Shelley M Deane

This thesis argues that negotiated peace agreements to regulate ethnic conflicts need to be understood as a process of within-bloc as well as between-bloc elite bargaining. The proposition advanced here is that the nature of the agreement depends upon the dynamics within each respective ethnic bloc. The theoretical framework of the thesis entails a shift in the conceptual paradigm for viewing ethnic blocs as unitary actors. Rather than viewing ethnic blocs as unitary actors (like nation-states), it argues that in the fluid dynamics of divided societies ethnic blocs consist of an area in which there is a constellation of factions that seek to exercise a monopoly of legitimate power and compete for control over the bloc's population. The nature of within-bloc competition shapes elite incentives and preferences in negotiating an inter-ethnic bargain. The nature of the bargain, whether a comprehensive maximal peace agreement or a limited minimal pact, is influenced by three importan...

Page 1. Where Have All the Protest Songs Gone? Social Movements' Message and Their Voice in Politicsi ... In conclusion, we return to our initial questions: how do social movements find and use their voices and why does the current era have so few protest songs? ...

Abstract: Education policy is uniquely placed to address the soft security concerns of refugee resettlement, with educators equipped to recognise, react and respond to the unique education needs and welfare of the Syria’s next generation. An appropriate education policy response to the refugee crisis can reduce the risk of stigma, isolation, intra-community tensions, marginalisation and even radicalisation. The protracted nature of the Syrian conflict has directed international donors’ attention to the ‘lost generation’ of school-age Syrian refugee children. Governments, international agencies and foundations at the fourth Syria donors’ conference in London (Supporting Syria and the Region) pledged to fund education projects and programmes to bridge the education gap. This article addresses the status of formal and informal education in Syrian refugee host states. The article examines the factors that shape formal, non-formal and emergency education provision, and addresses accelerated learning and best practice provision to help the next generation of Syrian refugees thrive.

Implementing power-sharing arrangements can be cumbersome. This article examines the institutional processes and changing nature of power-sharing mechanisms instituted in Northern Ireland and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It scrutinises the problems of legitimacy and elite ...

Street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi’s self-immolation ignited protest throughout Tunisia in December 2010. Bouazizi’s response to the confiscation of his fruit cart by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali’s regime officials resonated throughout Tunisia and the wider Arab world. A personal protest in a provincial city of Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia’s interior became the point of departure for the Arab “Spring”. In a matter of weeks, people were unified in a series of uprisings against their respective authoritarian governments. Driven by socio-economic deprivation, young politically disenfranchised, socially marginalised and unemployed citizens across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) marched demanding a political voice. Tunisians triggered a wave of home-grown uprisings, many of which became revolutionary movements across the Middle East. Broad-based independent associations of people across the Arab world mobilised to exert popular pressure on the government and the state. These independent associations of people, including non-governmental organisations (NGOs), community groups, labour unions, charities, political, professional and faith-based associations defined by the World Bank as civil society organisations (CSOs), unified in unprecedented demands for political representation, free association and regime change.

Moreover, what mechanisms are most likely to impede organizational transformation and determine the degree to which criminal-military elements are successfully pacified by the political process? This paper addresses the protagonists' problem of curtailing criminality, ...

Sarwar is one of the “lucky” young refugees plucked from the unaccompanied detainees held in overpopulated detention centers, and transferred to a shelter for unaccompanied and vulnerable youth. The shelter is one of a number run by one of the Greek non-governmental organisations (NGOs) working tirelessly to facilitate the needs of young refugees who find themselves in Lesbos, and in limbo.

The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in Belfast on April 10, 1998 has as many names as it has possible outcomes. The Agreement is also known as the Belfast Agreement, the British-Irish Agreement and, officially, as the Agreement reached in the multiparty negotiations. Equally, assessments of the Agreement have been numerous (Ruane and Todd 1999; Hazelton 2000; Horowitz 2002; McGarry 2001; O’Leary 2001, 2000, 1998; Wilford, 2001).
The bargain provides two competing consequences. In recognizing and legitimizing the aspirations of the two ethnic blocs or traditions of Unionism and Nationalism in Northern Ireland, the long-term outcome of the Agreement is not fixed. Northern Ireland could integrate either into the Republic to create a united Ireland or secure the maintenance of its current position within the United Kingdom. The Agreement makes no provision for an independent Northern Ireland or for that matter for increasing integration.1 Crucially, the decision as to which of these potential conclusions is achieved resides not with the incumbent bloc elites but (by virtue of a referendum) with a majority of the people of Northern Ireland. In addition to addressing security concerns and the problem of political violence in Northern Ireland, the Agreement recognized the two blocs’ societal security concerns and the conflicting aspirations of the two traditions in Northern Ireland. These aspirations, while not realized, would be institutionally safeguarded. Any future decision or constitutional conclusion over the status of Northern Ireland would reside not with the elites but rather with the people.