Reform

The article considers the main aspects of assessing the effectiveness of reforming the territorial and administrative system in Ukraine. The purpose of local government reform is to ensure its ability to independently, at its own expense, to address issues of local importance. As a result of the reform of local self-government bodies, the unification (consolidation) of territorial communities is envisaged. This will reduce the cost of maintaining the management staff, will allow the redirection of resources for the implementation of local development projects. Based on the analytical study of the monitoring of the course of territorial and administrative reform of Ukraine, the systems of evaluation of the implementation of the idea of decentralization in the  reform of the territorial-administrative system are presented. The matrix approach is used during the simulation. A mechanism for determining the effectiveness of reforming the territorial and administrative system in Ukraine through ensuring efficiency has been developed. The latter is determined by the coherence of the goals of the development of the territorial community and the objectives at a particular stage of reform.

As the first decade of the 21st century comes to an end, humanity is challenged by economic growth and the
associated destructive development that is causing unprecedented environmental damage around the world.
Traditional ways of living have been completely replaced by the consumerist and profit making paradigms. To
envision and practice for a better world the author discusses the importance of environmental advocacy as a critical
component of environmental education. The author elucidates this through some experiences of the organisation she
works with.
Key Words: Environmental Education, Advocacy, Campaign, Community, Participation, Public interest, Reform,
Economic Development.

Yeniden biçimlenmiş veya yeni nizam anlamına gelen Reform , Rönesans'ın içerisinde yer alan dinsel bir akımdır. Alman papaz Martin Luther'in (1483-1576), 1517 yılında Württemberg Kilise'sinin kapısına astığı, Katolik Kilisesi’ne karşı protestosundan dolayı Protestanlık adını alan bu akım, gerçekte ise genel düşünceyi dile getiriyordu. Katolik Kilisesi, Rönesans'ın getirdiği yeniden doğuş düşüncesine uymayacak kadar donmuş ve bozulmuştu. Hıristiyanlığın özüne dönülerek, skolastik eklentilerden kurtulmasını sağlamak hemen hemen tüm Hıristiyanların dileğiydi. Fransa'da Jean Calvin (1509-1564) ve İsviçre'de Huldrych Zwingli'nin (1484-1531) geliştirdiği Protestanlık daha sonra Calvinizm olarak İngiltere'ye girmiş Anglikanizm'i doğurmuştu.  Hıristiyanlıktaki bu ayrışmalar Avrupa'yı uzun yıllar sürecek olan bir karmaşaya, siyasi çekişmelere ve din savaşlarına sürükleyecekti.

Recent debates about the bachelor in Morocco show that teaching learners to maintain positive attitudes and take over responsibilities for social and political processes is an essential educational asset of soft skills, mainly for schools that adopt project-based instructions. To engage students in this newest reform, significant preconditions of democratic school culture are set as effective outcomes to generate ethical behaviors. Today, social and political issues tend to provide meaningful opportunities to engage students in proper activities, specifically by using project-based learning. This paper aims at examining important venues that Moroccan school leaders, along with the bachelor outcomes, wish to implement to foster democratic participation within and outside school life by adopting project-based learning. It questions the challenges and perspectives of this implementation along with the progress of Moroccan educational institutions. Hence, the paper adheres to a meta-analysis technique, whereby a unique examination of the various already conducted studies came out with conclusions: perspectives and challenges. The typical meta-analysis method disengages readings of various scholarly academic sources related to school effectiveness concerning the implementation of project-based instruction, specifically after a long journey of debates about the bachelor. Because of its descriptive nature, this method allows the researcher to explore the wide-range of pitfalls that provide potential opportunities for alternative conclusions which are adopted in restructured and well-run approaches. The significant results and conclusions drawn from this paper are profoundly and qualitatively discussed and analyzed.

Recent debates about the bachelor in Morocco show that teaching learners to maintain positive attitudes and take over responsibilities for social and political processes is an essential educational asset of soft skills, mainly for schools that adopt project-based instructions. To engage students in this newest reform, significant preconditions of democratic school culture are set as effective outcomes to generate ethical behaviors. Today, social and political issues tend to provide meaningful opportunities to engage students in proper activities, specifically by using project-based learning. This paper aims at examining important venues that Moroccan school leaders, along with the bachelor outcomes, wish to implement to foster democratic participation within and outside school life by adopting project-based learning. It questions the challenges and perspectives of this implementation along with the progress of Moroccan educational institutions. Hence, the paper adheres to a meta-analysis technique, whereby a unique examination of the various already conducted studies came out with conclusions: perspectives and challenges. The typical meta-analysis method disengages readings of various scholarly academic sources related to school effectiveness concerning the implementation of project-based instruction, specifically after a long journey of debates about the bachelor. Because of its descriptive nature, this method allows the researcher to explore the wide-range of pitfalls that provide potential opportunities for alternative conclusions which are adopted in restructured and well-run approaches. The significant results and conclusions drawn from this paper are profoundly and qualitatively discussed and analyzed.

The People’s Republic of China faced multiple constraints in its 1950s industrialization drive –  a persistent capital shortage, a severe undersupply of engineers, designers, managers and technicians, insufficient administrative capability, and painfully weak infrastructure in transport and communications. Missteps and errors wasted resources on urgent but poorly executed projects, climaxing in catastrophes at decade’s end: the Great Leap Forward’s failure, a bitter rift with the USSR (Soviet advisors’ abandoning huge construction projects), and dreadful agricultural plans prioritizing crops for industry (e.g., cotton) over foodstuffs, triggering China’s last famine. Much needed fixing, clearly. Hence, Beijing leaders promoted a series of economic reform campaigns, two of which, Technology Reform and Design Reform focused on enterprises, but have been largely forgotten. This study recovers and analyzes their courses.

ÖNSÖZ
Aydınlık mevsimi mi, yoksa karanlık mevsimi miydi; insanların umut baharı ya da umutsuzluk kışı mıydı? Mutluluk için insanlar aklını kullanmalı mıydı, yoksa mutsuzluk akılda mıydı? Dünya, insanın mı, kendisinin mi etrafında dönüyordu? İnsan, çağın ortasında karanlıkta mı kalmıştı; zaman gelip güneş, akıllarından başka hiçbir şeyi olmayan insanların üzerine doğacak ve onlar da zincirlerini kırarak özgür mü kalacaktı? Aydınlanma! İnsanın, karanlık dünyasını görmesini sağlayan, yakılan bir mum; yoksa canını yakan bir ateş miydi? İnsan ya aklı ya da kalbi mi seçmeliydi; insan, hem akla hem de kalbe sahip olamaz mıydı? İnsan, bu düalizmin uçlarında mı, var olmak zorundaydı. İdealleri uğruna hayatlar vakfedilen, baskılara göğüs gerilen, yakılarak can verilen bu aydınlanma neydi? İnsan, aklını kullanmaya cesaret etmek ve var olmak için, var değil miydi? İşte! Aydınlanma insanın kendisi olarak, küçük dünyasında nefes alması için açılan bir pencereydi. Ve insan, onun için açılan bu pencereye, ancak itaat zincirlerini kırmaya cesaret edebildiğinde ulaşabilmişti.

Özelde Avrupa genelde ise tüm dünya tarihi için önemli olan Aydınlanmacılık Hareketi'nin ortaya çıkışının, karanlık bir ortamda aniden yakılan bir mum ile gerçekleşen bir aydınlanma olmadığını, bunun XII. yüzyıldan itibaren katlanarak gelen değerlerin bir süreç sonunda meydana geldiği, yaşananların bir zincirin halkaları gibi birbiriyle bağlantılı olduğu, bu çalışmanın ana tezidir. Ortaçağ merkez değer yargılarının, Bilimin Yükselişi'yle birlikte oluşturulan yeni değerlerin merkez değer haline gelmesiyle, insanın kendisinde ve dünyasında aydınlanma gerçekleşmeye başlamıştır. Bu çalışmaya gereksinim duyulmasının sebebi, Aydınlanmacılık Hareketi'nin bir sebep-sonuç olarak ele alınması ve hâlâ devam ettiği iddiasının doğru olmamasıdır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, yaşanan bu süreçte değişen merkez değer yargılarının tespiti ve devinimin nasıl gerçekleştiğidir. Gerçekleşen bu devinim, çalışma esnasında oluşturulan "Toplumsal Devinimlerde Biraradalık Perspektifi"yle Avrupa'da Ortaçağ felsefesi, Aydınlanmacılık Hareketi'nin altyapısı ve ortaya çıkışı bölümleriyle aktarılmıştır.

a period of major social upheavals in American society; the major issue was the slavery. This period also witnessed the birth and organization of the Sabbatarian Adventism, a pre-millennial Christian movement distinguished by an emphasis on the Seventh-day Sabbath and a special understanding of Bible prophecies. Most Adventist pioneers vehemently opposed slavery, although not always on the same ground as their Christian counterparts. Aided by their peculiar understanding of Bible prophecy, the early Adventists identified America with apocalyptical end-time power, slavery being the key attribute of the “beast that looks like a lamb but speaks like a dragon ” from Revelation 13:11. This article investigates the development of Adventist connection between slavery, America and Bible prophecy.

Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh (special issue editor) (2011), International Journal of China Studies, Vol. 2, No. 2, August/September 2011 (Special Issue – Reform, Governance and Equity: Exploring the Sociopolitical Implications of Contemporary China's Transformation), pp. 123-549 (427 pp. + vii). [Scopus - Q2] <https://www.dropbox.com/s/tyuohv09ux076qr/IJCS-V2N2-combined-text-final-041011-corr-428441443463-with-cover-011111.pdf>

Emile Kok-Kheng Yeoh (special issue editor) (2010), International Journal of China Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, October 2010 (Special Issue – China in Transition: Social Change in the Age of Reform), pp. 237-666 (430 pp. + vii). [Scopus] <https://www.dropbox.com/s/cgka4067asy6chs/IJCS-V1N2-final-021110.pdf>

Abstract
The objective of this article is to advocate for a paradigm shift. With the adoption in Burkina Faso in 1983 of objectives-based curriculum comprising the three components of Presentation, Practice and Production, designing consensual operational objectives still continue to be a challenge. This is the shared difficulty for both teachers and the educational supervisors. The proposed objectives vary from one teacher to another and from on educational supervisor to another. Due to that practical divergence of opinions and discrepancy of ideas regarding the design of consensual objectives, this research work has envisaged and come up with an alternative approach in order to overcome those difficulties sprouting along the objectives designing task.
Keywords: reform; curriculum; paradigm shift; competency-based approach.

Kyrgyz school education is in a catastrophic situation. The reading skills of 74 percent of fifteen-year old Kyrgyzstanis are below basic (“pass”) level. Math and sciences results are even worse – failing students constitute 84 percent and 82 percent respectively. Such were the shocking findings of an independent national survey administered in 2008. Earlier in 2006, Kyrgyzstan recorded the lowest score among the 57 countries that participated in the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA). With the Kyrgyz data for PISA-2009 just being processed, nothing can be stated confidently. However, the virtual inaction of responsible state bodies throughout the year hint that the situation is virtually unchanged.

A central issue in system improvement is the propagation of a common sense of purpose where individual institutions can simultaneously bond with the wider system while exercising autonomy in context – hence the centrality of networks and collaboration (Hopkins 2007). The Maltese state education system responded to this concomitant move towards ‘network governance’ through the introduction of school networks (legally termed ‘colleges’), mandated by the policy document For All Children to Succeed (Ministry of Education, Youth and Employment 2005). I explore the implications of this move for the policy actors involved and the system within which this policy reception, translation and enactment unfold through a documentary analysis of the policy document FACTS, thus depicting how a relatively small state education system utilized multi-site school collaboratives to implement system-wide reform. Despite FACTS’ promise of autonomy, the state’s struggle for the retention of hegemony emerges very strongly – this has implications for policy and practice.

2012 yılında çıkarılan 6360 Sayılı Kanun ile birlikte yerel yönetimlerin yapısında büyük değişiklikler yapılmıştır. Büyükşehir belediyelerinin hizmet alanı il sınırlarına genişletilmiş, beldeler ve köyler mahalleye dönüştürülmüştür. İl Özel İdareleri kaldırılmış ve Yatırımları İzleme ve Koordinasyon Başkanlıkları kurulmuştur. Bu değişikliklerle birlikte; katılım başta olmak üzere yerel hizmetlerin sunulmasında etkinlik ve verimlilik ve bunlara bağlı olarak yerelleşme-merkezileşme tartışmaları hız kazanmıştır. 16 büyükşehir belediyesine 14 büyükşehir belediyesinin daha eklenmesiyle ülke nüfusunun yaklaşık %92’sinin belediye sınırları içinde yaşar hale gelmesi bu tartışmaların artarak devam etmesinde etkili olmuştur.6360 Sayılı Kanun öncesi, köy muhtarlığı ve il özel idareleri vasıtasıyla hizmet alan yerler 2014 yılı Nisan ayından itibaren ilçe belediyesi ve büyükşehir belediyesi ile tanışmış ve yerel hizmetler açısından birçok yeni durum ortaya çıkmıştır. Köy muhtarlıkları “icracı” k...

Today’s problems, which are not very different from those of any other period, more or less difficult in the life of the Church, should not be of particular concern to us, in the sense that it is not an absolute priority, but rather we should care how to remain completely faithful to the Tradition of our Church in such circumstances.

Thomas Aquinas (1224-1274) Hıristiyan Ortaçağ felsefesinin ünlü Skolastik düşünürüdür. Aristoteles felsefesini benimseyen ve insan aklının erişebileceği en muazzam yapı olarak değerlendiren Thomas, söz konusu rasyonel felsefeyi Hıristiyan inancıyla uzlaştırmaya çalışmıştır (Patristik düşünce). O, felsefe tarihinde kazandığı büyük ünü Hıristiyanlık ile Aristotelesçilik arasında yapmış olduğu senteze borçludur. Thomas'ın söz konusu sentezi, akıl ile iman arasındaki ona göre, ideal ilişkiyi ifade eder.  IX. yüzyıldan sonra Ortaçağ düşüncesine üniversitelerinde kabul ettiği skolastik düşüncenin ve Aristoteles'in yeniden doğuşuna bağlı düşünce biçiminin hâkim olduğu söylenir.  Thomas üzerinden döneme hâkim olan siyasal düşünceleri inceleyerek O’nun kendinden sonraki dönemlere etkisine ve toplum, yasa, yönetim biçimleri, meşru iktidar, mülkiyet gibi kavramlara Thomas'ın yüklediği anlamlara bakalım. Thomas'a göre yasa: "Yasa bir davranış kuralı ya da ölçüsüdür, bir şeyin yapılmasını emreder ya da yasaklar, yasa kişilerin tutum ve davranışlarıyla ilgili yükümlülükler getirir." Thomas akla vurgu yaparak şöyle devam ediyor: "İnsanın tutum ve davranışlarının kuralı ve ölçüsü ise akıldan başka bir şey değildir, çünkü akıl kişinin amacına ulaşabilmesi için yapması gereken ile kaçınması gerekeni gösterir. Böylece yasa aklın bir emri, kuralı olur." Thomas yasayı, "toplumu yönetme görevini üstlenmiş olan yöneticinin, ortak yararı sağlamak amacıyla koyduğu ve yayınladığı aklın emri" olarak tanımlıyor.

Özet Birleşmiş Milletler Örgütü'nün kuruluşundan bu yana daimi üyeler diğer üye devletler üzerinde daimi üyelik sahipliği ve veto yetkisi ile üstünlük sağlamaktadır. Bu devletlere verilen veto yetkisi o zamanın şartlarında dünya barış ve güvenliğinin sağlanabilmesi adına büyük önem teşkil etmiştir. Fakat örgütün kuruluşundan bu yana birçok küresel denge değişmiştir. Daimi üyelerin bazıları gücünü yitirmiştir. Ayrıca barış ve güvenliğin tesisi için veto hakkının da büyük bir önemi kalmamıştır. Değişen küresel yapıya karşın BM Güvenlik Konseyi'nin yapısı gözle görülür bir değişime uğramamıştır. Üye sayısının hızla artmasına rağmen daimi üye sayısı neredeyse sabit kalmıştır. Bu da doğal olarak konseyin çoğulcu bir yapıya sahip olmasını engellemiştir. Veto hakkı nedeniyle demokratiklikten iyice uzaklaşılmıştır. Barış ve güvenliğin sağlanması adına verilen bu hak, hak sahibi devletler tarafından kendi çıkarları uğruna kullanılmış ve veriliş amacından tamamen sapmıştır. Tüm bu nedenlerle konseyin yeniden yapılanması durumu gündeme gelmektedir. Fakat bu yapılanmanın sağlanabilmesi için Birleşmiş Milletler Örgütü'nün sözleşmesinde ve usul kurallarında değişiklik yapılması gerekmektedir. Bu da maalesef veto hakkına haiz ülkelerin muvafakati ile gerçekleştirilebilecek bir değişimdir. Bu değişimle birlikte 5 daimi üye farklılıklarının ve GK üzerindeki gücünü kaybedecektir. Bu nedenle örgüt sisteminde köklü bir değişim yapılmasına yanaşmamaktadırlar. Anahtar Kelimeler: BM, veto, güvenlik konseyinin yeniden yapılanması, reform, daimi üye.

La reforma del régimen jurídico local conlleva la oportunidad de que los "funcionarios de Administración local con habilitación de carácter nacional", más allá de su rol tradicional de garantes de la legalidad, se conviertan en una suerte de curadores de la ética y la moralidad de la res publica de los entes locales en el Estado español, a través de lo que se denomina la "función de regeneración democrática" de las administraciones públicas. Este análisis se extiende a Italia, comparándose las soluciones que el ordenamiento jurídico italiano y el español dan a la probidad pública y a la lucha contra la corrupción.
The reform of local legal system involves the opportunity for the "local administration officials with national qualification" beyond its traditional role as guarantors of legality, to become a sort of curators of ethics and morality of the res publica of the local authorities in the Spanish State. It will be done through the so called "democratic regeneration function" of the government and public administrations. This analysis extends to Italy, comparing the solutions that the Italian legal system and the Spanish ones give to the public probity and to the fight against corruption.

Environmental justice was a notion coined in the U.S. in an attempt to protect the environments of minorities whose neighbourhoods had been used to store hazardous waste. Attempts have been made to evolve this concept on a global scale to protect the environments of periphery nations around the globe, whose environments have become dumpsites for the consequences of industrialization in the West. For example, industrial waste from the U.K. has been found in Guinea, U.S. industrial waste has been found in Zimbabwe, Italian industrial waste has been found in Nigeria, as it is more cost effective to store hazardous industrial waste in a Third World country, than in a Western-industrialized country, due to more stringent environmental policies in the latter. Likewise, there are numerous other Third World countries, which currently harbour industrial waste originating in the West. Harnessing insights from third world approaches to international law (TWAIL), one notices that the 1989 Basel Convention like other regimes of International law has proven to be unfruitful in protecting the environments of Third World peoples. More importantly, it is one thing for a private entity to conclude an agreement with a private person or with a corrupt government official in the Third World, to harbour industrial waste within the borders of his country; yet it is a totally different matter for an international investment arbitral tribunal to disregard a sovereign State’s attempts to protect its environment for the welfare of its people, to secure the interest of foreign investors, as ICSID did in relation to Mexico the Tecmed Case. However, this is might come as no surprise to those who recall the World Bank Memorandum, where Lawrence Summers, then chief economist, openly endorsed the dumping of hazardous waste in developing countries. Therefore as opposed to investment protection in many Third World countries, it does not seem that the protection of the environments of Third World countries are on the list of the priorities of this institution.

Immigration reform is made up of two differing extreme positions, but by seeking common ground, a more fair and balanced approach may be adopted in the best interests of all.Rather than trying to analyze positions as conservative or liberal, it makes more sense to view the extremes as a “closed border” versus “open border” approach. The extreme positions will not work, so a more middle-ground position would require a thoughtful examination of a number of issues. Those issues are what are the costs and benefits of removing those already illegally here; what role should the federal, state, and local governments play; and how much are we willing to impose sanctions upon citizens in the name of immigration control? Attempting to answer these questions will be difficult, but beginning this process will enable a movement inward from the extremes to a more just immigration policy.

The history of American immigration is dramatic and made up of extreme positions both calling for reform, when a middle-ground might serve as a starting point for the implementation of some thoughtfully-conceived measures to address our current immigration situation. The rhetoric associated with the contemporary immigration debate is often harsh; yet it pales by comparison with the extreme discussions in earlier periods of our history. In the process, seeking a common ground from the extremes might increase the likelihood of the formulation of an equitable approach to immigration reform.

Recent financial crises highlight weaknesses in financial markets and the need for regulatory and supervisory bodies (RSB) to improve the stability of financial markets. Currently, international institutions like the IMF and the World Bank place the independent RSB among their principle policy recommendations to developing countries. This paper acknowledges the importance of independent RSB for the proper functioning of financial markets. However, this paper also points out the preconditions to establish independent RSB. Unless certain prerequisites are satisfied, policy recommendations to construct an independent RSB are doomed to fail. The recent Turkish experience is provided as a case study to elucidate this conclusion. This paper first presents the arguments for independent RSB and the policy recommendations in institution building for stronger financial system. Then, the background of Turkish experience for independent RSB is provided. Finally, we analyze the primary reasons f...

Devletlerin tarihi bürokratik yapı ve gelenekler üzerine kurulu bir kültür yaratarak devam etmektedir. Devlet olgusu ile daha çok ön plana çıkan bürokratik yapı, toplumsal yapılanmanın devamı için egemen güçlerce kullanılan bir baskı aracı olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır. Tek parti döneminde Türk kamu bürokrasisinde yapılan reformların incelendiği bu çalışmada Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin Osmanlı Devleti’nden devraldığı ve daha sonra üzerinde reformlar yaptığı bürokratik yapı, bürokrasiye yüklenen misyonlar, patrimonyal bürokratik yapının izlerinin silinmesi çalışmaları ve rasyonel bürokrasiye
geçmek için atılan adımlar incelenmektedir. Kökleri Tanzimat dönemine dayanan bürokratik yapının Cumhuriyet’in kurumsal yapılanmasına etkisi ortaya konulmaya çalışılmaktadır. Tek parti döneminde yapılan köklü reformların aslında Osmanlının son dönemlerinde başlayan yenilenme hareketlerinin bir devamı olduğu ancak ortamın uygun olması ile etkinliğinin arttığı ve daha radikal kararlar alındığı düşünülmektedir.

Abstract

History of the governments continues by creating a culture based on bureaucracy and tradition. Bureaucracy comes more into prominence with Government fact and used as means of pressure by sovereign powers to build social structure. In this article we investigate the reforms committed in Turkish public bureaucracy in one-party period, bureaucratic structure which Republic of Turkey took over from Ottoman Empire and made reforms on it, missions loaded to bureaucracy, works to blot out the traces of patrimonial bureaucratic structure and the steps to rational bureaucracy. We tried to assert the effect of bureaucratic structure based on Tanzimat reform era to Republic’s
institutional structuring. We argue that radical reforms committed in one-party period were actually follow ups of renewal movement in Ottoman Empire’s final period and with the right time they geared up and radical decisions were taken.

enomenal spread of unconventional means of payments has been one of the most controversial features of Russia's post-socialist economic development. Orthodox analyses tend to trace the causes of the non-monetary economy to the inconsistency of political reforms, to the legacy of the past, and to endemic corruption. This article challenges such accounts. From the perspective of international political economy, the proliferation of nonpayments, severe liquidity squeeze and the structural disjuncture between Russia's financial and productive circuits are the outcomes of the country's pursuit of the paradigm of the Washington Consensus. In this light, barter and nonpayments in Russia are neither the‘inevitable’features of the market restructuring, nor simply the residue of the command system. The non-monetary economy in Russia is a peculiar reaction to the politico-economic imperatives brought onto the country by the deregulated financial markets and by the neoliberal political ideology that underpins their global expansion.

"La amplia incidencia del fracaso escolar en determinados grupos minoritarios sólo puede ser entendida desde un enfoque
multidimensional. En este artículo se aborda una de estas dimensiones, el rol del contexto escolar en la construcción de la
identidad. Para ello, desde una perspectiva ecológica y cultural, se adopta el concepto bakhtiniano de lenguajes sociales y se
analizan los procesos de privilegiación de los mismos en la escuela. La investigación consiste en el análisis del discurso de
maestros acerca de sus alumnos en escuelas en las que la mitad o más de la población pertenecen a la etnia gitana, y el resto
forman parte de familias inmigrantes. El material obtenido en grupos focales se analiza mediante la herramienta
ATLAS.ti. Se hallan dos tipos de discurso, el que privilegia un único lenguaje social y el que no lo hace, y se discuten sus
diferentes impactos en la inclusión educativa en la escuela intercultural.
Palabras clave: Minorías, identidad, discurso maestros, interculturalidad, inclusión.



The widespread incidence of school failure in some minority groups can only be understood from a multidimensional
approach. This article addresses one of these dimensions: the role of school context on identity construction. To do so, from
an ecological and cultural perspective, the Bakhtinian concept of social languages is adopted and their privilegiation
processes in school are analysed. This research study examines teachers’ talk about their students –in schools where half or
more of the children are Roma– and the rest come from immigrant families. The material obtained from focus groups is
analysed using the software tool ATLAS.ti. The results showed there were two types of discourse: one which privileges only
one social language and another which does not; and their different impacts on the inclusion of intercultural education in
school are discussed.
Keywords: Minorities, identity, teacher’s discourse, interculturality, inclusion."