- +1-720-224-5283
Patricia A. Nelson
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Japan Chair, Department Member
- Stockholm School of Economics, European Institute of Japanese Studies, Department Memberadd
- Patricia A. Nelson's research focuses on international business/trade/security/political economy, the structure of business-government relations, innovation, businessedit
Contributions: Japanese Immigration; Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer
Research Interests:
For some time Japan has been under fire for adjusting too slowly to new realities. While this criticism may be valid on some levels, Japan has been transforming in tandem with both regional and global forces. However, these changes have... more
For some time Japan has been under fire for adjusting too slowly to new realities. While this criticism may be valid on some levels, Japan has been transforming in tandem with both regional and global forces. However, these changes have been largely overshadowed by the immense changes in Asia; including the rise of China, the 1997 Southeast Asian financial crisis and North Korea's development of nuclear weapons. Has Japan, the world's second largest economy, only been muddling through?
In this volume the contributors show that although the challenges faced are great, Japan is changing in areas ranging from political leadership, education policy, official development assistance, peace building and security, to defence production, business associations and innovation policy. The book analyses processes of change, focusing on the dynamics of change - rather than structural change or institutional change per se - from four levels: the individual, domestic, regional and global. Forces from outside Japan, such as a changing world order and changes in power relationships in Asia, have driven change along with pressures emerging within Japan, such as the increasing power of public opinion and competitiveness within markets.
This book will be of interest to scholars and students of Japanese and Asian Studies, Politics, International Relations, Globalization, Business and Economics.
Table of Contents:
1. Introduction: Dynamics of Change Patricia A. Nelson and Marie Söderberg
2. Contending with Regional Uncertainty: Japan’s Response to Contemporary East Asian Security Challenges John Swenson-Wright
3. Balancing Between a Hegemon and a Would-be Hegemon Paul Midford
4. Shifting Incentives for Political Leadership Verena Blechinger-Talcott
5. The Construction of Citizenship through Volunteering: The Case of Lifelong Learning Akihiro Ogawa
6. Foreign Aid as a Tool for Peace Building: Is the Goal Security or Poverty Reduction? Marie Söderberg
7. Peace Diplomacy by ODA: Rhetoric and Reality Norbert Palanovics
8. The Changing Political Economy of Defence Production: The Rise of a Military-Industrial Complex? Christopher W. Hughes
9. Stability and the Status Quo: Changing Power Structures in the Optics Industry Patricia A. Nelson
10. Sources and Processes of Change: The Case of the Game Software Industry Cornelia Storz
11. Conclusion: Perspectives on Change Marie Söderberg and Patricia A. Nelson
In this volume the contributors show that although the challenges faced are great, Japan is changing in areas ranging from political leadership, education policy, official development assistance, peace building and security, to defence production, business associations and innovation policy. The book analyses processes of change, focusing on the dynamics of change - rather than structural change or institutional change per se - from four levels: the individual, domestic, regional and global. Forces from outside Japan, such as a changing world order and changes in power relationships in Asia, have driven change along with pressures emerging within Japan, such as the increasing power of public opinion and competitiveness within markets.
This book will be of interest to scholars and students of Japanese and Asian Studies, Politics, International Relations, Globalization, Business and Economics.
Table of Contents:
1. Introduction: Dynamics of Change Patricia A. Nelson and Marie Söderberg
2. Contending with Regional Uncertainty: Japan’s Response to Contemporary East Asian Security Challenges John Swenson-Wright
3. Balancing Between a Hegemon and a Would-be Hegemon Paul Midford
4. Shifting Incentives for Political Leadership Verena Blechinger-Talcott
5. The Construction of Citizenship through Volunteering: The Case of Lifelong Learning Akihiro Ogawa
6. Foreign Aid as a Tool for Peace Building: Is the Goal Security or Poverty Reduction? Marie Söderberg
7. Peace Diplomacy by ODA: Rhetoric and Reality Norbert Palanovics
8. The Changing Political Economy of Defence Production: The Rise of a Military-Industrial Complex? Christopher W. Hughes
9. Stability and the Status Quo: Changing Power Structures in the Optics Industry Patricia A. Nelson
10. Sources and Processes of Change: The Case of the Game Software Industry Cornelia Storz
11. Conclusion: Perspectives on Change Marie Söderberg and Patricia A. Nelson
Research Interests:
Winner of Outstanding Business Reference at the RUSA Awards 2010! With more than 1,000 entries, the Encyclopedia of Business in Today’s World is packed with essential and up-to-date information on the state of business in our world. Not... more
Winner of Outstanding Business Reference at the RUSA Awards 2010!
With more than 1,000 entries, the Encyclopedia of Business in Today’s World is packed with essential and up-to-date information on the state of business in our world. Not only does it reflect where business is, it also conveys the trajectory of business farther into the 21st century.
These four volumes provide clear overviews of the important business topics of our time, ranging from culture shock to currency hedging, political risk, offshoring, and transnational corporations. The wealth of topics represent an integrated vision by the editor of a perplexity of functions, technologies, and environmental factors.
* Charles Wankel, St. John’s University, edited this work, overseeing an all-star cast of contributing authors for content your students can trust.
* A Reader's Guide in the front matter that groups entries thematically, extensive cross-references at the ends of entries, a detailed index in Volume 4, and robust search and browse features in the electronic version all serve to guide students quickly and easily to related topics.
* Following the Introduction, an in-depth chronology in the front matter details advances in business through history, from the Fourth Millennium B.C.E. to the present.
* A glossary in the back matter provides students with quick-reference business definitions.
* Thorough bibliographic citations for each entry, along with a Resource Guide to books, journals, and web sites in the back matter, provide students with references for further reading to helpfully extend their research journey beyond the pages of the encyclopedia.
* An appendix provides a look at World Trade Organization statistics.
* Available both in print and electronic formats, the encyclopedia is designed for ease of use and accessibility by students both on campus and off.
With more than 1,000 entries, the Encyclopedia of Business in Today’s World is packed with essential and up-to-date information on the state of business in our world. Not only does it reflect where business is, it also conveys the trajectory of business farther into the 21st century.
These four volumes provide clear overviews of the important business topics of our time, ranging from culture shock to currency hedging, political risk, offshoring, and transnational corporations. The wealth of topics represent an integrated vision by the editor of a perplexity of functions, technologies, and environmental factors.
* Charles Wankel, St. John’s University, edited this work, overseeing an all-star cast of contributing authors for content your students can trust.
* A Reader's Guide in the front matter that groups entries thematically, extensive cross-references at the ends of entries, a detailed index in Volume 4, and robust search and browse features in the electronic version all serve to guide students quickly and easily to related topics.
* Following the Introduction, an in-depth chronology in the front matter details advances in business through history, from the Fourth Millennium B.C.E. to the present.
* A glossary in the back matter provides students with quick-reference business definitions.
* Thorough bibliographic citations for each entry, along with a Resource Guide to books, journals, and web sites in the back matter, provide students with references for further reading to helpfully extend their research journey beyond the pages of the encyclopedia.
* An appendix provides a look at World Trade Organization statistics.
* Available both in print and electronic formats, the encyclopedia is designed for ease of use and accessibility by students both on campus and off.
Research Interests:
Description: As Japan moves from a "catch up" strategy to a post-development stage, it is changing its actions and reactions in terms of international political economy and domestic policy issues. The current change in Japan can best be... more
Description:
As Japan moves from a "catch up" strategy to a post-development stage, it is changing its actions and reactions in terms of international political economy and domestic policy issues. The current change in Japan can best be understood as following a path toward "permeable insulation" -- Japan's government and economic system continue to insulate domestic business from full competition and the rigor of market forces, but this insulation is also permeable because a decline in state power vis-a-vis the private sector has combined with a decline in the solidarity of private institutions (such as keiretsu or trade associations) to make strategies of insulation much less rigid and uniform. The contributors examine the implications of this approach in eight critical issue areas.
Review(s):
"_Japan's Managed Globalization_ does make a useful analytical contribution by introducing and exploring the concept of permeable insulation, which should be applicable to a number of other fields, such as foreign policy, population movements, and labour relations... This book will appeal to a number of scholars at various stages of development and from a range of disciplines." _Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies_
"...a fascinating, well-integrated collection of essays that should be read by all social scientists interested in Japan." _Pacific Affairs_ Vol. 77, No. 1
"In a highly readable, cogent, and important volume, Ulrike Schaede and William Grimes have put together a collection of articles that asks if and how Japan is changing while offering another rendering of Japan's political economics: "permeable insulation." ... The authors in this valuable collection of articles explore Japan's policy responses to globalization...from the angles of political science, business, law, and economics. ... this volume is indispensable reading for government policymakers, business people, academics, and anyone seriously concerned with Japan's future direction as well as the prospects for global trade." H-NET
"The 1990s were a time of considerable change in Japan. Clearly Japan changed, but how much? What is the overall significance of the change? _Japan's Managed Globalization_ does a marvelous job of answering these questions. ... a rich and helpful analysis of how Japan has changed." _Journal of Japanese Studies_
"All the chapters and the editors of the book deserve high praise... All of the chapters, without exception, are substantively and analytically interesting and up to date. I would recommend this book as a good text for advanced undergraduate classes, for it introduces many essential elements of transformation in Japanese political economy in the past decade and beyond." _Japanese Journal of Political Science_, Vol. 5, #1
As Japan moves from a "catch up" strategy to a post-development stage, it is changing its actions and reactions in terms of international political economy and domestic policy issues. The current change in Japan can best be understood as following a path toward "permeable insulation" -- Japan's government and economic system continue to insulate domestic business from full competition and the rigor of market forces, but this insulation is also permeable because a decline in state power vis-a-vis the private sector has combined with a decline in the solidarity of private institutions (such as keiretsu or trade associations) to make strategies of insulation much less rigid and uniform. The contributors examine the implications of this approach in eight critical issue areas.
Review(s):
"_Japan's Managed Globalization_ does make a useful analytical contribution by introducing and exploring the concept of permeable insulation, which should be applicable to a number of other fields, such as foreign policy, population movements, and labour relations... This book will appeal to a number of scholars at various stages of development and from a range of disciplines." _Electronic Journal of Contemporary Japanese Studies_
"...a fascinating, well-integrated collection of essays that should be read by all social scientists interested in Japan." _Pacific Affairs_ Vol. 77, No. 1
"In a highly readable, cogent, and important volume, Ulrike Schaede and William Grimes have put together a collection of articles that asks if and how Japan is changing while offering another rendering of Japan's political economics: "permeable insulation." ... The authors in this valuable collection of articles explore Japan's policy responses to globalization...from the angles of political science, business, law, and economics. ... this volume is indispensable reading for government policymakers, business people, academics, and anyone seriously concerned with Japan's future direction as well as the prospects for global trade." H-NET
"The 1990s were a time of considerable change in Japan. Clearly Japan changed, but how much? What is the overall significance of the change? _Japan's Managed Globalization_ does a marvelous job of answering these questions. ... a rich and helpful analysis of how Japan has changed." _Journal of Japanese Studies_
"All the chapters and the editors of the book deserve high praise... All of the chapters, without exception, are substantively and analytically interesting and up to date. I would recommend this book as a good text for advanced undergraduate classes, for it introduces many essential elements of transformation in Japanese political economy in the past decade and beyond." _Japanese Journal of Political Science_, Vol. 5, #1
Research Interests:
"Summary This thesis analyzes the postwar political economy of the global photography industry, i. e. camera/lens and film, up to 1995 and finds that the Japanese industry has met unprecedented success. The question addressed in this... more
"Summary
This thesis analyzes the postwar political economy of the global photography industry, i. e. camera/lens and film, up to 1995 and finds that the Japanese industry has met unprecedented success. The question addressed in this thesis is: who drove the success of the Japanese photography industry, the government or firms? The words "rivalry' and 'cooperation' are used in this thesis because they most aptly describe the three main relationships in the photography industry during the postwar period: bureaucrat-politician, government-industry and firm-firm. Cooperation and rivalry always existed in these relationships, but one often took precedence over the other.
The camera/lens makers in Japan´s photography industry benefited from cooperative relationships through export promotion and import protection policies from 1950 to 1973. Export promotion was effective because Japanese camera/lens firms began to 'export' to US military postal exchanges in Japan during the Allied Occupation (1945-1952). After that time, the US market was wide open to Japanese exports due to Japan's balance of payments problems and America's mounting security concerns in Asia. Exports of cameras/lenses to the US and Europe expanded throughout the 1950s and 1960s, while photographic film manufacturers (who also produced cameras/lenses) caught up technologically and enjoyed a protected domestic market for film. After 1974, rivalry increased in the three main relationships primarily due to changes in the international trading regime and within Japan. In particular, firm-firm rivalry in cameras/lenses and film grew throughout the 1970s and intensified during the 1980s as new technological advances raised the stakes for global market shares.
This thesis shows that some firms have been successful despite government involvement in the industry, while others have been successful because of it. Cooperation between the government and industry was important in the early years because of the tight controls placed on industry (up to the early 1970s). But the influence of the government waned as the firms within the photography industry went global and rivalry among firms increased. Additional sectoral studies of Japan's early export industries (e. g. sewing machines, bicycles, clocks/watches) are needed to provide additional evidence of the extent to which there was cooperation and/or rivalry in the three main relationships in Japan's postwar political economy."
This thesis analyzes the postwar political economy of the global photography industry, i. e. camera/lens and film, up to 1995 and finds that the Japanese industry has met unprecedented success. The question addressed in this thesis is: who drove the success of the Japanese photography industry, the government or firms? The words "rivalry' and 'cooperation' are used in this thesis because they most aptly describe the three main relationships in the photography industry during the postwar period: bureaucrat-politician, government-industry and firm-firm. Cooperation and rivalry always existed in these relationships, but one often took precedence over the other.
The camera/lens makers in Japan´s photography industry benefited from cooperative relationships through export promotion and import protection policies from 1950 to 1973. Export promotion was effective because Japanese camera/lens firms began to 'export' to US military postal exchanges in Japan during the Allied Occupation (1945-1952). After that time, the US market was wide open to Japanese exports due to Japan's balance of payments problems and America's mounting security concerns in Asia. Exports of cameras/lenses to the US and Europe expanded throughout the 1950s and 1960s, while photographic film manufacturers (who also produced cameras/lenses) caught up technologically and enjoyed a protected domestic market for film. After 1974, rivalry increased in the three main relationships primarily due to changes in the international trading regime and within Japan. In particular, firm-firm rivalry in cameras/lenses and film grew throughout the 1970s and intensified during the 1980s as new technological advances raised the stakes for global market shares.
This thesis shows that some firms have been successful despite government involvement in the industry, while others have been successful because of it. Cooperation between the government and industry was important in the early years because of the tight controls placed on industry (up to the early 1970s). But the influence of the government waned as the firms within the photography industry went global and rivalry among firms increased. Additional sectoral studies of Japan's early export industries (e. g. sewing machines, bicycles, clocks/watches) are needed to provide additional evidence of the extent to which there was cooperation and/or rivalry in the three main relationships in Japan's postwar political economy."
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Abstract: In November 2000, Vodaphone (then J-Phone) introduced the world's first camera phone made by Sharp. It was an instant hit with Japanese youth. At the time, Vodaphone was Japan's number three service... more
Abstract: In November 2000, Vodaphone (then J-Phone) introduced the world's first camera phone made by Sharp. It was an instant hit with Japanese youth. At the time, Vodaphone was Japan's number three service provider trailing the market leader DoCoMo, run by ...
Research Interests:
In rapid succession, peak business institutions in Japan and Sweden merged. In 2001, Svenskt Näringsliv (SN) was formed from Sveriges Industriförbund and Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen. In 2002, Nippon Keidanren (Nippon Keizai Dantai... more
In rapid succession, peak business institutions in Japan and Sweden merged. In 2001, Svenskt Näringsliv (SN) was formed from Sveriges Industriförbund and Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen. In 2002, Nippon Keidanren (Nippon Keizai Dantai Rengokai 日本経済団体連合会 or Japan Business Federation, hereinafter Keidanren) was created from Keidanren (Keizai Dantai Rengokai, 経済団体連合会, or the Federation of Economic Organizations) and Nikkeiren (Nihon Keieisha Dantai Renmei 日本経営者団体連盟, or the Federation of Employers' Associations). Was this merger madness, a signal that SN and Keidanren had become anachronistic icons? Or were these mergers instead a sign of adjustment that far from becoming obsolete, they were successfully transitioning in an increasingly globalized business world? What has been revealed (so far) is a story that cuts right across industrialized economies, a tale of shift from ideology-driven to market-oriented institutions. In other words as the omnipresence of business has forced us t...
Research Interests: Business History, War Studies, Cold War, Second World War, First World War, and 18 moreTechnological Innovation, Japan, History of photography, Innovation and Creativity (Business), Germany, Canon, United States, Leica, Kodak, Zeiss, CAMERA HISTORY, Company history, Nikon, Photographic Industry, Fujifilm, Camera and Imaging Industry, Agfa, and KonicaMinolta
Photographic companies in the United States, Japan and Germany share several characteristics, one of which is the palpable impact of wars in the 20th century. In this paper, I address from the perspective of the companies the impact of... more
Photographic companies in the United States, Japan and Germany share several characteristics, one of which is the palpable impact of wars in the 20th century. In this paper, I address from the perspective of the companies the impact of war in three areas. First is the early technological development in the industry in particular the contributions of American and German firms to photographic film and to the development of modern, hand-held camera and high quality optics. Knowledge of optics technology was imported into Japan in the early 1900s by various means when the First World War interrupted supplies of German cameras and lenses to Japan. Second, I trace the evolution of the industry during the Second World War taking into account the influence of government policy that directed companies to produce military-use photographic technologies. Without the benefit of radar in the Axis countries, optics enjoyed continuous technological improvement in addition to favour from the German and Japanese military governments. Finally, I analyse the post World War Two developments in the industry including government economic recovery policy that spurred peacetime expansion of the industry. In this light, sales of photographic equipment to military personnel stationed in occupied Japan and Germany played and important role. Regional wars in Asia including the Korean War and the Vietnam War affected world trade such that professional war photographers substituted German products with Japanese ones. Their positive reviews of Japanese technology helped shape what became a predominantly favourable opinion of Japanese goods, which in the early post war years were considered inferior to German products. Although much of the early technological influence in the photographic industry travelled from the United States and Germany to Japan, in the latter half of the 20th century the direction reversed in, for example, the incorporation of advanced materials and electronics into production processes. War and its impact were perhaps the most influential in that reversal.
Research Interests:
The Lisbon Treaty signalled that the European Parliament had become a central actor in the EU-Japan economic and trade partnership. In 2007, the ‘Global Europe’ strategy formalized the EU's process of expanding trade relationships via... more
The Lisbon Treaty signalled that the European Parliament had become a central actor in the EU-Japan economic and trade partnership. In 2007, the ‘Global Europe’ strategy formalized the EU's process of expanding trade relationships via free trade agreements (FTAs). The EU-Korea FTA was the first of these to enter into force in 2011. Should Japan and the EU move forward with their own bilateral economic agreement despite a number of pending economic and trade issues ranging from mutual recognition or harmonization in clinical trials to the expansion of foreign direct investment to regulatory transparency? There are two main stumbling blocks to an agreement: linkage of issues and non-tariff measures (NTMs), i.e. local rules and standards that hinder trade. Three case studies in aerospace, telecommunications and food safety show that linkage has not been successful and highlights specific NTMs. The findings indicate that progress toward an EU-Japan FTA (or economic integration agreement or economic partnership agreement) hinges on the sector's regulatory past, the degree of transparency including the presence of NTMs and external factors including global trends and momentum towards agreements in other parts of the world. It remains to be seen if a formal bilateral trade arrangement is likely to result from the adoption of new approaches to negotiations.
Research Interests: International Relations, Political Economy, Globalization, International Trade, International Negotiation, and 9 moreEuropean Politics, European Union, Economic integration, Japan, Japanese politics, Japanese economy, ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENTS, Free trade agreements, and Economic Integration Agreements
Japan has long been seen as the most promising market for asset management companies. The combined assets of Japanese households are worth ¥1,410trn (US$14.6trn), yet 56% of this is held in currency and bank deposits and only 3.3%, or... more
Japan has long been seen as the most promising market for asset management companies. The combined assets of Japanese households are worth ¥1,410trn (US$14.6trn), yet 56% of this is held in currency and bank deposits and only 3.3%, or ¥47trn, is held in investment trusts. In the US, 16% of household assets are held in cash or deposits and around 12% is in investment trusts. The Nomura Research Institute estimated last year that only 21% of the financial assets of households, financial institutions and pension funds in Japan were under management—leaving a potential pool of assets that could be allocated to investment products of over ¥700trn.
The collapse of financial markets worldwide in recent months has had a dramatic impact on attitudes to risk, and it seems an inauspicious time to ask whether Japanese investors are prepared to accept more of it. But even a modest shift of some of their assets into higher-yielding investments would constitute a significant expansion of the market for asset managers in Japan. And there are compelling reasons to argue why such a shift is in Japan’s best interests. The increasing difficulty of financing pension payments as Japan’s population ages and shrinks is perhaps the most prominent.
This report, sponsored by Scottish Development International, analyses long-term trends in Japan’s asset management industry from the perspective of both retail and institutional investors and the asset managers working to serve their needs. It draws on a series of in-depth interviews with Japan’s leading asset managers and financial-sector experts. The report examines the structure of the industry, the risk appetite of Japanese investors, trends in product development and the opportunities in the market for international asset managers.
The collapse of financial markets worldwide in recent months has had a dramatic impact on attitudes to risk, and it seems an inauspicious time to ask whether Japanese investors are prepared to accept more of it. But even a modest shift of some of their assets into higher-yielding investments would constitute a significant expansion of the market for asset managers in Japan. And there are compelling reasons to argue why such a shift is in Japan’s best interests. The increasing difficulty of financing pension payments as Japan’s population ages and shrinks is perhaps the most prominent.
This report, sponsored by Scottish Development International, analyses long-term trends in Japan’s asset management industry from the perspective of both retail and institutional investors and the asset managers working to serve their needs. It draws on a series of in-depth interviews with Japan’s leading asset managers and financial-sector experts. The report examines the structure of the industry, the risk appetite of Japanese investors, trends in product development and the opportunities in the market for international asset managers.
Research Interests:
Different forms of innovation management are associated with specific institutional contexts. Christensen et al (2001) argued that because firms in the United States have the capability to nurture disruptive technologies, they have been... more
Different forms of innovation management are associated with specific institutional contexts. Christensen et al (2001) argued that because firms in the United States have the capability to nurture disruptive technologies, they have been highly successful. Whitley (2002) argued that because of the nature of the Japanese economy, it does not experience disruption. In this paper, we ask: does the firm's institutional context affect how it manages innovation? In particular, we explore how firms operating within the two broad types of developed capitalist economies - liberal market economies (LMEs) and coordinated market economies (CMEs) (Hall and Soskice, 2001) - manage innovation. Is there one best way to successful innovation management? In other words, do firms based in the LMEs and the CMEs manage innovation - including the generation of knowledge - differently and is one type of economy more successful than the other, or are they simply good at different things? If disruptive innovation only occurs in LMEs as suggested by both Christensen and Whitley, are CMEs simply not innovative? If CMEs do not experience 'disruption,' what accounts for innovation there? We suggest the term 'discontinuous innovation' (c.f. Henderson and Clark, 1990; Tushman and Anderson, 1986; Utterback, 1994) effectively describes the type of innovation that occurs in CMEs. We argue that the institutional context of CMEs acts against 'disruption' but in favor of 'discontinuous innovation' as a highly effective and sustainable method of innovation management.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: International Business, Foreign Direct Investment, Japan, Strategy (Business), Applied Economics, and 6 moreMultinational Corporations, Japanese economy, Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) in the Transition Countries and Economic Growth, Foreign Direct Investment ( FDI ), Business Policy, and Public Policy
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Photography, Production, East Asia, Imaging, Foreign Direct Investment, and 7 moreJapan, Cameras, Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) in the Transition Countries and Economic Growth, Foreign Direct Investment ( FDI ), Information technology investment decision-making, High Technology Industry, and Photographic Lenses
Text below from the conference proposal... Motivation for the conference In an environment of stagnating world economies, both Japan and Europe are re-examining their international partnerships. As China rises and captures the world‟s... more
Text below from the conference proposal...
Motivation for the conference
In an environment of stagnating world economies, both Japan and Europe are re-examining their international partnerships. As China rises and captures the world‟s attention, both Japan and Europe have recognised that they have developed strong linkages, at the business, government and academic levels, over their long relationship. These can be developed further and may be crucial to both Japan‟s and the EU‟s international economic and political strategies. Unfortunately, however, despite recognition of the importance of their relationship, Europe and Japan have yet to develop a degree of measurable co-operation matching their mutually stated ambitions.
In particular, the 2001 „EU-Japan Action Plan‟, set to expire in 2011, has been widely criticized for being both overly ambitious and under-resourced. Critics have incisively noted that the Action Plan‟s lofty goals listed far too many areas of envisioned bilateral cooperation for the relatively limited resources made available by both sides. Meanwhile, the EU and South Korea have made considerable progress toward ratifying the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and US President Obama attempted to seal a similar deal with South Korea at the G-20 Summit in Seoul in early November 2010.
The pressure is clearly being felt in Japan. Prime Minister Kan has recently made statements to the effect that Japan and the EU should move toward solidifying an agreement to begin formal negotiations from early 2011 on some kind of economic or trade agreement with the EU. This has come after much foot dragging on both sides. Among others, this has included discussions over whether economic and political issues should be linked or de-linked, that is, questioning whether or not it is acceptable to trade off (or stall) political decisions, and leave their resolution hinging upon agreements in economic areas (and vice versa).
Finally in 2011, as the current Action Plan runs its course and with clear support from PM Kan, some progress is being made. The EU and Japan have acknowledged that they need to agree to begin talking about an economic integration agreement (EIA) or some other type of bilateral trade agreement such as a free trade agreement (FTA). Japan has insisted that the EU de-link economics and politics in exchange for addressing the issue of non-tariff measures (NTM) in Japan which, according to the EU, are said to impede the expansion of EU business in Japan.
Alongside these bright signals, some trouble may be brewing. The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (TPP) negotiations are starting to take off. Many are concerned that they have the potential to be perceived as a threat to the conclusion of a EU-Japan agreement, derailing any progress toward an EIA or FTA.
We propose to hold a conference that will address the challenges and opportunities of a EU and Japan economic and/or trade agreement (such as an EIA or FTA) despite the many challenges and obstacles lying in the path to such an agreement.
Motivation for the conference
In an environment of stagnating world economies, both Japan and Europe are re-examining their international partnerships. As China rises and captures the world‟s attention, both Japan and Europe have recognised that they have developed strong linkages, at the business, government and academic levels, over their long relationship. These can be developed further and may be crucial to both Japan‟s and the EU‟s international economic and political strategies. Unfortunately, however, despite recognition of the importance of their relationship, Europe and Japan have yet to develop a degree of measurable co-operation matching their mutually stated ambitions.
In particular, the 2001 „EU-Japan Action Plan‟, set to expire in 2011, has been widely criticized for being both overly ambitious and under-resourced. Critics have incisively noted that the Action Plan‟s lofty goals listed far too many areas of envisioned bilateral cooperation for the relatively limited resources made available by both sides. Meanwhile, the EU and South Korea have made considerable progress toward ratifying the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and US President Obama attempted to seal a similar deal with South Korea at the G-20 Summit in Seoul in early November 2010.
The pressure is clearly being felt in Japan. Prime Minister Kan has recently made statements to the effect that Japan and the EU should move toward solidifying an agreement to begin formal negotiations from early 2011 on some kind of economic or trade agreement with the EU. This has come after much foot dragging on both sides. Among others, this has included discussions over whether economic and political issues should be linked or de-linked, that is, questioning whether or not it is acceptable to trade off (or stall) political decisions, and leave their resolution hinging upon agreements in economic areas (and vice versa).
Finally in 2011, as the current Action Plan runs its course and with clear support from PM Kan, some progress is being made. The EU and Japan have acknowledged that they need to agree to begin talking about an economic integration agreement (EIA) or some other type of bilateral trade agreement such as a free trade agreement (FTA). Japan has insisted that the EU de-link economics and politics in exchange for addressing the issue of non-tariff measures (NTM) in Japan which, according to the EU, are said to impede the expansion of EU business in Japan.
Alongside these bright signals, some trouble may be brewing. The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (TPP) negotiations are starting to take off. Many are concerned that they have the potential to be perceived as a threat to the conclusion of a EU-Japan agreement, derailing any progress toward an EIA or FTA.
We propose to hold a conference that will address the challenges and opportunities of a EU and Japan economic and/or trade agreement (such as an EIA or FTA) despite the many challenges and obstacles lying in the path to such an agreement.
In 2001, Sveriges Industriförbund (Federation of Swedish Industry) and Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (Swedish Employers’ Confederation) were merged into Svenskt Näringsliv (Confederation of Swedish Enterprise). The following year,... more
In 2001, Sveriges Industriförbund (Federation of Swedish Industry) and Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen (Swedish Employers’ Confederation) were merged into Svenskt Näringsliv (Confederation of Swedish Enterprise). The following year, Japan’s Keidanren (Federation of Economic Organizations) and Nikkeiren (Federation of Employers' Associations) were merged to become Nippon Keidanren (Japan Business Federation). In 2004, Japan Small and Medium Enterprise Corporation, Japan Regional Development Corporation, and Industrial Structure Improvement Fund were merged into Chu-kokikou (Organization for Small & Medium Enterprises and Regional Innovation). Svenskt Näringsliv is Sweden’s largest and most influential business federation representing 50 member organizations and 60,000 member companies with over 1.6 million employees. Nippon Keidanren is a comprehensive economic organization representing large Japanese companies and major employers comprised of 1,281 companies, 129 industrial associations, and 47 regional economic organizations while the Chu-kokikou represents over 4 million enterprises or about 95 percent of all Japan’s companies. It may seem unremarkable that the mergers of Sweden and Japan’s employer organizations occurred nearly at the same point in time. However I argue here that upon examination of the motivations behind these organizational mergers and analysis of their historical evolution, I find that this is not the case. Instead, due to a range of domestic and global impetuses, the organizations entered into mergers. I argue that analyzing these organizations – as they has developed over time – furthers our understanding as to why certain employment practices are similar across the two countries and how historical factors shaped other distinct elements of each employment system.
Research Interests:
The Lisbon Treaty, which went into force on 1 December 2009, signaled that the European Parliament had become a central actor in the EU-Japan economic and trade partnership (c.f. Woolcock, 2008). Shifting from relying on the Common... more
The Lisbon Treaty, which went into force on 1 December 2009, signaled that the European Parliament had become a central actor in the EU-Japan economic and trade partnership (c.f. Woolcock, 2008). Shifting from relying on the Common Commercial Policy and various bilateral trade arrangements to a single EU position could bring positive outcomes to all including Japan with which the EU has a number of sticky economic and trade issues ranging from mutual recognition/harmonization in clinical trials to the expansion of foreign direct investment (FDI) to the creation of regulatory transparency. Moving forward on these old, sticky issues is essential to avoid escalation, which due to lack of progress could lead to full-blown trade disputes. In this paper, I argue that identification of parties who share similar interests, but are not bounded by national (or regional) borders, could strengthen this new EU-Japan economic and trade partnership. Companies in particular share horizontal linkages, which may be of great importance to the future growth of both the EU and Japan. I contend that both governments and companies (and perhaps other interested parties) can act as effective forces in an effort to move beyond the old, sticky issues in EU-Japan economic and trade (including business and FDI) relations. This argument is supported by several cases that are analyzed briefly in the paper.
• Woolcock, S. (2008) “The Potential Impact of the Lisbon Treaty on European Union External Trade Policy,” European Policy Analysis, 8-2008, June, 6 pp.
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• Woolcock, S. (2008) “The Potential Impact of the Lisbon Treaty on European Union External Trade Policy,” European Policy Analysis, 8-2008, June, 6 pp.
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Business interest groups in many countries have in recent decades become dominated by the interests of multinational corporations (MNCs). This is a trend that intensified in the early 2000s with the merger of a number of peak business... more
Business interest groups in many countries have in recent decades become dominated by the interests of multinational corporations (MNCs). This is a trend that intensified in the early 2000s with the merger of a number of peak business interest groups at the national level. As separate groups, they represented the interests of society, labor as well as those of smaller businesses. In effect, small and medium sized enterprises, societal and labor concerns are increasingly being left out of critical decisions. Are they lost in the institutional mix or simply in transition?
Labor appears to have lost some degree of influence not only the future direction of society but also the character and nature of larger societal concerns, e.g. how and what is taught in schools, care for the needy, the ill or the infirm, and ensuring that pensions are provided. Instead, the interests of MNCs are playing a larger role in influencing government policy through peak business interest groups. Organized labor and individuals are no longer adequately represented.
There are a number of reasons for this trend. First, it was encouraged by the severing of formal links between ruling political parties and organized labor as the fortunes of the ruling parties have come into question. In Sweden, for example, the dominant labor organization, LO or Landsorganisationen, cut its ties with the Social Democratic Party in 1991. Previously membership in LO had automatically meant membership in the Social Democratic Party. This in effect represented a break in the social contract that dated back to 1938 and is credited with Sweden’s dramatic growth and its so-called ‘Third Way’. Further damage to that contract came in 2001 when the two peak business interest groups, IF or Industriförbundet and SAF or Sveriges Arbetarföreningen, merged to form Svenskt Näringsliv. Without the old ties linking workers’ and business interests inside the new organization Svenskt Näringsliv, business- government relations had become skewed toward the strong voice and power of the multinationals (interview with SN, 2012).
In Japan, because of the differing nature of its capitalist system, the breaks in the social contract, which is largely credited with creating Japan’s economic miracle, were slightly different. The first crack in the system came in 1993 when Japan’s Keidanren (known as the boss of all industry) severed its financial ties to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Like the Social Democrats in Sweden, the change in fortunes of the LDP was primarily due to the challenges at the ballot box that the party faced from other smaller parties. Keidanren could no longer count on its historically good relations with and massive network of contacts within the LDP to get things done in the economy. The second crack in Japan’s social contract came in 2002 when the two main business interest groups, Keidanren and Nikkeiren, merged. Nikkeiren, like SAF in Sweden, represented the social welfare interests of business e.g. pensions, labor rights and healthcare. The merger signaled to all that Japan’s workers had lost its strongest voice and that the postwar system was dead (interviews with Keidanren, 2012).
A second factor is the interconnected nature of our globalized economy. In other European countries, mergers of peak business interest groups have become a trend, namely, in Ireland in 1993 and in Norway in 1989. On the one hand pressure on EU member countries to merge came from the EU itself (notably Business Europe) that argued for the benefits of having only one peak business interest group in each country. Many EU member countries have not had two separate business interest groups and as noted above some have merged.
On the other hand, much of the pressure on these organizations to merge originated from the members themselves. Many businesses found they did not need two domestic organizations in their increasingly globalized business activities. Globalization gradually made it clear that businesses need to keep an eye on many markets. As a result, domestic market interest groups became just one of the many business interest organizations in which they needed to participate. Membership in an array of organizations can be quite expensive, thus firms took an active position in favor of mergers. Further, because the domestic market contributed to a smaller and smaller proportion of their revenues, the need for more than one domestic business interest group came into question. It was not unexpected, therefore, that there would be mergers.
Third is the increased pressure on governments from big business to side step the World Trade Organization, which is currently stalled. Instead, the business lobby currently pressures governments via business interest groups and other direct channels to move forward with negotiations on preferential trade agreements, which are seen as a positive alternative to the WTO. Such agreements are perceived of as favoring big business at the expense of smaller and medium-sized companies. Currently several major agreements are under negotiation. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the EU and the USA and the EU-Japan Free Trade Agreement represent two examples of unprecedented preferential trade agreements that could redefine trade and investment relations in three of the world’s advanced industrialized areas.
In summary, all of these pressures have altered the traditional balance between business, labor and society, with the apparent result that workers and the interests of society at large may have lost their voice in the institutional mix. I argue that individuals and societal interests will need to be better represented in the future. The question is how. Perhaps institutions, such as political parties and grassroots network organizations, that represent individuals, who do not see themselves as party to traditional organized labor have the capacity to fill the void. (933 words)
SASE Mini-conference: Multi-level institutions and the changing global-local dynamics of production in a context of crisis
PANEL D: Global-local dynamics of production and the eroded foundations of labour protection
Labor appears to have lost some degree of influence not only the future direction of society but also the character and nature of larger societal concerns, e.g. how and what is taught in schools, care for the needy, the ill or the infirm, and ensuring that pensions are provided. Instead, the interests of MNCs are playing a larger role in influencing government policy through peak business interest groups. Organized labor and individuals are no longer adequately represented.
There are a number of reasons for this trend. First, it was encouraged by the severing of formal links between ruling political parties and organized labor as the fortunes of the ruling parties have come into question. In Sweden, for example, the dominant labor organization, LO or Landsorganisationen, cut its ties with the Social Democratic Party in 1991. Previously membership in LO had automatically meant membership in the Social Democratic Party. This in effect represented a break in the social contract that dated back to 1938 and is credited with Sweden’s dramatic growth and its so-called ‘Third Way’. Further damage to that contract came in 2001 when the two peak business interest groups, IF or Industriförbundet and SAF or Sveriges Arbetarföreningen, merged to form Svenskt Näringsliv. Without the old ties linking workers’ and business interests inside the new organization Svenskt Näringsliv, business- government relations had become skewed toward the strong voice and power of the multinationals (interview with SN, 2012).
In Japan, because of the differing nature of its capitalist system, the breaks in the social contract, which is largely credited with creating Japan’s economic miracle, were slightly different. The first crack in the system came in 1993 when Japan’s Keidanren (known as the boss of all industry) severed its financial ties to the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Like the Social Democrats in Sweden, the change in fortunes of the LDP was primarily due to the challenges at the ballot box that the party faced from other smaller parties. Keidanren could no longer count on its historically good relations with and massive network of contacts within the LDP to get things done in the economy. The second crack in Japan’s social contract came in 2002 when the two main business interest groups, Keidanren and Nikkeiren, merged. Nikkeiren, like SAF in Sweden, represented the social welfare interests of business e.g. pensions, labor rights and healthcare. The merger signaled to all that Japan’s workers had lost its strongest voice and that the postwar system was dead (interviews with Keidanren, 2012).
A second factor is the interconnected nature of our globalized economy. In other European countries, mergers of peak business interest groups have become a trend, namely, in Ireland in 1993 and in Norway in 1989. On the one hand pressure on EU member countries to merge came from the EU itself (notably Business Europe) that argued for the benefits of having only one peak business interest group in each country. Many EU member countries have not had two separate business interest groups and as noted above some have merged.
On the other hand, much of the pressure on these organizations to merge originated from the members themselves. Many businesses found they did not need two domestic organizations in their increasingly globalized business activities. Globalization gradually made it clear that businesses need to keep an eye on many markets. As a result, domestic market interest groups became just one of the many business interest organizations in which they needed to participate. Membership in an array of organizations can be quite expensive, thus firms took an active position in favor of mergers. Further, because the domestic market contributed to a smaller and smaller proportion of their revenues, the need for more than one domestic business interest group came into question. It was not unexpected, therefore, that there would be mergers.
Third is the increased pressure on governments from big business to side step the World Trade Organization, which is currently stalled. Instead, the business lobby currently pressures governments via business interest groups and other direct channels to move forward with negotiations on preferential trade agreements, which are seen as a positive alternative to the WTO. Such agreements are perceived of as favoring big business at the expense of smaller and medium-sized companies. Currently several major agreements are under negotiation. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the EU and the USA and the EU-Japan Free Trade Agreement represent two examples of unprecedented preferential trade agreements that could redefine trade and investment relations in three of the world’s advanced industrialized areas.
In summary, all of these pressures have altered the traditional balance between business, labor and society, with the apparent result that workers and the interests of society at large may have lost their voice in the institutional mix. I argue that individuals and societal interests will need to be better represented in the future. The question is how. Perhaps institutions, such as political parties and grassroots network organizations, that represent individuals, who do not see themselves as party to traditional organized labor have the capacity to fill the void. (933 words)
SASE Mini-conference: Multi-level institutions and the changing global-local dynamics of production in a context of crisis
PANEL D: Global-local dynamics of production and the eroded foundations of labour protection
Research Interests:
During the Meiji Era, Japanese leaders studied important institutions in Europe and adapted them to their local environment in their effort to modernize. Keidanren, a peak employers’ association under which industry associations – from... more
During the Meiji Era, Japanese leaders studied important institutions in Europe and adapted them to their local environment in their effort to modernize. Keidanren, a peak employers’ association under which industry associations – from sector specific to product specific – are organized, and Japan External Trade Organization (JETRO), an agency that promotes trade with Japan, are two such adapted institutions. The evolution of these and other business institutions, despite the central role they play, has enjoyed relatively little academic scrutiny. This may be partly due to the neoclassical view that when business people meet their sole purpose is to collude. Have these business institutions become anachronistic icons? In both Japan and Europe, business institutions are playing a central role pushing for the negotiation of a Japan-EU free trade agreement. Such an agreement would require the dismantling of many accepted business practices and norms and usher in a new phase of institutional adjustment.
Research Interests:
In rapid succession, peak business institutions in Japan and Sweden merged. In 2001, Svenskt Näringsliv (SN) was formed from Sveriges Industriförbund and Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen. In 2002, Nippon Keidanren (Nippon Keizai Dantai... more
In rapid succession, peak business institutions in Japan and Sweden merged. In 2001, Svenskt Näringsliv (SN) was formed from Sveriges Industriförbund and Svenska Arbetsgivareföreningen. In 2002, Nippon Keidanren (Nippon Keizai Dantai Rengokai 日本経済団体連合会 or Japan Business Federation, hereinafter Keidanren) was created from Keidanren (Keizai Dantai Rengokai, 経済団体連合会, or the Federation of Economic Organizations) and Nikkeiren (Nihon Keieisha Dantai Renmei 日本経営者団体連盟, or the Federation of Employers' Associations). Was this merger madness, a signal that SN and Keidanren had become anachronistic icons? Or were these mergers instead a sign of adjustment that far from becoming obsolete, they were successfully transitioning in an increasingly globalized business world?
What has been revealed (so far) is a story that cuts right across industrialized economies, a tale of shift from ideology-driven to market-oriented institutions. In other words as the omnipresence of business has forced us toward greater market orientation, business institutions including SN and Keidanren have followed. SN and Keidanren have represented major employers as inter-organizational institutions located between business and government. Inter-organizational institutions have tended to enjoy relatively little academic scrutiny partly due to the neoclassical assumption that when business people meet, their sole purpose is to collude. In today’s global economy, SN and Keidanren act to facilitate communication, but at the same time they can also ease exploitation hence the assumption of corruption. However as all business people know communication is essential to business, thus I argue in this paper that by understanding how NS and Keidanren function in their socio-economic context and in this case how their mergers have affected their effectiveness as inter-organizational institutions, we can more effectively nurture the positive (i.e. facilitating positive and necessary communication) and improve regulation of the negative (i.e. limiting the degree to which collusion occurs).
What has been revealed (so far) is a story that cuts right across industrialized economies, a tale of shift from ideology-driven to market-oriented institutions. In other words as the omnipresence of business has forced us toward greater market orientation, business institutions including SN and Keidanren have followed. SN and Keidanren have represented major employers as inter-organizational institutions located between business and government. Inter-organizational institutions have tended to enjoy relatively little academic scrutiny partly due to the neoclassical assumption that when business people meet, their sole purpose is to collude. In today’s global economy, SN and Keidanren act to facilitate communication, but at the same time they can also ease exploitation hence the assumption of corruption. However as all business people know communication is essential to business, thus I argue in this paper that by understanding how NS and Keidanren function in their socio-economic context and in this case how their mergers have affected their effectiveness as inter-organizational institutions, we can more effectively nurture the positive (i.e. facilitating positive and necessary communication) and improve regulation of the negative (i.e. limiting the degree to which collusion occurs).
Research Interests:
The EU and Japan are currently preparing for negotiations on a free trade agreement (or an economic partnership agreement). However, Japan’s economy is still perceived of as being quite closed. If that is the case, can there ever be an... more
The EU and Japan are currently preparing for negotiations on a free trade agreement (or an economic partnership agreement). However, Japan’s economy is still perceived of as being quite closed. If that is the case, can there ever be an agreement? This talk will contextualize the issues and offer an analytical perspective on how economics and politics have played out in several industrial sectors.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests: American Politics, International Relations, Political Economy, Globalization, International Business, and 12 moreSouth Korea, International Negotiation, European Politics, European Union, United States In The World, Economic integration, Japan, Japanese politics, ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENTS, Free trade agreements, South Korean economy, and EU economy
Opening remarks Speaker: Professor Katsuhiro Shoji, Law School, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair, Director, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies Session 1: The EU's External Relations with Asia Speaker: Dr. Sebastian Bersick,... more
Opening remarks
Speaker: Professor Katsuhiro Shoji, Law School, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair, Director, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies
Session 1: The EU's External Relations with Asia
Speaker: Dr. Sebastian Bersick, University College Lecturer, National University of Ireland, Cork
Chair: Professor Toshiro Tanaka, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair
Session 2: Intel Decision and the EU's New Standards for Behaviours by Dominant Firms
Speaker: Dr. Kuo-lien Hsieh, Assistant Professor, School of Law, Shih Hsin University, Taipei, Taiwan
Chair: Mr. Fumihiko Azuma, Researcher, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies; Lecturer, Rissho University
Session 3: Change and Japan-EU Relations: Spotlighting Economic and Business Organization
Speaker: Dr. Patricia Nelson, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Law, Keio University
Chair: Ms. Yukari Akeda, Research Assistant Professor, Graduate School of Law, Keio University
Session 4: Asian Perceptions of the EU
Speaker: Professor Martin Holland, University of Canterbury, New Zealand
Chair: Professor Toshiro Tanaka, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair
Closing Remarks
Speaker: Professor Katsuhiro Shoji, Law School, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair, Director, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies
Speaker: Professor Katsuhiro Shoji, Law School, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair, Director, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies
Session 1: The EU's External Relations with Asia
Speaker: Dr. Sebastian Bersick, University College Lecturer, National University of Ireland, Cork
Chair: Professor Toshiro Tanaka, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair
Session 2: Intel Decision and the EU's New Standards for Behaviours by Dominant Firms
Speaker: Dr. Kuo-lien Hsieh, Assistant Professor, School of Law, Shih Hsin University, Taipei, Taiwan
Chair: Mr. Fumihiko Azuma, Researcher, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies; Lecturer, Rissho University
Session 3: Change and Japan-EU Relations: Spotlighting Economic and Business Organization
Speaker: Dr. Patricia Nelson, Visiting Professor, Graduate School of Law, Keio University
Chair: Ms. Yukari Akeda, Research Assistant Professor, Graduate School of Law, Keio University
Session 4: Asian Perceptions of the EU
Speaker: Professor Martin Holland, University of Canterbury, New Zealand
Chair: Professor Toshiro Tanaka, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair
Closing Remarks
Speaker: Professor Katsuhiro Shoji, Law School, Keio University; Jean Monnet Chair, Director, Keio Jean Monnet COE for EU Studies
Research Interests:
While the Federal level political and economic debate is important, local issues, debates and concerns are critical for companies looking to develop business links between Sweden and the US,
Research Interests:
Asia has considerably increased its regional share on world GDP over the past decade, and this trend is expected to continue. It has become the most dynamic region in international trade and the rapid industrialisation of the area can... more
Asia has considerably increased its regional share on world GDP over the past decade, and this trend is expected to continue. It has become the most dynamic region in international trade and the rapid industrialisation of the area can potentially impact the Asian pattern of trade: a doubling of the share of manufactures in world exports is predicted by 2030, while the share of primary products in world imports is expected to rise. Moreover, regional participation on global value chains (GVCs) has substantially expanded, with China playing a leading role. The European Union is among the most important partner for Asian countries in these GVCs, but it has been generally less active in cultivating economic ties in the area compared to large countries in the region and to the USA. Starting from 2001, we report a proliferation of RTAs/FTAs among APEC countries, culminating with the TransPacific Partnership (TPP), a mega-deal including the US and other 11 countries of the area. The growth of preferential trade agreements is likely to continue in the future, given the centrality of Asia in the world markets.
Research Interests: Globalization, International Business, International Trade, International Political Economy, International Politics, and 13 moreEuropean Union, China, European Parliament, Industrialization, Free trade agreements, United States, Regional Trade Agreements, Asia, Global Value Chains, APEC, TPPA (Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement), Preferential Trade Agreements, and TPP
Comparative analysis of the EU's free trade agreements esp. with the Republic of Korea