Relative Deprivation

Frederick Douglass’ Narrative of his emancipation from slavery suggests the distress that agitates white men accustomed to power whenever their social authority is questioned or contested. In each episode in the narrative, there is an evident threat to the power dynamic emboldening white slaveholders and oppressing African-American slaves. These threats, as a consequence, compel the slaveholders to suppress the slaves through violent and dehumanizing means, thus protecting the historical dominance of white men in society. Antagonistic characters like Captain Anthony and Mr. Covey represent the extreme hatred of a cultural institution known as “Angry White Men,” a group that sociologist Michael Kimmel describes by referring to the theory of relative deprivation. The resentment fueling the actions of these men is rooted in their perception of themselves as the true victims of relative deprivation.

Le document répond à deux questions :
1- Pourquoi la pauvreté en conditions de vie (material deprivation) a baissé lors de la crise économique historique ouverte en 2008 ?
2 - Pourquoi la pauvreté monétaire et la material deprivation montrent des évolutionss opposées au cours de cette période ?

The task of studying the impact of social class on physical and mental health involves, among other things, the use of a conceptual toolbox that defines what social class is, establishes how to measure it, and sets criteria that help distinguish it from closely related concepts. One field that has recently witnessed a wealth of theoretical and conceptual research on social class is psychology, but geographers' and sociologists' attitude of diffidence toward this " positivistic " discipline has prevented them from taking advantage of this body of scholarship. This paper aims to highlight some of the most important developments in the psychological study of social class and social mobility that speak to the long-standing concerns of health geographers and sociologists with how social position, perceptions, social comparisons, and class-based identities impact health and well-being.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.11.037

At the heart of this proof of evidence is an evaluation of the regeneration benefits and disbenefits of the First Development Site (FDS) proposals for the Compulsory Purchase Order (CPO) Land. In my evidence I will describe, explain and analyse how the FDS proposals are likely to impact on the Aylesbury Estate and contribute to the well-being of Estate residents in Sites 1b and 1c, in the interests of the residents and in the wider public interest. In order to do this I will provide an explanation and discussion of four complex concepts: ‘gentrification’, ‘community’, ‘regeneration' and ‘mixed communities’.  Gentrification, due to its conceptual weaknesses, struggles to encompass the complexities of the FDS proposals.

Mixed communities-led regeneration is supported by independent academic research for the benefits it can bring. Despite this, it is regarded by some objectors and academics as de facto gentrification. That position is not tenable and objectors have to explain how the disbenefits of the FDS scheme outweigh the obvious and substantial benefits in the short, medium and long term. The policy and practice of mixed communities are not perfect and do not offer utopian solutions in the case of the Estate. It is evident though, that this approach in the present socio-economic climate, has the capacity to deliver genuine improvements to troubled estates, the Aylesbury included.

I conclude that the FDS proposals will bring genuine aspirational regeneration to the Estate. The FDS proposals are likely to bring significant sustainable improvements in the conditions of Aylesbury residents suffering from aspects of deprivation, often multiple in nature. Others to benefit will be incoming residents who find a home in the FDS, especially an affordable one, and those who find employment during the long construction phase and after completion. Nevertheless, a long term view must be taken regarding: safeguarding, delivery and resourcing of this estate regeneration programme.

Finally, I conclude that under section 226, the Council must show that the FDS proposal for the CPO Land promotes or improves one or more of the: social, economic or environmental well-being of the area. This is right and proper because the FDS scheme impinges on tenants’ and leaseholders’ property rights. There are undoubtedly and unfortunately some disbenefits associated with the CPO proposals. However, drawing on the evidence presented in this proof, I am convinced that the regeneration benefits of the FDS scheme for the CPO Land are substantial, guaranteed to be delivered and far outweigh the disbenefits. I look forward to the CPO being confirmed so that the benefits can be achieved, to improve the lives, livelihoods and life chances of Aylesbury Estate residents.

Since the inception of Nigeria’s fourth republic,  there have been well over five secessionist movements from south east Nigeria with momentum potent enough to attract the attention of the Nigerian state.  Such movements are always assessed from the realist context of power politics which accrues no justification for challenge against state sovereignty with underlying interest covered in hardened positions and allowed free progress to the crisis stage.  In this work,  attempt is made to analyse the potency of secessionists’ group radicalisation and a possible adoption of terror strategy against the Nigerian state in the near future.  Content was qualitatively generated from secondary and primary sources.  The theories of Relative Deprivation and Horizontal Inequality were adopted as frameworks in analysing the marginalisation ‘question’  of south east Nigerians while the Staircase Radicalisation theory was used in evaluating the progressive scale of secessionist activities with a view to establishing the present threshold and/or the possibility of crossing the redline.  It is discovered that the  “Igbo marginalisation” cliché,  which is the livewire of secessionist impulse,  is gaining more validation among the south easterners and that secessionists’  activities are  getting  more  brazen, daring, audacious  and  extreme  with  time. There  is, therefore a  need,  for  the  Nigerian  government  to  wade  in  and  advance  a  superior  argument, through action,  to foreclose the chances of another unconventional warfare against a radical group – this time,  from the east.

Kenya is not a stranger to terrorism. The country has experienced a
number of attacks since the 1980’s, perpetrated by organizations such as
PFLP, Al Qaeda and al-Shabaab. While Kenya was long considered a permissive environment for terrorist operations and for sanctuary, in the past decade the country has experienced a surge in the number of individuals being radicalized and recruited into radical Islamic movements such as
al-Shabaab
and
Daesh
. Islamic radicalization and terror has thus become a home-
grown problem. Across Kenya’s northern border lies
Ethiopia; a country with many similarities to Kenya in terms of religious demography, historical religious power relations, a long border with an instable Somalia and a significant presence of conservative factions of Islam stemming from the Arabian Peninsula. Ethiopia has not, however, experienced near as much religiously motivated terrorism, and reports of Ethiopian individuals being radicalized, or joining movements such as al-Shabaab, are few and far in between. This study attempts to explain this variation between the two countries, using a comparative case study approach. The thesis has its starting point in Social Movement Theory, in order to explain the growth of Islamic radicalization and
jihadi
sentiments on Kenyan soil and the absence thereof in Ethiopia. It argues that the presence of radicalization in Kenya and the near absence of the same in Ethiopia can, at least to some degree, be explained by the differences in the relationship between the state and its Muslim minority relative other religious groups. Muslims in in Kenya appear to be more deprived in relation to others, than Muslims in Ethiopia in terms of economic and political factors. Moreover, the Muslim population in Kenya are being disproportionally and often indiscriminately targeted by state violence, while the Ethiopian state, although being highly repressive, appear to target all political opposition equally. In Kenya, this creates resentment towards the state on a group level, while it reinforces narratives claiming that the state is waging war against Islam. These factors aid in the creation of an environment that is easily exploited by jihadist movements in their recruitment efforts.

This essay examines how Ted Gurr's relative deprivation theory applies in the context of the Boko Haram conflict. The text that the article is centrally focused on is Rummel's chapter on Frustration Deprivation, Aggression and the conflict Helix. The essay begins by surveying the political and social conditions of Nigeria which has served as a catalyst to the rise of the Boko Haram extremist militant group. The essay then briefly evaluates the case of Boko Haram by applying the theory of relative deprivation. The essay also utilizes James Davies's theory of revolution (often cited as Davies J curve) in its analysis.

Natural resource, particularly oil, has been predicted to be a core factor of internal conflicts in the post-cold war era (Le Billon, 2001; Klare, 2001). This thesis explores the potential for conflict in new and emerging petro-states where recent oil discoveries have raised concerns about the risk of oil conflict occurring. The relative deprivation theory (Gurr, 1970) serves as the main theoretical point of discussion for this study.
Using a case study of Cape Three Points in Ghana, the study empirically examines how community level grievances, in terms of challenges and expectations connected with the discovery and production of oil, increase the potential for conflict in petro-states. Based on a mixed method research strategy, qualitative interviews and quantitative responses were analysed to shed light on local grievances, relative deprivation and the potential for conflict in Cape Three Points.
The study finds that the prevalence of unfulfilled expectations and rise in oil-related challenges has resulted in community level grievances in Cape Three Points. Consequently, local grievances have generated a feeling of relative deprivation among community members, when compared to other oil-bearing coastal communities, the government and the oil companies. However, the study suggest that the high level of frustration that has resulted from the feeling of relative deprivation has not directly translated into aggressive, violent conflict, although the potential remains high. Rather, a contrasting opinion on the use of aggression/violence to address grievances and relative deprivation exists among community members. Age, gender and collective attitude accounts for the contrasting opinion. On the basis of the analysis, the study concludes that from a relative deprivation perspective, conflict tendencies are evident in Cape Three Points, however, the onset of violent conflict seems unlikely, especially in the short term.

Tehran's complicated relationship with its ethnic sub-groups has been a pressing security concern since the formation of modern Iran in 1925. This concern is intimately linked with issues related to citizenship, democracy, and democratic political processes, which remain fundamental to Iran's political structure and the Iranian political sphere. This book argues that, while the Islamic Republic has employed various strategies to mitigate the worst excesses of inter-ethnic tension while still securing a Shi'a-Persian dominated state, the systematic neglect of ethnic groups by both the Islamic Republic and its predecessor regime has resulted in the politicization of ethnic identity in Iran.

The paper provides an account of Arab Spring origin, ideology and demands of civil society. The political turmoil in the Arab world challenged the political status quo of Middle East and North Africa. Arab Spring is the fundamental event in the Arab world history. It also describes the role of well educated youth and power of social media in Arab Spring. It further explains the demonstrations at Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya and Syria in details. Specifically, the paper spotlights on the relative deprivation theory of Ted Robert Gurr to illustrate why Arab Spring emerged. Relative deprivation theory has been used to clarify how socioeconomic shortages (unemployment, education and poverty) and political inefficiencies lead to collective turmoil. The answer provides a clue to resolve the current problem.

This article explores the conditions under which revolutionary mass uprisings are likely to occur. We offer a probabilistic explanation of the social and political conditions that make people rise against autocrats. The article presents a medium-n dataset of 79 revolutionary mass uprisings in 165 autocracies since 1945. Since revolutions are rare events, a combination of factors must come together to trigger them. Drawing on the extant literature on revolutionary change, we find initial support for a range of discrete factors. Our findings suggest that four such factors are particularly powerful explanations of revolutionary mass uprisings-and a combination of those factors will go a long way in predicting revolutionary change: a history of protracted low-level popular contention; the presence of personalist regimes; long tenure of incumbents in office; and the showroom effect of uprisings in the temporal and spatial vicinity of states. In a broader theoretical perspective, these findings give rise to a breaking-point explanation of revolutionary situations, emphasizing that mass uprisings build up over time, whereas structuralist theories or grievance-based approaches fare less well in predicting revolutionary ruptures.

Despite its original function as a middle stage for population transform from the rural area to the urban area, the social group of migrant workers has now formed a new and comparatively stable social stratum in modern China. While most of the studies concerning this new group focus on the sociological side, this study tends to introduce a social-psychological approach into this field. This study also aims at providing political and institutional advice by following the existed model of social identification.

The article is a theoretical introduction to the problem of social movements. Its objective is to draw attention to the fact that the various theories of social movements should not be treated as rival but complementary theories, since each brings into relief a different set of problems pertaining to the same broadly defined subject matter. The following issues are discussed: beginnings of sociological reflection on social movements, theories of collective action, mobilization of resources, social constructionism and theories of new social movements. The last part of the article brings an overview of the areas of interest of particular theories of social movements.

This study presents the adaptation and evidence of validity of the Spanish version of the Status Anxiety Scale. This measure evaluates people's tendency to be concerned with their socioeconomic status. In two correlational studies, one exploratory (N = 270) and one confirmatory (N = 258), the instrument showed good reliability, in addition to a one-factor structure and a positive correlation with relative deprivation, tendency towards social comparison and perception of inequality. Furthermore, a third experimental study (N = 140) found that the participants in the condition of low socioeconomic status experienced greater status anxiety. In short, these studies suggest that the Spanish version of the Status Anxiety Scale can be used in the Spanish population.

There has been much research on why Maoist conflict occurred, what is the root causes of its persistence, and what could be effective antidote of Maoist violence, but because of multifarious reasons and lack of lucid understanding about Maoist conflict no one theory can claim that it thoroughly propounds the recurrence of this decades-old violence phenomenon. This part of chapter deals with theoretical perspectives which are basically foundations in our studying of Maoist violence. ‘The government of India uses several strategies and paradigms to tackle insurgencies and armed conflicts. The dominant strategy is based on the security paradigm, which consists of maintaining the status quo and putting down insurgencies with the use of the force to regain control and establish law and order along with development projects and welfare schemes like employment generation, lone waivers’  and attractive surrender policy. After brief discussion on various theoretical foundations that underpin our understanding of India’s biggest security challenge – the Maoist violence – I will discover the gaps and propose an alternative in broader contextualisation of human security perspective.

This text takes an approach that the author proposes to call "methodological relationism", as distinct from methodological individualism such as holism. Such an approach considers social relations as primary realities and individuals and collective institutions as secondary realities, that is, as specific crystallizations of social relations. In the history of sociology, these social relations have been apprehended in a variety of ways. In this article, both 'individuality' and 'capitalism' are considered to be historical crystallizations of social relations. Capitalism is understood merely as one of the principal tendencies which condition social formations. This article is above all theoretical and programmatic. It addresses the Marxist analysis of capitalism, giving a more important place to the individual, and also focuses on the specificities of neocapitalism. To conclude, the author discusses the social effects on individuality and the means of individuality's resistance which the contradictions of neocapitalism tend to generate.

Substantial evidence has linked depressive symptoms to various indices of societal-level inequality and relative deprivation. A larger literature has also addressed cognitive vulnerability and correlates of depression. Despite this evidence, little research to date has examined the relationship of depressive symptoms with such downstream individual-level consequences of inequality as subjective relative deprivation, or whether relative deprivation is associated with cognitive vulnerability in depression. We conducted two investigations among four separate samples (total N ¼ 2999) to examine associations between subjective relative deprivation and depressive symptoms and cognitions. Across our studies and four different self-report measures of depressive symptoms, we found consistent significant positive associations between subjective relative deprivation and depression symptoms. Further, we found that subjective relative deprivation was predictive of depressive symptoms over and above other known vulnerability factors. Finally, we found that the relationship between subjective relative deprivation and depressive symptoms was fully mediated by negative automatic thoughts about self. These results provide further evidence of the importance of subjective deprivation in maintaining negative mental health outcomes.

Morocco is regularly the scene of particularly strong localized mobilizations that remind us of the structural difficulties of generating development throughout the country. Today, the socio-economic indicators of many medium-sized cities reveal the lack of prospects for urban youth who suffer from a growing sense of relative deprivation. The stagnation or even economic decline of some medium-sized cities has favoured the redeployment of clientelist political networks wishing to occupy historical intermediation functions. However, while these networks hoped to renew their legitimacy by taking advantage of the process of advanced regionalisation, the intensity of the mobilisations, which were sometimes violent, were seized by the government in a context of conflict between the majority and the opposition. Governemental majority hopes to discredit local elected representatives and strengthens its influence. In the end, the dynamics of political pluralization appears to be unfinished because it renews dependency relationships between the center and the periphery without allowing the affirmation of local dynamics able to support inclusive territorial policies.

A longitudinal study was conducted among 93 nurses to determine the role of comparing oneÕs performance with that of oneÕs colleagues in the increase versus decrease of perceived relative deprivation at work over a period of one year. Relative deprivation at T2 had in-creased particularly among those high in social comparison orientation (Gibbons & Buunk, 1999) who at T1 (1) more frequently engaged in upward comparisons; (2) more frequently de-rived positive as well as negative feelings from such comparisons; and (3) more frequently de-rived negative feelings from downward comparison. Moreover, engaging in downward comparison also led to an increase in perceived relative deprivation at T2. This study is one of the few to find evidence for longitudinal effects of social comparison activity, and the first to find that such effects occur only for those high in social comparison orientation. Ó 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved.

Bu araştırma, hastanede çalışan ev idaresi personelinin göreli yoksunluk duygusu ile algılanan bireysel performansları ve iş performansı arasındaki ilişkiyi belirlemek amacıyla planlanmış ve yürütülmüştür. Araştırmanın evrenini, Ankara'da faaliyet gösteren hastanelerdeki kurum ve ev idaresi personeli oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmada, araştırmaya katılmayı kabul eden 949 ev idaresi personeline anket uygulanmıştır. Araştırmada, "Göreli Yoksunluk Ölçeği", "İşgören Performansı Ölçeği" ve "İş Performansı Ölçeği" kullanılmıştır. Ölçeklerin genel ortalamasına bakıldığında, ev idaresi personelinin göreli yoksunluk puan ortalamasının "orta düzeyin" altında olduğu belirlenmiştir. "Göreli yoksunluk ölçeği" ile "algılanan bireysel performans ölçeği" ve rol dışı iş performansı alt boyutu arasında negatif yönde düşük seviyede istatistiksel olarak anlamlı derecede bir ilişki saptanmıştır (p<0,05).

Rural-urban inequality in China has been increasing over the past few decades, with the prospects of higher wages in urban centers leading to mass rural-urban migration. I examine how rural inequality affects the household decision to invest in domestic migration. I use relative deprivation to measure inequality and find that relative deprivation, measured cardinally or ordinally, pushes households to invest in migration. I also estimate the impact of rural-urban migration on rural inequality in China. I use conditional quantile regressions and define inequality as the gap between the 80 th and 20 th percentiles. Considering that remotely-earned income is a substitute for income that otherwise would have been locally earned, I simulate the gap using counterfactual income distributions where all households field migrants or none do. I find that inequality would have been higher without migration, and would have been lower if every household had fielded a migrant.

This article examines the potential for bias in individual responses to sensitive survey questions caused by the presence of another adult at the time of interview. Specifically it looks at the issue of data collection in relation to questions on material equality between married couples within the same household. It examines the differences, if any, between interviews conducted with an

Relative deprivation is defined as the range of joint actions between individual achievement and individual deviation, intergroups attitudes and physical and mental health. Apart from certain deprivation, in relative deprivation there is a relative lack in individuals rights, beliefs or materials compared to other individuals. This theory has been studied by many disciplines like management, marketing, behavioral sciences and it is conceived as an action that will be effective in the formation of service sabotage in employee behavior. In todays cutthroat competitive environment the aim of organizations is maximizing the service quality. The employees having the relative deprivation can reveal the service sabotage during the production of service and goods. Besides; the increase in the individuals focusing on bad experiences, angry afterthoughts and reaching new conclusions on the basis of previous evidences might increase the service sabotage behaviour. This research aims to examine the relationships amongst relative deprivation of marketing employees, anger rumination and service sabotage of these employees. The anger rumination is studied as the moderator variable of the research model. The participation of anger rumination inside the relation between relative deprivation and service sabotage constitutes this models distinctive aspect. The data obtained from this research propose that the service quality is a rising need of companies thus eliminating the impact level of the relative deprivation and anger rumination on production levels of service or goods may contribute to the building of a more qualified companies in competitive markets.