolution de 1989 en démontrant que le POUP était incapable de résoudre les problèmes du pays tandis que se multipliaient des groupements politiques indépendants. Malgré l'instauration de la loi martiale, le général Jaruzelski n'a pu éradiquer l'opposition ou appliquer de véritables réformes. Finalement, au début de 1989, Jaruzelski a dû se résigner à associer Solidarité à l'application des réformes. En dépit d'un système électoral conçu pour maintenir la domination du POUP, Solidarité est sorti vainqueur des élections de juin et a joué le premier rôle dans le gouvernement formé en septembre 1989. Durant les premiers seize mois, ce gouvernement a introduit des réformes économiques et politiques radicales. A l'automne 1990, Solidarité a éclaté en factions rivales, Lech Walesa représentant l'élément syndical et le premier ministre, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, l'intelligentsia. Après son accession à la présidence de la République en décembre, Walesa a gardé dans son équipe la plupart de ceux qui dans le gouvernement Mazowiecki étaient partisans des réformes économiques radicales. La Pologne indépendante a également entièrement réorienté sa politique étrangère. Elle s'est dégagée de ses liens avec TU.R.S.S., a renforcé ses relations politiques et économiques avec l'Europe occidentale et a joué un grand rôle dans la dissolution du Pacte de Varsovie et du Comecon. La chute brutale du commerce extérieur — essentiellement due à l'incapacité des Soviétiques de satisfaire leurs obligations d'exportation — a créé de sérieux problèmes dans les relations entre les deux pays en 1990. Malgré des siècles de conflit entre la Pologne et la Russie/U.R.S.S., il y a tout lieu de croire que les relations pourront être normalisées. Bien qu'ils aient mis l'accent sur l'indépensance de leur pays, les nouveaux dirigeants polonais ont proclamé leur désir de coopérer avec l'Union soviétique et d'instaurer des relations enfin mutuellement profitables.
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ABSTRACT In the Soviet period the USSR expanded its contacts with the countries of Latin America with the primary goal of converting developing states into Marxist-Leninist states – and thereby reenforcing not only its status as leader of... more
ABSTRACT In the Soviet period the USSR expanded its contacts with the countries of Latin America with the primary goal of converting developing states into Marxist-Leninist states – and thereby reenforcing not only its status as leader of a global communist movement, but also as a “great power” able to compete with and defend itself against the United States, Since the Soviet collapse – especially since the rise to political power of Vladimir Putin, Russian involvement has expanded in Latin America, and in the developing world more broadly, mainly for reasons of economic involvement and part of the Russian objective of re-establishing its position as a great power and undercutting role of the United States.
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Research Interests: History, Narrative, Political Science, Ukrainian, Referendum, and 3 moreRoutledge, Annexation, and battle
Page 1. 72 Studies in Comparative International Development / Spring 1991 OTHER BOOKS IN REVIEW Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol-ume 3, Asia. Edited by Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, and Seymour Martin Lip-set. Boulder, CO: Lynne... more
Page 1. 72 Studies in Comparative International Development / Spring 1991 OTHER BOOKS IN REVIEW Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol-ume 3, Asia. Edited by Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, and Seymour Martin Lip-set. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Pub-lishers, 1989. ...
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Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very... more
Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very brief period of seemingly close collaboration, relations began to fray, as the leadership in Moscow concluded that Western states were not taking its interests seriously. But, not until the emergence of Vladimir Putin as a vigorous new leader at the turn of the millennium and the revival of the Russian economy largely as a result of exponential increases in energy demands on the global markets was Russia in the position to push its own policy agenda and to challenge Western policy objectives, including those of the US. As others have noted (Sakwa, 2009), one can detect three rather clear periods in Russian policy towards and relations with the West from 1991 through to the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The first of these covers the years 1992 to 1995 — in fact, Sakwa divides this into two separate sub-periods — when Russia first followed Western initiatives, but soon began to reassert its own interests; a second period covering 1996 to 1999 that Sakwa terms the period of ‘competitive pragmatism’; and, finally, the Putin and Medvedev years between 2000 and 2010, when Moscow clearly reasserted its autonomous policy objectives.2 Russian policy towards the rest of the world underwent significant changes during these two decades, nowhere more noticeably so than in relations with both the West, which at the outset was at the centre of Russia’s foreign policy approach, and to the countries of the ‘Near Abroad’.
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The purpose of the present examination is 1) to summarize briefly the evolution of historical Russia as the amalgam of multiple ethnic and cultural communities into a growing imperial domain; 2) to outline more specifically the policies... more
The purpose of the present examination is 1) to summarize briefly the evolution of historical Russia as the amalgam of multiple ethnic and cultural communities into a growing imperial domain; 2) to outline more specifically the policies pursued by the tsarist and communist regimes to integrate minority communities into the Russian majority; 3) to examine the impact on Russia of the collapse of the former USSR; and 4) to trace current efforts by the Russian government to reintegrate the disparate parts of the former USSR, including especially regions of other post-Soviet states with a significant ethnic Russian population, into a new “Greater Russia.” Although it will touch on Soviet integration policies that targeted national minorities who, by 1989, represented half of the population, the focus will be on recent and current policies intended to “Greater Russia.”
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Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very... more
Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very brief period of seemingly close collaboration, relations began to fray, as the leadership in Moscow concluded that Western states were not taking its interests seriously. But, not until the emergence of Vladimir Putin as a vigorous new leader at the turn of the millennium and the revival of the Russian economy largely as a result of exponential increases in energy demands on the global markets was Russia in the position to push its own policy agenda and to challenge Western policy objectives, including those of the US. As others have noted (Sakwa, 2009), one can detect three rather clear periods in Russian policy towards and relations with the West from 1991 through to the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The first of these covers the years 1992 to 1995 — in fact, Sakwa divides this into two separate sub-periods — when Russia first followed Western initiatives, but soon began to reassert its own interests; a second period covering 1996 to 1999 that Sakwa terms the period of ‘competitive pragmatism’; and, finally, the Putin and Medvedev years between 2000 and 2010, when Moscow clearly reasserted its autonomous policy objectives.2 Russian policy towards the rest of the world underwent significant changes during these two decades, nowhere more noticeably so than in relations with both the West, which at the outset was at the centre of Russia’s foreign policy approach, and to the countries of the ‘Near Abroad’.
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Page 1. African Youth: The Trget of Soviet African Policy By ROGER E. KA.NET A T the beginning of 1956, the Soviet Union had diplomatic relations with only one country in sub-Saharan Africa-Ethi-opia-but by the end of 1966 ...
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It is now almost twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the Russian Federation as its major successor state. During those two decades the Russian political system has undergone major restructuring,... more
It is now almost twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the Russian Federation as its major successor state. During those two decades the Russian political system has undergone major restructuring, while its domestic and foreign policies have experienced significant changes. At the outset many — in both Russia and the West — hoped, even expected, that Russia would soon join the democratic and capitalist West. For reasons that will be discussed in the following chapters, this has not occurred. Western, especially US, triumphalism, the fragility of the economic and political legacy inherited by Russia, and the pull of the authoritarian political past have all contributed to a quite different trajectory — especially over the course of the past decade. The Russia that has emerged is a political and economic hybrid that combines aspects of electoral democracy with top-down management of both the political and the economic system. As Herd notes in his ...
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Over the past decade and a half, since the implosion of the former Soviet Union, the United States has emerged as an active player in Central Asia and the Caucasus, competing for influence throughout the region with both the Russian... more
Over the past decade and a half, since the implosion of the former Soviet Union, the United States has emerged as an active player in Central Asia and the Caucasus, competing for influence throughout the region with both the Russian Federation and China. The rationale most often provided by US governmental sources for the expansion of US interest and involvement in the area comprises two central, but interrelated, elements. The first is a series of arguments associated with the importance of supporting political stability throughout the region and doing everything possible to strengthen democratic forces. This is based on the assumption that, in the long term, democratic governance will contribute to stability, as well as to the improvement of the overall quality of life for the peoples of the region and ultimately to a more peaceful international environment. A second set of arguments, presented most forcefully since the terror attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001, relates directly to the ‘war on terror’ proclaimed by President George W. Bush and to the goal of rooting out the influence of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Former Soviet basing facilities in Central Asia have been used — with the initial agreement of the Russian government — to contribute to carrying out the attack against terrorist forces.
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After a decade of sporadic cooperation between newly emergent Russia and the countries of the West, differences have mounted to the point where the two sides now confront one another with alternative visions of a future Europe –... more
After a decade of sporadic cooperation between newly emergent Russia and the countries of the West, differences have mounted to the point where the two sides now confront one another with alternative visions of a future Europe – especially Central and Eastern Europe – and relations that mirror some of the worst days of the Soviet-Western cold war. The central issues in the dispute include Moscow’s commitment to rebuilding ‘Greater Russia,’ the European Union (EU)’s goal of surrounding itself with stable democratic states, and the fact that these goals conflict in post-Soviet Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. The revival of the Russian economy and political system under Vladimir Putin has enabled Moscow to use various forms of coercive diplomacy, including outright military intervention, to pursue its goals. The EU’s support for democratic governances in the region is viewed in Moscow as a direct challenge to Russia’s interests and to the Russian state itself. The result has been a co...
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The question posed at the beginning of this volume concerning the status of Russia as a great power remains unanswered fully. Has Russia regained the status of great power or, at least, is Russia on the verge of regaining great power... more
The question posed at the beginning of this volume concerning the status of Russia as a great power remains unanswered fully. Has Russia regained the status of great power or, at least, is Russia on the verge of regaining great power status? The point most immediately relevant to a response to this question is the fact that Russia retains a very significant nuclear weapons capacity and, as a major nuclear power, virtually automatically has a voice in global and regional affairs. A second factor of importance, although one that has been developed comphrehensively in the preceding pages, is the fact that the Russian economy has been flourishing since the turn of the century. Yet, that growth has depended almost entirely upon the dramatic increase in world petroleum and natural gas prices. Russian industry is still floundering and generally non-competitive in the global market, and the domestic economy is based more on exchange than on production. It is questionable when the foundations of a comprehensive economy will be in place in Russia that will enable the country to compete in the global economy and that can serve as the base for a major role in world affairs that extends beyond the immediate post-Soviet region.
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The authors of the essays in this volume have attempted to provide readers with a general outline of the ways in which Russian foreign policy has evolved since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. The 1989 revolutions in... more
The authors of the essays in this volume have attempted to provide readers with a general outline of the ways in which Russian foreign policy has evolved since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. The 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe, coupled with the collapse of the Soviet Union, have profoundly altered the environment in which states interact. The implacable hostilities of a bipolar world that framed so much scholarly analysis of international relations before 1992 have dissolved, thereby forcing scholars to view foreign policy-making through the lens of a multipolar world.
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Since the turn of the millennium relations between the Russian Federation and the West-both the United States and the European Union-have declined. Although some of the reasons overlap, others are rather distinctive to one or the other... more
Since the turn of the millennium relations between the Russian Federation and the West-both the United States and the European Union-have declined. Although some of the reasons overlap, others are rather distinctive to one or the other relationship and do not always break the same way. Especially during the first presidential term of George W. Bush serious cleavages between the United States and some of its important European allies threatened the very foundations of their long-term ties. Moreover, EU member states themselves are divided a range of issues related to the Russian Federation, as well as relations with the United States. Recent Russian proposals for a Eurasian wide security system have received timid response in the West. All of these numerous differences across the three sets of actors contribute to the complexity of overall relations among them.
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In the first decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union the US, while officially supporting the emergence of a democratic political system in the Russian Federation, also attempted to contain the potential reassertion by Moscow of... more
In the first decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union the US, while officially supporting the emergence of a democratic political system in the Russian Federation, also attempted to contain the potential reassertion by Moscow of dominant influence throughout the broad region of Central Asia and the Caspian Basin — a region rich in energy resources.1 To some extent, through NATO’s Partnership for Peace Programme, expanded bilateral relationships with the new governments of the region, and access to military bases in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks against the US in September 2001, the US was able to establish a presence throughout the region and to challenge Russia’s role. The fact that the political elites of the new states of Eurasia were attempting to establish their sovereignty and to create some distance and autonomy from Moscow facilitated the pursuit of Washington’s policy objectives. However, more recently, as the incompatibility of some US interests with those of local political elites became evident — for example, issues related to democratisation and human rights concerns — and as Russia, flush with new-found oil and gas wealth, began to assert its role as the dominant actor within its immediate neighbourhood, the weakness of the US position and of its challenge to the re-establishment of a dominant Russian role in the region became quite evident. By the time of the drafting of this chapter in spring 2009, the role of the US as a serious challenger to Russia throughout Central Asia and the greater Caspian region had already waned.
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Little more than two decades ago, as the USSR dissolved to be replaced by 15 new sovereign states, most of which had never before existed, hopes were high for healing the divisions that had characterized Europe for most of the prior... more
Little more than two decades ago, as the USSR dissolved to be replaced by 15 new sovereign states, most of which had never before existed, hopes were high for healing the divisions that had characterized Europe for most of the prior century. Former Soviet President Gorbachev had called for a ‘common European home’ (Gorbachev, 1989); US President George H.W. Bush spoke of a ‘new world order’ in which disagreements among states would be resolved through negotiation, not warfare (Bush, 1991); Russian President Boris Yeltsin told the US Congress that Russia wished to join the world community (Yeltsin, cited in Donaldson and Nogee, 2002, p. 219). Those hopes have been completely dashed over the course of the intervening years and Europe, and the broader Eurasia, today finds itself enmeshed in a struggle for power and influence between the West, including especially the United States and the European Union, and the Russian Federation. The collaboration that was expected by many to emerge in the wake of the cold war has turned into confrontation, as Russia and the West compete for what Richard Sakwa terms two different versions of a European future — a Wider Europe of the European Union and the West modelled after Western democratic institutions with a decidedly Atlanticist tilt and a Broader Europe, advocated by Russia, in which existing political and cultural differences would remain, but barriers to collaboration would be reduced.
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By the mid-1970s many Western observers had become increasingly concerned about the unparalleled advances that the Soviet Union had made in the Third World.1 The emergence of Marxist-oriented regimes — often with the direct military... more
By the mid-1970s many Western observers had become increasingly concerned about the unparalleled advances that the Soviet Union had made in the Third World.1 The emergence of Marxist-oriented regimes — often with the direct military assistance of the Soviet Union — was, indeed, viewed in Moscow as part of the ‘changing international correlation of forces’ that presaged the ultimate global victory of Soviet-oriented communism. However, less than a decade later, the imperial reach of the USSR had already begun to contract dramatically, and in the early 1990s Russian relations with most of the countries of the developing world virtually disappeared.
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Shifts in Russian foreign policy have accompanied the process of transition from the Soviet to the post-Soviet domestic order. From a close engagement with the West in the early 1990s, which brought disillusionment regarding the level of... more
Shifts in Russian foreign policy have accompanied the process of transition from the Soviet to the post-Soviet domestic order. From a close engagement with the West in the early 1990s, which brought disillusionment regarding the level of both the West’s and Russia’s commitment to the transition effort, policy evolved towards a new format that is more inclusive, pragmatic and assertive. The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was soon defined as an area of ‘special interest’, and the Western dimension in Russian politics was balanced by the inclusion of an Eastern dimension, with China and India gaining primacy. While recognising the importance of the shift in Russian interest from the West to the East and keeping in mind that Russian relations with the East are often aimed at balancing current difficulties in relations with the West, we have focused in this volume on Russian policies towards its neighbourhood and on the interplay between Russia and the West in this region, which is the aspect of Western engagement in this area that has been of most concern to Russian policy.
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ABSTRACT In 2015, more than 60 per cent of Russians supported the actions of their government in Syria, despite the lack of clarity on the reasons behind Moscow’s involvement. One would expect such a bold move to come from a powerful... more
ABSTRACT In 2015, more than 60 per cent of Russians supported the actions of their government in Syria, despite the lack of clarity on the reasons behind Moscow’s involvement. One would expect such a bold move to come from a powerful state with a healthy economy and strong geopolitical leverage. However, in 2015, Russia was struggling economically; its inflation had been rising and the GDP had contracted dramatically. The Kremlin’s decision to engage in Syria further strained the country’s already tense relations with the West. In this article, we argue that in some instances traditional security studies do not provide sufficient tools to understand some of the choices that Russia makes in its foreign policy. While physical security contingent on the state’s ability to project power is important to the Kremlin, in many cases, national interest in the preservation of the continuity of what is called ontological security (a security of being) prevails.
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of a dissertation at the University of Miami. Dissertation supervised by Professor Roger Kanet. No. of pages in text. (171) The traditional notion of security in international relations theory assumes that nationstates have one driving... more
of a dissertation at the University of Miami. Dissertation supervised by Professor Roger Kanet. No. of pages in text. (171) The traditional notion of security in international relations theory assumes that nationstates have one driving goal in their relations with other states – their own survival. Therefore states should calculate their foreign policy decisions solely with that goal in mind. While physical security is important to states, sometimes, however, states structure their actions in materially costly ways. These actions satisfy the self-identity needs of the states. In case states avoided these actions their sense of self-identity would be radically disrupted, and such a disruption is just as important to the states as threats to their physical integrity. While physical security is important to the states, in some instances ontological security is more important because its fulfillment affirms a state’s self-identity: it affirms not only its physical existence but primaril...
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... who were responsible for the efficient organization of the Washington Congress; to Oskar Anweiler and Alexander Dallin, the past and current presidents of the International Committee, for encouraging the publication of these... more
... who were responsible for the efficient organization of the Washington Congress; to Oskar Anweiler and Alexander Dallin, the past and current presidents of the International Committee, for encouraging the publication of these proceedings; and to Roger Kanet, the general editor ...
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... These include Robert Pelletreau of the US State Department; Aryeh Levin and Yaacov Rosen of the Israeli Foreign Ministry; Nimrod Novick, Advisor to Israeli Foreign Minister Yitzhak Peres;Yasser Arafat and Yasser Abd Raboo of the... more
... These include Robert Pelletreau of the US State Department; Aryeh Levin and Yaacov Rosen of the Israeli Foreign Ministry; Nimrod Novick, Advisor to Israeli Foreign Minister Yitzhak Peres;Yasser Arafat and Yasser Abd Raboo of the Palestine Liberation Organization; Abdul ...
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... In addition, our anthology complements collections of carefully selected and translated Soviet writings such as Fred Schulze, ed., Soviet Foreign Policy Today: Reports and Commentaries from the Soviet Press, 4th ed. (Columbus, OH:... more
... In addition, our anthology complements collections of carefully selected and translated Soviet writings such as Fred Schulze, ed., Soviet Foreign Policy Today: Reports and Commentaries from the Soviet Press, 4th ed. (Columbus, OH: Current Digest of the Soviet Press, 1990). ...
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International Politics defines itself as critical in character, truly international in scope, and totally engaged with the central issues facing the world today. Taking as its point of departure the simple but essential notion that no one... more
International Politics defines itself as critical in character, truly international in scope, and totally engaged with the central issues facing the world today. Taking as its point of departure the simple but essential notion that no one approach has all the answers, it aims to provide a global ...
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... Florida International University Elisabeth Prugl (FIU, Co-Director) ... to the military incursion, while the UK has been concerned with all of these issues, in addition to Russia's reported involvement in the 2006 murder of... more
... Florida International University Elisabeth Prugl (FIU, Co-Director) ... to the military incursion, while the UK has been concerned with all of these issues, in addition to Russia's reported involvement in the 2006 murder of ex-Russian security officer Aleksandr Litvinenko in London.21 ...
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Page 1. Other Books in Review Poverty Monitoring: An International Concern. Edited by Rolph van der Hoeven and Richard Anker. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994. xx + 224 pages. Cloth $65.00. The thematic... more
Page 1. Other Books in Review Poverty Monitoring: An International Concern. Edited by Rolph van der Hoeven and Richard Anker. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994. xx + 224 pages. Cloth $65.00. The thematic focus of this ...
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... ISSN 1468-2745 (print)/ISSN 1743-7962 (online)/06/030331-22 q 2006 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14682740600795469 Correspondence to: Roger Kanet. Email: rkanet@miami.edu Cold War History Vol. 6, No. 3, August 2006, pp.... more
... ISSN 1468-2745 (print)/ISSN 1743-7962 (online)/06/030331-22 q 2006 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14682740600795469 Correspondence to: Roger Kanet. Email: rkanet@miami.edu Cold War History Vol. 6, No. 3, August 2006, pp. 331352 Page 2. ...
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An academic directory and search engine.
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... As Krutz and Peake introduce each chapter with a summary of the argument as developed and supported to that point, the reader can enter ... Yet, as Thomas Wright, one of the contributors to the analysis, notes, even George Kennan, the... more
... As Krutz and Peake introduce each chapter with a summary of the argument as developed and supported to that point, the reader can enter ... Yet, as Thomas Wright, one of the contributors to the analysis, notes, even George Kennan, the first director of the policy planning staff ...
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Washingtons Söldner: Verdeckte US-Interventionen im Kalten Krieg und ihre FolgenKlaas Voß, Washingtons Söldner: Verdeckte US-Interventionen im Kalten Krieg und ihre Folgen. [Washington's Mercenaries: Covert U.S. Interventions during the Cold War and Their Consequences]. Hamburg: Hamburger Edition...more
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... le Conseil conjoint OTAN-Russie ont préparé le terrain en vue d'une coopération avec la ... dans une mesure sans précédent, depuis son soutien au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies jusqu'à... more
... le Conseil conjoint OTAN-Russie ont préparé le terrain en vue d'une coopération avec la ... dans une mesure sans précédent, depuis son soutien au Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies jusqu'à l'autorisation d'utiliser les anciennes bases militaires soviétiques en Asie centrale. ...
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... zafar imam is professor of Soviet studies and chairman of the Centre for Soviet and East European Studies of the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University and editor of the journal Contemporary Affairs: A... more
... zafar imam is professor of Soviet studies and chairman of the Centre for Soviet and East European Studies of the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University and editor of the journal Contemporary Affairs: A Quarterly Journal on Contemporary Issues in India ...
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Page 1. The Recent Soviet Reassessment of Developments in the Third World By Roger E. Kanet IN the past three years a number of very important changes have occurred in the countries of the Third World. Ben Bella, Nkrumah ...
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SIDALC - Sistema de Informacion y Documentacion Agropecuaria de las Americas.
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It seemed that the Kremlin achieved the impossible over the seventy years of Soviet control of Eurasia: the heterogeneous populations of the region, who spoke 150 different languages and even more dialects and had very little in common... more
It seemed that the Kremlin achieved the impossible over the seventy years of Soviet control of Eurasia: the heterogeneous populations of the region, who spoke 150 different languages and even more dialects and had very little in common with one another, were unified under the identical political institutions, participated in a single centrally planned economy and were educated in the same school system (Darden, 2009, p. 3). In short, the Soviet leadership made serious efforts to create a single nation-state based on a one-language- ...
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Given the deterioration of relations with the West, Russia is looking for alternative markets for its energy exports, as well as the possible development of an alternative governance system for international trade meant to compete with... more
Given the deterioration of relations with the West, Russia is looking for alternative markets for its energy exports, as well as the possible development of an alternative governance system for international trade meant to compete with current international regimes that are dominated by the West.
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The current crisis in Russia’s relations with the West has more often than not been blamed in the West on Russia itself and the authoritarian policies pursued by Vladimir Putin. As reprehensible as many aspects of Russian policy might... more
The current crisis in Russia’s relations with the West has more often than not been blamed in the West on Russia itself and the authoritarian policies pursued by Vladimir Putin. As reprehensible as many aspects of Russian policy might be, the West has contributed to the deterioration in the relationship ever since the Soviet collapse in 1991 by ignoring Russian policy concerns and attempting to take advantage of Russian weakness. By acting thus the West has not only created major problems for itself. It has also made any diplomatic solution to the Ukraine tragedy increasingly unlikely.