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- Professor Emeritus of Political Science of both the University of Miami and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Cham... moreProfessor Emeritus of Political Science of both the University of Miami and the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Editor of 35 books, primarily on Soviet/Russian foreign policy and author of several hundred articles and chapters on the same topic.edit
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It seemed that the Kremlin achieved the impossible over the seventy years of Soviet control of Eurasia: the heterogeneous populations of the region, who spoke 150 different languages and even more dialects and had very little in common... more
It seemed that the Kremlin achieved the impossible over the seventy years of Soviet control of Eurasia: the heterogeneous populations of the region, who spoke 150 different languages and even more dialects and had very little in common with one another, were unified under the identical political institutions, participated in a single centrally planned economy and were educated in the same school system (Darden, 2009, p. 3). In short, the Soviet leadership made serious efforts to create a single nation-state based on a one-language- ...
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In recent years Russia has re-emerged as a major political and economic actor, in particular in former Soviet space. However, as Moscow attempts to reassert its influence — even control — over these areas, it finds that in the years since... more
In recent years Russia has re-emerged as a major political and economic actor, in particular in former Soviet space. However, as Moscow attempts to reassert its influence — even control — over these areas, it finds that in the years since the collapse of the former USSR other state and non-state actors have established contacts with the countries of the region and attempted to exercise influence in them. The result is a competitive relationship between Moscow and the external actors for presence and influence throughout these regions.1
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L'article entend expliquer l'effondrement du communisme en Europe centrale et orientale, l'acceptation de cet effondrement par l'Union soviétique, le rôle de la Pologne dans ce processus et la nature probable des futures... more
L'article entend expliquer l'effondrement du communisme en Europe centrale et orientale, l'acceptation de cet effondrement par l'Union soviétique, le rôle de la Pologne dans ce processus et la nature probable des futures relations entre la Pologne et TU.R.S.S. Les révolutions est-européennes de 1989 ont des racines communes, à savoir l'incapacité des régimes communistes d'asseoir leur légitimité ou de répondre aux revendications de leurs populations, soucieuses de participer davantage à la vie politique et de voir le niveau de vie s'accroître. En outre, l'évolution de la politique soviétique, associée à la « nouvelle pensée », a encouragé le changement de régime et empêché toute intervention soviétique directe lorsque les événements sont allés bien au-delà des prévisions de Moscou. Les événements survenus en Pologne à partir de la fin des années soixante-dix ont jeté les bases de la révolution de 1989 en démontrant que le POUP était incapable de résoudre les problèmes du pays tandis que se multipliaient des groupements politiques indépendants. Malgré l'instauration de la loi martiale, le général Jaruzelski n'a pu éradiquer l'opposition ou appliquer de véritables réformes. Finalement, au début de 1989, Jaruzelski a dû se résigner à associer Solidarité à l'application des réformes. En dépit d'un système électoral conçu pour maintenir la domination du POUP, Solidarité est sorti vainqueur des élections de juin et a joué le premier rôle dans le gouvernement formé en septembre 1989. Durant les premiers seize mois, ce gouvernement a introduit des réformes économiques et politiques radicales. A l'automne 1990, Solidarité a éclaté en factions rivales, Lech Walesa représentant l'élément syndical et le premier ministre, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, l'intelligentsia. Après son accession à la présidence de la République en décembre, Walesa a gardé dans son équipe la plupart de ceux qui dans le gouvernement Mazowiecki étaient partisans des réformes économiques radicales. La Pologne indépendante a également entièrement réorienté sa politique étrangère. Elle s'est dégagée de ses liens avec TU.R.S.S., a renforcé ses relations politiques et économiques avec l'Europe occidentale et a joué un grand rôle dans la dissolution du Pacte de Varsovie et du Comecon. La chute brutale du commerce extérieur — essentiellement due à l'incapacité des Soviétiques de satisfaire leurs obligations d'exportation — a créé de sérieux problèmes dans les relations entre les deux pays en 1990. Malgré des siècles de conflit entre la Pologne et la Russie/U.R.S.S., il y a tout lieu de croire que les relations pourront être normalisées. Bien qu'ils aient mis l'accent sur l'indépensance de leur pays, les nouveaux dirigeants polonais ont proclamé leur désir de coopérer avec l'Union soviétique et d'instaurer des relations enfin mutuellement profitables.
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ABSTRACT In the Soviet period the USSR expanded its contacts with the countries of Latin America with the primary goal of converting developing states into Marxist-Leninist states – and thereby reenforcing not only its status as leader of... more
ABSTRACT In the Soviet period the USSR expanded its contacts with the countries of Latin America with the primary goal of converting developing states into Marxist-Leninist states – and thereby reenforcing not only its status as leader of a global communist movement, but also as a “great power” able to compete with and defend itself against the United States, Since the Soviet collapse – especially since the rise to political power of Vladimir Putin, Russian involvement has expanded in Latin America, and in the developing world more broadly, mainly for reasons of economic involvement and part of the Russian objective of re-establishing its position as a great power and undercutting role of the United States.
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Research Interests: History, Narrative, Political Science, Ukrainian, Referendum, and 3 moreRoutledge, Annexation, and battle
Page 1. 72 Studies in Comparative International Development / Spring 1991 OTHER BOOKS IN REVIEW Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol-ume 3, Asia. Edited by Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, and Seymour Martin Lip-set. Boulder, CO: Lynne... more
Page 1. 72 Studies in Comparative International Development / Spring 1991 OTHER BOOKS IN REVIEW Democracy in Developing Countries: Vol-ume 3, Asia. Edited by Larry Diamond, Juan J. Linz, and Seymour Martin Lip-set. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Pub-lishers, 1989. ...
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Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very... more
Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very brief period of seemingly close collaboration, relations began to fray, as the leadership in Moscow concluded that Western states were not taking its interests seriously. But, not until the emergence of Vladimir Putin as a vigorous new leader at the turn of the millennium and the revival of the Russian economy largely as a result of exponential increases in energy demands on the global markets was Russia in the position to push its own policy agenda and to challenge Western policy objectives, including those of the US. As others have noted (Sakwa, 2009), one can detect three rather clear periods in Russian policy towards and relations with the West from 1991 through to the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The first of these covers the years 1992 to 1995 — in fact, Sakwa divides this into two separate sub-periods — when Russia first followed Western initiatives, but soon began to reassert its own interests; a second period covering 1996 to 1999 that Sakwa terms the period of ‘competitive pragmatism’; and, finally, the Putin and Medvedev years between 2000 and 2010, when Moscow clearly reasserted its autonomous policy objectives.2 Russian policy towards the rest of the world underwent significant changes during these two decades, nowhere more noticeably so than in relations with both the West, which at the outset was at the centre of Russia’s foreign policy approach, and to the countries of the ‘Near Abroad’.
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The purpose of the present examination is 1) to summarize briefly the evolution of historical Russia as the amalgam of multiple ethnic and cultural communities into a growing imperial domain; 2) to outline more specifically the policies... more
The purpose of the present examination is 1) to summarize briefly the evolution of historical Russia as the amalgam of multiple ethnic and cultural communities into a growing imperial domain; 2) to outline more specifically the policies pursued by the tsarist and communist regimes to integrate minority communities into the Russian majority; 3) to examine the impact on Russia of the collapse of the former USSR; and 4) to trace current efforts by the Russian government to reintegrate the disparate parts of the former USSR, including especially regions of other post-Soviet states with a significant ethnic Russian population, into a new “Greater Russia.” Although it will touch on Soviet integration policies that targeted national minorities who, by 1989, represented half of the population, the focus will be on recent and current policies intended to “Greater Russia.”
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Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very... more
Relations between the Russian Federation and the West, including especially the European Union (EU) and the United States, have fluctuated significantly over the two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.1 After a very brief period of seemingly close collaboration, relations began to fray, as the leadership in Moscow concluded that Western states were not taking its interests seriously. But, not until the emergence of Vladimir Putin as a vigorous new leader at the turn of the millennium and the revival of the Russian economy largely as a result of exponential increases in energy demands on the global markets was Russia in the position to push its own policy agenda and to challenge Western policy objectives, including those of the US. As others have noted (Sakwa, 2009), one can detect three rather clear periods in Russian policy towards and relations with the West from 1991 through to the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The first of these covers the years 1992 to 1995 — in fact, Sakwa divides this into two separate sub-periods — when Russia first followed Western initiatives, but soon began to reassert its own interests; a second period covering 1996 to 1999 that Sakwa terms the period of ‘competitive pragmatism’; and, finally, the Putin and Medvedev years between 2000 and 2010, when Moscow clearly reasserted its autonomous policy objectives.2 Russian policy towards the rest of the world underwent significant changes during these two decades, nowhere more noticeably so than in relations with both the West, which at the outset was at the centre of Russia’s foreign policy approach, and to the countries of the ‘Near Abroad’.
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Page 1. African Youth: The Trget of Soviet African Policy By ROGER E. KA.NET A T the beginning of 1956, the Soviet Union had diplomatic relations with only one country in sub-Saharan Africa-Ethi-opia-but by the end of 1966 ...
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It is now almost twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the Russian Federation as its major successor state. During those two decades the Russian political system has undergone major restructuring,... more
It is now almost twenty years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the emergence of the Russian Federation as its major successor state. During those two decades the Russian political system has undergone major restructuring, while its domestic and foreign policies have experienced significant changes. At the outset many — in both Russia and the West — hoped, even expected, that Russia would soon join the democratic and capitalist West. For reasons that will be discussed in the following chapters, this has not occurred. Western, especially US, triumphalism, the fragility of the economic and political legacy inherited by Russia, and the pull of the authoritarian political past have all contributed to a quite different trajectory — especially over the course of the past decade. The Russia that has emerged is a political and economic hybrid that combines aspects of electoral democracy with top-down management of both the political and the economic system. As Herd notes in his ...
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Over the past decade and a half, since the implosion of the former Soviet Union, the United States has emerged as an active player in Central Asia and the Caucasus, competing for influence throughout the region with both the Russian... more
Over the past decade and a half, since the implosion of the former Soviet Union, the United States has emerged as an active player in Central Asia and the Caucasus, competing for influence throughout the region with both the Russian Federation and China. The rationale most often provided by US governmental sources for the expansion of US interest and involvement in the area comprises two central, but interrelated, elements. The first is a series of arguments associated with the importance of supporting political stability throughout the region and doing everything possible to strengthen democratic forces. This is based on the assumption that, in the long term, democratic governance will contribute to stability, as well as to the improvement of the overall quality of life for the peoples of the region and ultimately to a more peaceful international environment. A second set of arguments, presented most forcefully since the terror attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001, relates directly to the ‘war on terror’ proclaimed by President George W. Bush and to the goal of rooting out the influence of the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Former Soviet basing facilities in Central Asia have been used — with the initial agreement of the Russian government — to contribute to carrying out the attack against terrorist forces.
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After a decade of sporadic cooperation between newly emergent Russia and the countries of the West, differences have mounted to the point where the two sides now confront one another with alternative visions of a future Europe –... more
After a decade of sporadic cooperation between newly emergent Russia and the countries of the West, differences have mounted to the point where the two sides now confront one another with alternative visions of a future Europe – especially Central and Eastern Europe – and relations that mirror some of the worst days of the Soviet-Western cold war. The central issues in the dispute include Moscow’s commitment to rebuilding ‘Greater Russia,’ the European Union (EU)’s goal of surrounding itself with stable democratic states, and the fact that these goals conflict in post-Soviet Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. The revival of the Russian economy and political system under Vladimir Putin has enabled Moscow to use various forms of coercive diplomacy, including outright military intervention, to pursue its goals. The EU’s support for democratic governances in the region is viewed in Moscow as a direct challenge to Russia’s interests and to the Russian state itself. The result has been a co...
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The question posed at the beginning of this volume concerning the status of Russia as a great power remains unanswered fully. Has Russia regained the status of great power or, at least, is Russia on the verge of regaining great power... more
The question posed at the beginning of this volume concerning the status of Russia as a great power remains unanswered fully. Has Russia regained the status of great power or, at least, is Russia on the verge of regaining great power status? The point most immediately relevant to a response to this question is the fact that Russia retains a very significant nuclear weapons capacity and, as a major nuclear power, virtually automatically has a voice in global and regional affairs. A second factor of importance, although one that has been developed comphrehensively in the preceding pages, is the fact that the Russian economy has been flourishing since the turn of the century. Yet, that growth has depended almost entirely upon the dramatic increase in world petroleum and natural gas prices. Russian industry is still floundering and generally non-competitive in the global market, and the domestic economy is based more on exchange than on production. It is questionable when the foundations of a comprehensive economy will be in place in Russia that will enable the country to compete in the global economy and that can serve as the base for a major role in world affairs that extends beyond the immediate post-Soviet region.
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The authors of the essays in this volume have attempted to provide readers with a general outline of the ways in which Russian foreign policy has evolved since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. The 1989 revolutions in... more
The authors of the essays in this volume have attempted to provide readers with a general outline of the ways in which Russian foreign policy has evolved since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991. The 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe, coupled with the collapse of the Soviet Union, have profoundly altered the environment in which states interact. The implacable hostilities of a bipolar world that framed so much scholarly analysis of international relations before 1992 have dissolved, thereby forcing scholars to view foreign policy-making through the lens of a multipolar world.
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Since the turn of the millennium relations between the Russian Federation and the West-both the United States and the European Union-have declined. Although some of the reasons overlap, others are rather distinctive to one or the other... more
Since the turn of the millennium relations between the Russian Federation and the West-both the United States and the European Union-have declined. Although some of the reasons overlap, others are rather distinctive to one or the other relationship and do not always break the same way. Especially during the first presidential term of George W. Bush serious cleavages between the United States and some of its important European allies threatened the very foundations of their long-term ties. Moreover, EU member states themselves are divided a range of issues related to the Russian Federation, as well as relations with the United States. Recent Russian proposals for a Eurasian wide security system have received timid response in the West. All of these numerous differences across the three sets of actors contribute to the complexity of overall relations among them.