History of Israel Palestine Conflict

The monograph From Ambivalence to Hostility focuses on writings on Zionism published in the Arabic newspaper Filasṭīn (ʻPalestineʼ) in the pre-WWI period (1911–1914). It covers a broad range of subjects treated by the periodical including Jewish land purchases in and immigration to Palestine, violent incidents between the Jewish and the Arab communities, Zionist boycott and Zionist Congresses. The second chapter of the book offers a detailed analysis of the gradual yet profound transformation of Filasṭīnʼs editorial policy vis-à-vis Zionism before World War I.

Palestine is known as the birthplace of Christianity. However the Christian population of this land is relatively insignificant today, despite the continuing institutional legacy that the 19th century Western missionary focus on the region created. Palestinian Christians are often forced to employ politically astute as well as theologically radical means in their efforts to appear relevant within an increasingly Islamist-oriented society. My thesis focuses on two ecumenical Christian organisations within Palestine, the Sabeel Ecumenical Liberation Theology Centre in Jerusalem (headed by the Anglican cleric Naim Stifan Ateek) and Dar Annadwa Addawliyya (the International Centre of Bethlehem-ICB, directed by the Lutheran theologian Mitri Raheb). Based on my field work (consisting of an in-depth  familiarisation with the two organisations in Palestine and interviews with their directors, office-staff and supporters worldwide, as well as data analyses based on an extensive literature review), I argue that the grassroots-oriented educational, humanitarian, cultural and contextual theological approach favoured by the ICB in Bethlehem is more relevant to the Palestinian situation, than the more sectarian and Western-oriented approach of the Sabeel Centre. These two groups are analysed primarily according to their theological-political approaches. One, (Sabeel), has sought to develop a critical Christian response to the Palestine-Israel conflict using the politico-theological tool of liberation theology, albeit with a strongly ecumenical Western-oriented focus, while the other (ICB), insists that its theological orientation draws primarily from the Levantine Christian (and in their particular case, the Palestinian Lutheran) context in which Christians in Israel-Palestine are placed. Raheb of the ICB has tried to develop a contextual theology that seeks to root the political and cultural development of the Palestinian people within their own Eastern Christian context and in light of their peculiarly restricted life under an Israeli occupation regime of over 40 years. In the process, I argue that the ICB has sought to be much more situationally relevant to the needs of the Palestinian people in the West Bank, given the employment, socio-cultural and humanitarian-health opportunities opened up by the practical-institution building efforts of this organisation in Bethlehem.

en 1948: Los casos de La Voz del Interior y Los Principios " Resumen El año 1948 ha sido un año clave en la cuestión palestina, ya que es una bisagra histórica en un conflicto que pervive hasta nuestros días. Representa uno de los mayores sucesos en la historia del siglo XX y aún sigue teniendo repercusiones, no sólo en Medio Oriente, sino también en el resto del planeta. Al mismo tiempo, estos hechos que nos parecen lejanos, están muy cerca de nuestra realidad local por la presencia en Córdoba de amplias comunidades árabes y judías. En ese marco, nos interesa observar de qué modo estos hechos dejaron su impronta o su resonancia en el medio cordobés, por lo que acudimos a los dos principales referentes periodísticos del momento: La Voz del Interior y Los Principios. Teniendo en cuenta que los medios de comunicación gráficos eran una tribuna pública donde se canalizaba las tensiones sociales, es importante destacar el análisis de los discursos que en ellos circulaba sobre esta temática, ya que revelan mucho sobre las representaciones que los mismos hacían de las tensiones ocurridas en ese lugar de vital importancia para las tres principales religiones monoteístas del planeta: el Islam, el cristianismo y el judaísmo.

This article addresses Rachel’s Tomb as a site of heightened ritual activity and pilgrimage, whose popularity increased during the latter years of the British Mandate in Palestine, and whose role and meaning as a symbolic public site have been transformed. We examine how a set of meanings has been established at the site at the particular historic moment, converging local and national meanings, on the one hand, with religious, heritage and touristic meanings, on the other. Our approach is integrative, and we situate our inquiry by addressing three main conceptual points: the first is the site’s geo-physical characteristics, by which we refer to its functionality in terms of location, accessibility, and mobility, as well as in terms of the site’s size and material characteristics. The second point concerns the agentive interventions of the site’s renowned shamash, Shlomo Eliyahu Freimann, and the crucial role that he played in transforming the site’s collective function and public status. The third point concerns a corpus of documents, most of which were written in situ, that center around the site’s impressive visitor books, filled with numerous notations. Study of these documents suggests a hybrid genre that is part of the site’s changing discursive ecology.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has lasted over a century and has caused massive bloodshed and suffering and death. The following paper examines the subject of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, which has largely become one of the most controversial and differentiating issues within modern day international politics. The modern-day Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not based in thousand-year-old historical or biblical conflict between Jewish and Palestinian occupants. Nor is it an historically deep-seated religious struggle between Judaism and Islam. Rather, its framework is principally rooted in territorial claims, intricate modern politics, and issues about sovereignty of the nation-state entity. This paper begins with introducing the background and nature of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an intractable conflict; then describes ways to realize the reconciliation and collective self-healing that are necessary for lasting peace.

Muslims as owners of Jerusalem and Palestine have shown throughout history tolerance and peaceful co-existence with other faiths unlike Zionist Jews. Muslims had made Palestine a sanctuary for persecuted Jews who were fleeing Christian tyranny from Christian Europe. This Islamic tolerance is the reason as well as to why God only included the righteous servants in His covenant with Abraham in Quran 2:124. Racists and greedy sinning servants are not in God’s covenant due to their unwelcoming nature and violence.

English translation of review of Joseph Croitoru's book on the history of suicide bombing. The study tracks the origins of suicide attacks back to Japan's kamikaze soldiers and pilots. Their spirit was brought to the Middle East by Japanese terrorists who cooperated with Palestinian ones. This led to the still quite unknown invention of suicide bombing as a terrorist weapon already in the 1970s by secular Palestinian organisations. Only in the 1980s in Lebanon it was "islamized" and further developed.

عرض كتاب (العلاقات البحرينية الفلسطينية) لمؤلفه المؤرخ البحريني راشد الجاسم. "باللغة العربية" (كتب هذا العرض: د. علي فيصل الصديقي)

The book (Bahraini-Palestinian Relations) was presented to its author, Bahraini historian Rashid Al-Jassem. (wrote this presentation: Dr. Ali Faisal Al-Siddiqi)-  "In Arabic"

“In the middle of the book—amidst intense aerial bombardment of Beirut—the reader encounters an unforgettable image: the author’s four-month pregnant wife, Mona, running a breathless mile before finding a cab to collect their daughters from kindergarten and nursery school. Their son was born a few months later, and grew up to convince Khalidi to write his ninth academic book as a memoir. The reviewer remains pessoptimistic (p. 109) that the author’s muse, along with the Palestinians and Israelis of his generation, may very well find a way to bring the conflict to an early close.”

Note: To aid reading,  review-fragments that occur in the journal, before and after the featured review, are not shown.

Cross Reference: See other reviews on Palestine in Book Reviews:
- Covering The Intifada: How The Media Reported The Palestinian Uprising by Joshua Muravchik 
- Reporting From Ramallah: An Israeli Journalist In An Occupied Land by Amira Hass

See also: Song for the Besieged (Poem & Calligraphy) in the Poetry Section

See: Lich-shof et Ha-ya-rea'ach (Hebrew: To Uncover the Moon) in the Short Story Section.

Over the past decade, a number of Jordanians have challenged the view that the kingdom has no desire to regain the West Bank with some even rejecting the disengagement policy as unconstitutional. They have chastised Palestinian leadership as incapable of securing their people's rights and argued that Amman should resume negotiating over the fate of the West Bank. Others have urged that the West Bank be returned to Jordan. Though a minority opinion, these views are not fringe, held as they are by politicians, academics, and journalists. This minority argues that only by doing so can Jordan protect its sovereignty and internal stability while also defending Palestinian rights and national cause.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the ongoing struggle between Israelis and Palestinians that began in the mid-20th century.The conflict is wide-ranging, and the term is sometimes also used about the sectarian conflict between the Jewish and the Arab population. It has been referred to as the world's "most intractable conflict", with the ongoing Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, reaching more than 50 years. In the last decade, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict no longer takes priority in the international agenda; the conflict went in favor of the terrorism importance, and its prevailed and growing force, especially in the Middle East and the rest of the world. The conflicts passed through many phases, and several initiatives along with Peace talks held for resolving the conflict. The main ideas of resolving the conflict based on Two-state Solution and later one-state Solution, many officials from both sides put frameworks for peace road some neglected and others accepted.However, the two approaches for SolutionSolution accepted and backed from officials in the U.S U.N, and worldwide but the final word is ranging between the two sides, whether they are Hawks and doves. One state solution. The "one-state solution" refers to a solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through the creation of a unitary, federal or confederate Israeli-Palestinian state that should encompass all the territory of Israel, the West Bank as well as the east of Jerusalem and Gaza Strip , with citizenship and equal rights in the combined entity for all inhabitants of all three territories, without regard to ethnicity or religion. While some advocate this solution for ideological reasons, others feel mere that, due to the reality on the ground, it is a de facto situation. • The Israelis perspective on the solution: There is no possibility of approval from any Jewish group soon for the one-state approach since it is regarded as a loss of Jewish sovereignty and a sharp collapse of Jewish control over the whole land and resources. The establishment of one democratic state cannot be achieved but by

المقدس مكانة عظيمة حباها الله عز وجل إياها ، حيث جعلها المكان الذي تتمثل فيه البشرية حياتها وتاريخها ،وتختصره فيها بكل ما فيه من تناقضات .... > ومن هنا ...كانت دراسات بيت المقدس _باعتبارها مجالاً علمياً مستقلاً بذاته _لابد منها لفهم حياة البشرية وكيفية مسيرها عبر تاريخها الطويل ،بل وفهم واقعها ومستقبلها .
وهنا يأتي دور هذا الكتاب الذي يعد مدخلاً أولياً وأساسياً لمجال دراسات بيت المقدس ،ويبدأ هذا الكتاب مع الراغبين بولوج هذا المجال من أبجديات بيت المقدس وأولوياتها التي تنطلق من مركز هذه الأرض وأساسها وهو المسجد الأقصى المبارك ،مروراً بالمدينة فالأرض المقدسة ،عبر ثلاث محطات أساسية :المفاهيم ، والتاريخ،والعقائد. ويتجول فيها مبيناً الأساسيات في كل منها ،مع الإشارة لمراجع ومصادر أخرى يمكن للباحث من خلالها أن يبدأ طريقه فيتوسع ويتعمق .
وهو بالتالي الخطوة الأولى في رحلتك إلى بيت المقدس.

* هذه المادة تحتوي على مقتطفات من الكتاب تشمل الغلاف والفهرس والمقدمة.

La historia y la actualidad de Palestina-Israel están envueltas en sombras. Desde su inicio ha sido presa de numerosos intereses, atada ineludiblemente a la visión cambiante de diferentes pueblos y estados, y sesgada por la propaganda. En este libro, Jorge Ramos Tolosa elabora una visión actualizada, equilibrada, renovadora y sintética del conocido como “conflicto palestino-israelí”. Desde las últimas décadas de la Palestina otomana y el inicio de la colonización de asentamiento sionista a finales del siglo XIX hasta la última era Netanyahu y el denominado Acuerdo del Siglo de 2020. El texto se adentra en las realidades del fenómeno del colonialismo, examina sus diferentes manifestaciones y lo pone en relación con los asentamientos sionistas en Palestina. Revela las relaciones entre los países del Norte y el Sur Global, y el papel que los primeros han tenido y tienen en esta importantísima cuestión internacional a lo largo de la historia contemporánea. Además, presenta una visión de las y los palestinos alejada del cliché. Examina sus organizaciones, sus resistencias, sus figuras, las divisiones entre sus diferentes grupos y el importante rol de las mujeres en la supervivencia del pueblo palestino, sin caer, por el contrario, en la demonización de las personas judías, mostrando las diferencias de opinión y acercamiento entre sus distintos líderes y tendencias políticas. Entendiendo, en definitiva, que la historia está compuesta de historias y depende tanto de quien la cuenta como de quien la lee.

This paper examines the central role of the camp in the early Israeli state period and its spatial and geopolitical evolution. Unlike official Israeli history, which presents the immigrant camps as an inevitable improvised response to the unexpected problem of mass immigration, I examine the camp as a strategic modern biopolitical instrument that allowed for the state's profound geopolitical changes and was itself altered according to them. The paper analyses the ways in which the camp facilitated the creation of Israel as a state formed by two seemingly contradictory, but in fact complementary, conditions: on one hand, a product of a chaotic ‘state of emergency’ and a form of ‘ordered disorder’ created by mass immigration, and on the other hand, a product of a comprehensive, tightly controlled modernist project combining physical planning and social engineering. This duality reveals the role of these immigrant camps, which were created both in Israel and abroad, as spatial ‘black holes’ which swallowed the contradiction between the radical geopolitical transformation and the rational self-image of the Israeli state-building project. The evolving and hybrid typologies of the camp in Israel's pre-state and early-state periods expose it as a versatile instrument, highlighting the need for informed spatial and geographical genealogies of the camp in order to illuminate its various transformations.

www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0962629816300877

This dissertation focuses on the British and American foreign policies towards Zionism from
the very earliest times before and after the birth of the Zionist movement moving by the
Israeli statehood to the nowadays Anglo-American-Israeli relations. It tries to explore why
only the United States and Britain did assist the Zionists and kept supporting them until today.
Besides, it examines the characteristics of such support that was unprecedented in history. As
Jews were persecuted and hated all over the world, they found a window of hope in the British
and American political arena. Therefore, adopting a historically oriented qualitative method
focused on politics, culture and religion, this research investigates the reasons that shaped the
British and American foreign policies, which began with sympathy and ended with a blind
and costly support. Gradually, this work traces back the history of Jews, and then follows the
Zionists’ rise in influence starting with Britain that hosted the Zionist project to, finally,
handing it to the U.S. This research provides a clearer understanding on how religion, culture
and history shaped the British and the American foreign policies towards Zionism and Israel.

This dissertation talks about urban planning and how it is used by colonial powers to promote and sustain their colonies and powers, and whether urban planning can be used as a form of resistance. The main focus is the on-going Israeli colonial urban planning in Palestine, from its conception with the establishment of the Zionist movement till today; and its Palestinian counterpart. Conceptualisation of space, the definition and perception of it is key to understanding the colonial urban space. The theoretical frameworks applied to the concept of colonial urban space highlight the contradictions within it, all the more emphasised in complex and unique ‘trans colonial’ contexts such as Palestine. Whether urban planning can be seen as a form of resistance in this complex setting is reviewed through the case study of Rawabi, the first Palestinian planned city. Through a literature review and qualitative research, an understanding is gained of where such projects fit in the context of colonisation - with resistance and state building, or capitalism and with the normalisation with the Israeli colonisation. Perception of space is critical to understanding projects such as this, and the recognition that their development cannot be seen in binary or black and white terms.

Reviewed at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.13169/arabstudquar.43.2.0189
This book offers a much-needed focus on Palestine solidarity films, supplying a critical theoretical framework whose intellectual thrust is rooted in the challenges facing scholars censored for attempting to rectify and reverse the silencing of a subject matter about which much of the world would remain uninformed without cinematic and televisual mediation. Its innovative focus on Palestine solidarity films spans a selected array of works which began to emerge during the 1970s, made by directors located outside Palestine/Israel who professed support for Palestinian liberation. Visualizing the Palestinian Struggle analyzes Palestine solidarity films hailing from countries such as Canada, the United Kingdom, Egypt, Iran, Palestine/Israel, Mexico, and the United States. Visualizing the Palestinian Struggle is an effort to insist, constructively, upon a rectification and reversal of the glaring and disproportionate minimization and distortion of discourse critical of Zionism and Israeli policy in the cinematic and televisual public sphere.

The aim of this module is to provide students with good understanding of the Arab-Israeli conflict, its roots and complexities. This module explores the Arab-Israeli conflict both for its intrinsic importance and as a case study in contemporary world politics. The module is designed to equip students with sufficient knowledge to be able to analyse current events and decision-making processes, comprehending the best interests of each stake-holder in this protracted conflict. The module starts with an overview of the historical beginnings of the conflict when Palestine was controlled by the Ottoman Empire. It explains the significance of the Zionist Revolution, through World War 1, The British Mandate over Palestine, and the first Arab-Israeli war (1947-1949). The module analyses processes that led to major wars between Israel and its Arab neighbours -- 1956, 1967, 1973, 1982, 2006, and the birth of the Palestinian problem. The module explores the Israeli occupation and the 1987-2002 Intifada. Finally, it discusses different proposals as to how the conflict can be resolved.

“Fearless and just in time, From the River to the Sea traces the structural and conceptual impact of the now twenty-five-year-old process known as Oslo. It is an unstinting journey that takes the reader from the triumph of the extreme right inside the green line to the perpetual state of crisis in the Gaza Strip. With interdisciplinary innovation and empirical rigor, this volume is an exceptional cartography of the histories, spaces, subjectivities, and strategies of the Palestinians and Israelis who inhabit the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. It gives us the tools both to understand the ongoing Nakba, or catastrophe, that is Palestinian reality, and to imagine an alternative future.” — Sherene Seikaly, University of California, Santa Barbara

Libro que desarrolla y analiza la historia de los conflictos políticos en Medio Oriente y sugiere las condiciones  necesarias para la superación de los problemas existentes tanto entre Israel y Palestina, como otros asuntos de interés en el Medio Oriente.

Incluye entrevistas a: Julio Maria Sanguinetti, Pilar Rahola, Daniel Gazit, Alberto Nisman, Luis D´Elia, Marcos Aguinis, Carlos Escude, Ricardo Forster, George Chaya, Pablo Gaggero, Marcelo Cantelmi y Dorit Shavit.

Prólogo del Prof. Khatchik Derghougassian.

El libro fue presentado en el Congreso de la Nación, en la Universidad de Tel Aviv, en el Seminario Rabínico Latinoamericano, en las Comunidades Dor Jadash y Tfilat Shalom, en la Universidad Nacional de Villa María (Córdoba) y Mar del Plata y en el Colegio Hebreo Gral. San Martín (Córdoba).

Extant literature suggests that public support for peace accords plays a role in their durability. Yet while the Abraham Accords represent a significant rapprochement between the governments of Israel and several Arab countries, the region is marked by the conditions of violence and insecurity that harm social trust and reduce the likelihood of conciliatory views. Using Arab Barometer data from twelve countries (2012-2014), I explore the factors that lead Arab citizens to be more supportive of normalization with Israel. I argue that while instability undermines the demand for peace, civil society engagement develops bonding and bridging social capital that supports conciliatory views. I find that perceived insecurity is negatively related to support for Arab-Israeli peace, yet greater social capital, in the form of tolerance, associational membership, and social media use, produced demand for peace. The largest predictors of attitudes toward Israel are country of residence and religious identity, with Sunni and Shi’a Muslims being less conciliatory toward Israel than Christians. Additionally, contrary to assumptions underlying US foreign policy, participating in politics by voting in democratic or authoritarian elections or protesting were related to lower demand for peace. Demographic change, including younger, more educated populations, was unrelated to attitudes toward Israel, but the data largely supported modernization theory as a predictor of conciliatory views. By illustrating the role that civil society and perceived security play in improving the conditions for peace, the results have implications for scholars of security studies and policymakers working to support democracy and peacemaking in the region.

Abstract: The Governmental Arab College of Jerusalem is a little-known constructed space
that emerged and then disappeared in just a few decades, a remarkable while extremely limited
time if we reflect on the ancient history of the town that hosted it. However, it would be a
great mistake not to consider these 30 years of history, from 1918 to 1948, and especially the
wealth of cultural consciousness that the College was able to instill in its students. Ihsan Abbas
(1920-2003), Ismail Ragib Khalidi (1916-1968), ‘Abdul Latif Tibawi (1910-1981), Irfan Shahid
(1926) as academics, and Haidar Abdel Shafi (1919-2007), Halil-Salim Jabara (1913-1999), Hasib
Sabbagh (1920-2010) etc. as politicians and activists are some of the most important names in
Arab Palestinian culture and politics of the twentieth century, and all of them studied at the
Arab College of Jerusalem. In this article, I would like to focus attention on the importance of
this secondary/preparatory school, the social and cultural values that the teaching body was
able to impart, and the role it played within the increasing and violent debate that the Arab
College ignited concerning the growing Arab Palestinian-Jewish conflict in the first half of the
twentieth century under the British Mandate. The Palestinian intelligentsia that was shaped
within the Arab College symbolizes a cultural elite that, even if it would learn what it means to
live as refugees, continued to work in different ways on its own cultural tradition. A key subject
in understanding the main reasons behind the roots of identity within this divided city.

A work in political philosophy differentiating civil society from the State to arrive at a constitutional model for the Federation of a bi-national society.

For the attention of Palestinian and international colleagues;

here attached is the pdf copy of the recently published book
‘The Federation of Palestinian and Hebrew Nations’.

            I am soliciting your interest in this most recent work and would ask for your review of this book’s content, methodology and conclusions.

            This transitional constitutional procedure culminating in a ‘No-State Solution’ is also a format that carries through a critique of the Nation-State itself. Accordingly, I suggest that it would be appropriate to ask the local library to secure a copy for other readers. The ISBN codes registering the book are:
(10): 1-5275-1313-0
(13): 978-1-5275-1313-6

The writer, Dr abraham Weizfeld PhD, is concerned by the political philosophy and the constitutional transformation of the contradiction between two major Nations in the body of one Land – Palestine-Israel. While the notion of the Nation-State has permeated the Levant since the 1917 British Crusade into Jerusalem, the organic demographic actuality of the country’s population is incompatible with the dominance of one Nation in one Land and the subsequent degeneration into the series of war crimes beginning in 1947. The exit from this conception of a Zionist State requires another methodology that offers an alternative to the domination of one Nation by another and that is rationalised by the myths of nation-building, that are promoted by the Nationalist school of thought. With an approach that is inter-national, in the root meaning of the term, the writer fuses the Jewish Bundist concept of National-Cultural Autonomy with the process of Constituent Assemblies, as an expression of the parallel Civil Societies that become an organic social construction codified in a Federal Constitution.
A work in political philosophy differentiating civil society from the State to arrive at a constitutional model for the Federation of a bi-national society. This transitional constitutional procedure, culminating in a ‘No-State Solution’, is also a format that carries through to a critique of the Nation-State itself. By avoiding the notion of the Nation-State, entitled a Republic, by either one Nation or the other, this exit from the impasse perpetuated by the Nation-State may then be named ‘The No-State Solution’.


Table of contents

General Introduction……………………………………………………………………......................................    8
Programmatic Considerations……………………………………………………….........................…….    12
The Movement of International Solidarity………………………………………...................………..    16

Introductory Preface: World Social Forum 2016-08....................................................    30
Self-determination...............................................................................................................  35

The Transitional Process: The Federation of the Kana’an...........................................  37
            Abstract......................................................................................................................  38
            Introduction….…………………………………………………………………….  39
Context……………………………………………………………………….……  41
Prospects and Resolution..………….…………………………………………......    44
Federation…………………………………………………………………………  49
Democratic Secular Palestine…..………………………………………………….  52
Constitutional Federation……………………………………………………….....  56
Conclusions 2016……………………………………………………………….....  59

In Elaboration of the Transitional Process…..……………………………………………..  66
            Constitutional Principles…………………………………………………………… 67
            The Problematic of Bi-Nationalism in One-State.....................................................  70
            Confederation.............................................................................................................              72
            Federalism..................................................................................................................  74
            Bi-National and Inter-National.…………………………………………………...  78

The Federal Principle……………………………………………………………… 83

National-Cultural Autonomy.……………………………………………………..  89

            Jamahiriya.……………………………………………………………………........ 90

The White Book ………………………………………………………………......  95

Constituent Assemblies.………………………………………………………..…. 98

Federation of Federations ………………………….……………………………...  98

Postscript 2018 …………………………………………………………...…………….... 102


Research sources available ……….…………………………………………………….... 104

تتناول هذه المقالة انتقال الأراضي الفلسطينية إلى اليهود خلال الفترة 1882– 1914، والطرق المتبعة لهذا الغرض. هناك مزاعم بأن الفلسطينين باعوا أراضيهم لليهود طوعاً، ويتم اعتماد هذه المزاعم كما لو أنها حقيقةٌ تاريخيةٌ، لكنها في الواقع لا تمت إلى الحقيقة بصلة. ففي تلك الفترة بُنيت عشرات المستوطنات اليهودية في فلسطين، وتم توطين آلاف المهاجرين اليهود في هذه المستوطنات التي بُنيَت على الأراضي الفلسطينية بعد اغتصابها من الفلاحين الفلسطينيين باستعمال طرق وأساليب مختلفة، والأرشيف العثماني يضم آلاف الوثائق المتعلقة بأعمال الصهاينة في فلسطين في هذه الفترة. حاولنا في هذه البحث أن نسلط الضوء على طرق انتقال الأراضي الفلسطينية إلى اليهود بالاستناد إلى وثائق الأرشيف.
This article deals with how the Palestinian lands were passed into the hands of the Jews in 1882-1914. It is claimed that the Palestinians sold their land voluntarily to the Jews. This claim is accepted as a historical fact. However, the claim is not true in general terms. Between 1882-1914, dozens of Jewish colonies were established in Palestine and thousands of migrants were settled in these colonies. These colonies were built on land taken from the hands of Palestinian peasants using different methods.There are thousands of documents in the Ottoman Archives about the activities of Zionists in Palestine during this period. In this article, we tried to clarify the methods of transferring Palestinian lands to Jews based on archival documents.

Israel’s practices of segregation, fragmentation and isolation are more nuanced and subtle than more traditional policies and mechanisms of forcible transfer. In its intangible form, this “transfer” does not imply a direct removal of people from their lands. In its tangible form, this is a policy that seeks the creation of a coercive environment that alienates the people from each other and their land, thereby compelling them to seek a better future elsewhere, and overshadowing the fact that their displacement is actually unintentional and compelled.

The newest paper in the series demonstrates how the use of these apartheid practices of segregation, fragmentation, and isolation is not an end in and of itself, but is rather a mechanism designed to eliminate the Palestinian people by undermining their identity, cohesion and collectivity. Through this, Israel seeks to make the Palestinian right to self-determination an unrealizable, illusory right and to, simultaneously, contrive a purported Israeli-Jewish right to self-determination that is somehow exceptional, legitimate and applicable to the whole of Mandatory Palestine.

The working paper begins with an examination of the right of self-determination, and the definitions of segregation, fragmentation and isolation under international law. Then, it highlights how these apartheid practices in Palestine, chip away this right by undermining both the essence and substance of the two pre-requisites to the right of self-determination: the people and the land. Specifically, the paper takes the use of transportation systems and infrastructure as a hitherto understudied example of this phenomenon. On the one hand, Israel utilizes the de-development and obstruction of Palestinian transportation systems and infrastructure to achieve a situation where the unity and connectivity of the Palestinian people to each other and to their land has been compromised. On the other hand, these same systems and infrastructures have been superiorly established, developed and enhanced for Israeli-Jewish colonial unity, connectivity and domination.

To point out how the use of segregation, fragmentation and isolation have been impacting the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination, the paper offers two case studies, one on each side of the Green Line: Umm al-Fahm and Bethlehem. The cases studies provide a detailed analysis of the means and tactics used by Israel, within the transportation systems and infrastructure, to intentionally and systematically create and establish a situation of overall de-development, de-politicization, and social, cultural and economic fracturing of the Palestinian people.

With nationalism then moving across Europe, some Zionist Jews believed that religious and racial ties among Jews were necessary to establish a Jewish “nationality” and bequeathed the so-called “Jewish nation state” with national rights including the right to separate existence in a foreign occupied territory and the right to form a Jewish state. “Jewish nationalism” would be the driving force for colonization. The objective of Zionism was described as: “The object of Zionism is to establish for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public law.”    Theodor Herzl, (1860-1904) a visionary behind modern Zionism had written in his diary after the First Zionist Congress in Basel: “If I were to sum up the Basle Congress in one word — which I shall not do openly — it would be this: at Basle I founded the Jewish State. If I were to say this to-day, I would be met by universal laughter. In five years, perhaps, and certainly in fifty, everyone will see it.”  Herzl's philosophy found tremendous support from the poverty-stricken Jews of Eastern Europe and Russia.

The importance I am giving to  Edward Said’s ‘passage’, both in its physical and philosophical connotation , is linked to my prolonged   interest in the question  of the role of individuals , their stories; the singular lonely voices, whose itinerary   cannot be stereotyped as a typical case. These particular stories can be those of a worker, a peasant, a feudal lord, a priest, a sheikh, a journalist, a housewife, through which one can reconstruct the history of a whole period. Such singular voices and fates , while appearing at first in opposition with common trends, end up contributing to a better understanding of what is ‘common’ through emphasising the ‘exceptional’. 
  In fact, Edward Said’s upbringing, his life as a child and adolescent in Egypt, while appearing as unique and  singular at first sight, is typical of a large group of Palestinians, spread out in the major Arab cities during the first half of the 20th century, partially integrated in the life of these cities ,   and belonging, as was the case  in Egypt to  a larger circle coming from the Levant known as ‘Shawam’. These were mainly composed of merchants and professionals circulating within the confines of the Ottoman Empire trading or offering their services and knowhow, as well as contributing in the founding of more modern institutions in Cairo and sometimes Beirut. Concurrently, many Lebanese and various other Arab and Mediterranean communities had established themselves in the major northern cities of Palestine especially in the portal cities of Haifa and Akka , which had been part of the Beirut Sanjak at one time..  In Cairo, the larger community of Shawam composed of Syrians , Lebanese and Palestinians of both Muslim and Christian descent , compelled  some Palestinians into some kind of amnesia as to their cities of origin. Many had left their birth places due to poverty, family feuds, ottoman  repression or simply because of greater work opportunities in these major cities.  If  Zionist apologists  attempt  to use these cases to show that Palestinians can be integrated in other countries; as further proof for their perpetual attempt at getting rid of the main ‘refugee’ problem by denying them the right of return, then, the task of raking one’s memories as far back as one can go, and the reconstruction of family ties between the different members of extended Palestinian families in the Diaspora with the vestiges of those who remained in Palestine, and even going further back, whenever sources allow, to reconstruct the ‘whole’ past, is a necessary burden to be undertaken by intellectuals , to disprove the Zionist myth ‘From Time Immemorial’  by filling in all the blanks, even if it implies revealing the flaws in their own history.

According to a frequently repeated story, during the early years of the Zionist movement a number of European Jews were sent to Palestine to investigate its suitability as a location for a Jewish state. They reported back, the story concludes, that "the bride is beautiful, but she is married to another man" — Palestine is an excellent land, but it belongs to others. While its details vary with the telling, the story's central point is often the same: already in the early years of the Zionist movement, Jews recognized that it would be unjust and immoral for them to try to claim Palestine; despite this awareness, the Zionists proceeded with their plans for Jewish statehood there; from the outset, therefore, the establishment of the state of Israel was an act of severe and willful injustice.

This dissertation examines in a comparative approach the similar shift made by Israeli-Jewish and Palestinian-Muslim national-religious movements since the 1990s, from the political and social margins to center-stage. This shift was generated on both sides by an objection to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process and territorial and ideological compromise. This work examines this transformation from its historic and ideological roots through its institutional and political manifestations, by an ideological and thematic analysis of its contemporary discourse.

The work is divided into three parts. In the first part, Chapter 1 lays down a theorical infrastructure on Strong Religious-Nationalism (SRN), a form of Religious-Nationalism in which both elements are equal, intertwined and interdependent. In Chapter 2 the theory of SRN is applied to the Israeli-Palestinian case by reexamining the conflict’s historical roots. This highlights both the special role of SRN in the mainstream national narrative and its centrality in the conflict.

The second part of the dissertation deals with the shift from the margins towards hegemony through the process of politicization and institutionalization. It includes two chapters, examining first Hamas and then religious-Zionism (RZ) with a comparative reference to the previous chapter.

The third part exemplifies how SRN becomes hegemonic through a dialectic of ideological discourse. Both RZ and Hamas advanced to center stage by posing a comprehensive ideological worldview. These SRN worldviews interact. The main interlocutors surveyed are Jewish and Muslim RN clergy, public intellectuals and politicians.

This special issue of the Italian journal ‘Il Ponte’ edited by L. Binni, R. Bocco, W. Dahmash and B. Gagliardi, deals with the ‘Palestinian Question’ over the past ten years in particular, through 35 texts authored mainly by Italian and Palestinian academic researchers, journalists and activists who are living, or who have been doing fieldwork in the Near East.
The volume is organized in four sections. While the first part deals with the present political, economic and juridical issues, the second section focuses on the Palestinian refugees in the region, the thorniest question of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The third part explores different forms of Palestinian cultural ‘resistance’ through the arts: cinema, literature and architecture, but also through feminist perspectives. The last section is devoted to the BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanction) Movement in Palestine, Europe and the US.
An English augmented edition of the volume is due to be published during the spring 2020.

Most of contemporary Latin America and the Caribbean supports both the Palestinian struggle for statehood and the right of return, and opposes the policies and practices designed by Israel and its allies to prevent realization of those goals. That majority has evolved only over the past 20 of 70 years of Israeli occupation, with a singular historic exception: Cuba.

This study explains Cuba’s seven-decade-long solidarity with Palestinian sovereignty through the theoretical lenses of race, class and colonialism. It first reviews the transformation of Cuba’s constrained solidarity with Palestine in the pre-revolution postwar years to comprehensive internationalism in Socialist Cuba. Simultaneously we explore Cuba’s battle with racial discrimination and opposition to Apartheid as they bear on the question of Palestine.

Then, analyzing Zionism and its Latin American advocates from the time of partition in 1947, we assess Cuba’s definitive break with Israel in 1973. Thirty years on, what role did this play in Palestinian civil society’s launch of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign? Interview material will add the perspectives of Jews and Palestinians on Cuba’s long-lasting solidarity with the Palestinian struggle, within and beyond the region.

Key words: Cuban Revolution, solidarity, Palestine, Zionism, Israel, Apartheid

The refereed version of this article appears as “Global Palestine: International Solidarity and the Cuban Connection” in the Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies, Vol. 18 (2) 2019, pp. 239-262. See https://www.euppublishing.com/doi/abs/10.3366/hlps.2019.0217

To cite this article: Anne de Jong (2017): Zionist hegemony, the settler colonial conquest of Palestine and the problem with conflict: a critical genealogy of the notion of binary conflict, Settler Colonial Studies, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473X.2017.1321171