Polish Politics

Celem artykułu jest ukazanie i potwierdzenie tezy, iż Krajowa Rada Radiofonii
i Telewizji powoływana z zamiarem uporządkowania polskiego systemu medialnego już od etapu poprzedzającego jej oficjalne powstanie aż do dzisiaj jest przedmiotem silnego zainteresowania polityków. 
Problematykę związaną z Krajową Radą Radiofonii i Telewizji można rozpatrywać na wiele sposobów. W związku z tematem niniejszego artykułu i celem, który mu przyświeca zasadne jest oparcie się wyłącznie na analizie kształtowania się, funkcjonowania i zmian, którym podlegały zasady ustrojowe tego organu. Dlatego też, skupiono się wyłącznie na analizie regulacji prawnych mających zasadniczy wpływ na zmiany dokonywane w zakresie działania Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji oraz na praktycznym wymiarze tych zmian znajdującym odzwierciedlenie w konkretnych zachowaniach polityków.

Odpowiedzialność mediów to temat, któremu na co dzień poświęca się w Polsce niewiele uwagi. Szeroko dyskutowanym czynią go dopiero poważne kryzysy, takie jak tzw. afera taśmowa wywołana w czerwcu 2014 roku przez „Wprost”. Przy jej okazji zastanawiano się, czy redakcja tygodnika postąpiła odpowiedzialnie (bo ujawniła ważne dla opinii publicznej informacje), czy też raczej nieodpowiedzialnie (bo zdestabilizowała sytuację w państwie). Był to więc spór dotykający priorytetów w definicji zawodu dziennikarza – „służby społeczeństwu i państwu”. Jako że odpowiedzialność mediów można uznać za proporcjonalną do ich znaczenia, warto w tym kontekście przyjrzeć się retoryce i praktyce „Gazety Wyborczej” (dalej skrót: GW) – najważniejszego nietabloidowego i niekonserwatywnego dziennika społeczno-politycznego w Polsce – przedstawić sposób, w jaki rozumie ona dziennikarską odpowiedzialność i zestawić go z teorią (doktryną) społecznej odpowiedzialności prasy (mediów). Przedmiotem rozważań będzie przede wszystkim kluczowy dla odpowiedzialności wymiar etyczny, nie zaś kwestie prawne, jako że dotyczą one nie danego medium, a ram, w których ono funkcjonuje. W pracy wykorzystano metodę analizy treści i metodę historyczną. Badanie przeprowadzono w oparciu o strategię indukcyjną. W pierwszym rozdziale przedstawiono teorię społecznej odpowiedzialności mediów. Rozdział drugi opisuje odpowiedzialność dziennikarstwa według GW. W podsumowaniu sformułowano wnioski z badania.

In the chapter, Zabrzewska analyzes Polish politicians’ responses to the 2020 protests against the abortion ban through the lens of feminist philosophy. Using selected sources (e.g. the transcript of the Committee on Administration and the Interior) provided in the Gender, Voice, and Violence in Poland: Women’s Protests during the Pandemic sourcebook (Zabrzewska and Dubrow 2021), the author provides insights into how contemporary right-wing rhetoric relies on the body politic metaphor and on the gender bias inherent to mainstream notions of embodiment. She exposes how the facilitators of the anti-abortion law conceptualize the protesters and their demands as a disease or even a virus that threatens the state, as defined by the Catholic right wing. At the same time, the article shows how pro-abortion protests – as an example of what Judith Butler (2015) called “plural embodied action” – place the actual human body at the forefront of politics, heralding a possibility of arriving at a more livable future.

This article analyses how, in Poland, the populist political orientation of the ruling party (Law and Justice—PiS) has coloured the historical discourse of the government and has affected, in turn, its foreign policy and diplomatic relations. We argue that the historical discourse of the PiS government is a reflection of the party’s reliance on populism as a political mode of articulation in that it seeks to promote a Manichean, dichotomic and totalizing re-definition of the categories of victim, hero and perpetrator—and of Poland’s roles in this trinity. The article details the direct and indirect repercussions of PiS populist-inspired historical posture on Poland’s foreign policy by analysing its policies towards—and relations with—Ukraine and Germany. As such, the article sheds light on the under-explored links between populism and historical memory and makes a contribution to the nascent scholarship on the foreign policy of populist governments.

Charakterystyczne dla wszystkich bardziej skomplikowanych porządków społecznych relacje władzy i dominacji domagają się wyjaśnień posługujących się kategorią legitymizacji. Dominujący korzystają z publicznych dyskursów normatywnych, by uzasadnić swoją pozycję, a zdominowani uznają takie uzasadnienia za wystarczająco przekonujące, by owej relacji nie podważać. Celem artykułu jest analiza propozycji badania legitymizacji władzy rozwijanych na obszarze współczesnych badań nad dyskursem. W centrum zainteresowania znajdzie się siatka analityczna zaproponowana przez Theo van Leeuwena obejmująca cztery strategie legitymizacyjne: odniesienie do autorytetu, ocenę moralną, racjonalizację oraz mythopoesis. Materiałem empirycznym dobranym celowo dla egzemplifikacji wybranych strategii legitymizacyjnych będą wypowiedzi polskich polityków podczas debaty parlamentarnej z 9 marca 2006 r. nad projektami ustaw dotyczących pracy i współpracy z organami bezpieczeństwa PRL przygotowanych przez Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platformę Obywatelską oraz Ligę Polskich Rodzin.

The book describes the attitude of Polish National Democrats and such organisations as Związek Ludowo-Narodowy (1919-1928), Stronnictwo Narodowe (1928-1939) Młodzież Wszechpolska (od 1922 r.), Obóz Wielkiej Polski (1926-1932/33) towards Ukrainian issue in the II Polish Republic. It presents the developement of Polish-Ukrainian relations with the govermental policy in the background.

A critical review of Pawel Pawlikowski's 'Ida', within the frame of the controversies raised by the film in Poland, and with a look at its implication in the broader debate of Jewish-Polish relations, both in Poland and abroad. The paper also investigates the film's 'political unconscious', and points out to its aesthetic lineage to the high modernist films of Ingmar Bergman.

Znany dokument "Dagome iudex", datowany przez historyków na koniec X wieku, wciąż wzbudza wiele emocji, a badacze nie są zgodni zarówno, co do jego autentyczności, daty powstania, jak i prawidłowości odczytu zawartych w nim danych. Wątpliwości wzbudzają nie tylko zapisy nazw osobowych, jak Dagome, którego większość uczonych kojarzy z Mieszkiem I, jak i miejscowych: Alemure (Ołomuniec, Morawy, Brama Morawska?), Schinesghe (Gniezno, Szczecin, Świnoujście?), ale także fakt pominięcia w nim pierworodnego syna polańskiego władcy-Bolesława, późniejszego króla Polski. Do czasów obecnych namnożyło się więc nam wiele najróżniejszych koncepcji naukowych wyjaśnienia treści tego dokumentu i okoliczności jego powstania, od absurdalnych tez o wikińskim pochodzeniu Mieszka (Szajnocha, Dowiat, Skrok), przez jego morawskie korzenie (P. Urbańczyk), do dziwacznych prób tłumaczenia, że akt ten miał na celu wydziedziczenie umiłowanego syna Bolesława, zwanego później Chrobrym. Może zatem najwyższy czas uporządkować wiedzę w tym temacie. W trakcie swoich badań nad tym dokumentem dochodzę do wniosku, że ta notka, to tylko nieudana próba walki o sukcesję Państwa Gnieźnieńskiego dla Ody i jej synów przeciwko Chrobremu. Prawdopodobnie owa "donacja" została spisana przy łożu konającego Mieszka, albo nawet po jego śmierci, pozostając przez dłuższy czas nieznana światu w obliczu opanowania kraju przez Bolesława I Wielkiego i wygnania przez niego z kraju swej macochy Ody wraz z jej synami. W tamtym okresie dokument ten nie miał specjalnego znaczenia, jak się bowiem okazuje w X wieku nawet sama Stolica Apostolska prawdopodobnie nic nie wiedziała jeszcze o takim zawierzeniu polańskiego państwa św. Piotrowi. Jednocześnie należy docenić tu fakt "wykrojenia" ziem polskich, nazwania i oznaczenia ich, jako oddzielne państwo, mimo iż w owych czasach bardziej liczyła się siła bojowa, międzynarodowe koneksje i ustępstwa wobec ekspansji chrześcijaństwa, aniżeli akty tego rodzaju.

Discussing Italian Fascism, scholars start with the year 1922, not just the last years of the system, including the 1938-1943 racial laws.  It appears that it takes some time for a fascist system to establish itself (Lyttelton, 2004).  Therefore, it is essential to recognise the early warning signs of fascism to avoid its emergence in full bloom.

Clerical fascism is a specific type of fascism.  It is a nationalistic political system rejecting liberal democracy considered hostile to the ‘Christian tradition’, social changes, including women’s rights and sexual liberalism, and a notion of ‘restoring’ Western culture (Pollard, 2007, p. 434).

This publication argues why it is justifiable to consider the Poland of Andrzej Duda and Law and Justice as a multi-party clerical fascist state, where many parties exist, creating an impression of pluralism, but the ruling parties are ideologically identical in practical terms.  Establishing what the system is and how it works will help to address the source of the problems and the outcomes it produces, e.g. through internal awareness of the situation and pressure from the international community.

It also attempts to present a brief case study of a modern fascist state and how it operates.  It explores various aspects of the state, particularly the troika of crucial actors: the far-right propagandists, the powerholders, and the Roman Catholic Church.  While religious fundamentalism and authoritarianism is important, money also plays an important part in the regime, including lucrative contracts and prestigious jobs.

The timescale examined in this publication is the recent past, from 2015 until the date of publication. The language is simplified for the purpose of accessibility.  Sources are of highest possible quality.

The publication also calls for more research on modern fascism.  It also serves as a warning to democracies to keep and create safeguards protecting people and institutions from abuse of power.

本文试图通过研究波兰社会在关键历史节点（1980年8月前后）的特征与历史进程，来提出在何种因果机制的影响下，团结工会运动得以突破之前波兰工人运动的限制，从一时一地的罢工转变成跨地区、长时段的组织性社会运动，最终甚至得以影响波兰的民主化转型，成为上世纪八十年代到九十年代间波兰社会不可或缺的力量。我们想要解释的是团结工会的根源如何促成了其形成；也就是说，我们所要提出的是一个社会科学意义上的机制为基础（mechanism-based）的解释，不仅仅停留在对历史原因和导火索因素的总结与罗列的层次上，更希望提出对团结工会的组织形成这一具体历史事件的阐述。

The article presents the activities of the Ordinate of Ołyka Janusz Radziwiłł on behalf of the Catholic Church in Volhynia. This activity had several dimensions. The first concerned his political involvement in the situation of the Church by supporting the expansion of its influence in the Borderlands. This was particularly important in the case of Volhynia Voivodeship. The duke had such an opportunity because, as an emissary and later a senator and collaborator of Józef Piłsudski, he was one of the most influential politicians in Poland. The second dimension of his activity is material support for various initiatives of the diocese of Łutsk and financial assistance for specific churches. The third concerned his activity within the Diocesan Institute of Catholic Action, of which he was the president, the creation of a brotherhood called the Religious Union of Landowners for the Defence of Faith and Morals and the organisation of the Congress of Polish Catholic Intelligentsia in Volhynia in 1939. The text also describes an unknown thread of Radziwiłł's unsuccessful talks with Bishop Stanisław Łukomski, Secretary General of the Polish Episcopal Conference, on the Church’s support for the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government during the 1935 parliamentary elections.

This chapter examines the political system, attitudes towards democracy, and their determinants in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” The research question is as follows: What type of political system has emerged in Ukraine since the “Euromaidan?” The related research question is to what extent political values in Ukraine are supportive of democracy. This study is based on theories of democratic, semi-democratic, and authoritarian political systems, democratization, and political culture. This chapter compares political systems in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” It uses data from different waves of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems surveys, the Pew Global Attitudes surveys, and the World Values Surveys to examine attitudes towards democracy in Ukraine before and after the “Euromaidan” and to compare democratic preferences in Ukraine with those in Poland and Russia. This study also implements multiple regression analysis of the determinants of attitudes towards democracy. It discusses implications of its findings for the prospects for liberal democracy in Ukraine and for the international conflict over Ukraine.

This paper examines the political system, attitudes towards democracy, and their determinants in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” The research question is as follows: What type of political system has emerged in Ukraine since the “Euromaidan?” The related research question is to what extent political values in Ukraine are supportive of democracy. This study is based on theories of democratic, semi-democratic, and authoritarian political systems, democratization, and political culture. A number of major survey-based academic studies, conducted primarily before the “Orange Revolution,” concluded that mass political values in Ukraine were generally supportive of democracy, and that they did not preclude emergence of a consolidated democracy. Many previous studies presented the “Orange Revolution” as a democratic revolution that transformed Ukraine from semi-democracy or competitive authoritarianism to democracy. Democracy was often regarded as the most likely future path of political development of this post-Soviet state. The Western and Ukrainian media, the Western governments, and the Maidan government in Ukraine also generally presented the “Euromaidan” as a democratic revolution that overthrew the authoritarian government as a result of mass peaceful protests. However, there is lack of academic studies of the political system and democratic values in Ukraine since the “Euromaidan.” This paper compares political systems in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” It uses data from different waves of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems surveys, the Pew Global Attitudes surveys, and the World Values Surveys to examine public attitudes towards democracy in Ukraine before and after the “Euromaidan.” It also compares democratic and authoritarian preferences in Ukraine with those in Poland and Russia, two similar post-communist countries with differing political cultures and divergent trajectories of democratization. Finally, this study implements multiple regression analysis of the determinants of attitudes towards democracy. It analyzes effects of political party preferences, regional historical legacies, religion, ethnicity, and other factors on pro-democracy views. The study also discusses implications of its findings for the prospects for liberal democracy in Ukraine and for the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

The subject of the article is the recent rise in significance of anti-communist discourses on the example of Polish anti-communism. The aim of the article is twofold. Firstly, to test the limits of usefulness of the theory of hegemony in the critique of anti-communism. I claim that it remains operative as an analytic tool to track practical uses of anti-communism in political rivalry, but it is unable to conceptualize more systemic and non-apparent operations of anti-communist logics in the machinery of contemporary capitalism. I propose an alternative interpretation of anti-communism, drawing mostly on post-operaist Marxism of the common and acknowledging its theoretical assumptions with recent research on the Polish popular classes and their bottom-up social practices. Secondly, I present a hypothesis, according to which proper understanding of the particular example of Polish anti-communism could be helpful to understand the functioning of universal anti-communism as a reaction to the struggles to institute the common.

European societies are becoming increasingly multicultural and ethnically diverse as a result of immigration. This change, however, is not properly reflected in the European mass media, neither in the portrayal nor in the representation of immigrants in the mainstream media. The aim of this paper is to analyse the newsmaking routines of mainstream newspapers and TV channels in six European countries (Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland amd the United Kingdom) with a view to showing which factors ...

This paper compares and contrasts the conservative right in both the Czech Republic and Poland in its historical and contemporary contexts. It argues that the conservative right is strong in both these countries and that they share many similar political features. However, there are ...

This chapter analyses the attempted lustration of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. It links the belated vetting of the Catholic clergy to the death of Pope John Paul II in 2005, the lustration drive of the Law and Justice Party government in 2005–2007, and responses to the paedophilia scandals within the Polish church. Focusing on the lustration cases of Reverend Michał Czajkowski, Archbishop Stanisław Wielgus, and Father Henryk Jankowski, the chapter pays attention to different currents within the Catholic community in Poland and the politicization and inconsistencies of de-communization mechanisms. It argues that while the nominally pro-Catholic PiS launched the lustration of the church, it soon abandoned it due to contemporary political concerns. The chapter also suggests that paedophilia affairs obliterated the hunt for communist security agents among the clergy.

The purpose of the research is to highlight the interaction of political thought and professional historiography, and its impact on the Polish-Ukrainian Alliance interpretation in the context of events of the historical process dynamics. We consider an integral part of our study to describe the discussions on Eastern policy in the Polish society before the conclusion of the alliance. The antagonism between the so-called federalist and incorporationist models, which was observed during the period beginning with the independent Polish Republic formation and ending in the Peace of Riga signing, determined the attitude to the Polish-Ukrainian Alliance of 1920 during the interwar period. The methodology of the research is based on one of the main methods-content analysis, hermeneutic and epistemological approaches, since a significant part of the sources comprises the press and political journalism. Analyzing the work with texts, the principles developed by Q. Skinner and J. Pocock are considered to be the key ones. Q. Skinner and J. Pocock noted the importance of the context and intellectual atmosphere understanding of the time of writing the text, as well as taking into account the author's planned recipient of the text. According to the method of the narrative analysis, elaborated by Jerzy Topolski, we single out three components in the texts analytically: logical and grammatical, persuasive, theoretical and ideological layers. We share the principle of relativity of the historical source concerning the knowledge and worldview of a historian. The scientific novelty consists in the following issue: in Ukrainian historiography a comprehensive analysis has been done on the material of the Polish public discourse of the interwar period concerning the attitude to the alliance with the Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR), which was concluded on the eve of Kyiv Offensive of 1920. The Conclusions. In the article it is stated that during the interwar period the Polish-Ukrainian Alliance of 1920 did not arouse significant interest both in the Polish public and among historians. Sometimes the alliance was mentioned in the politicians' memoirs, sometimes it was discussed by the publicists as one of the minor episodes of the Polish-Soviet War. It was written about the Polish-Ukrainian Alliance in general works on the history of Poland or researches on the borders formation after 1918 mainly. Taking into consideration the nature of these works, the Polish-Ukrainian Alliance was described superficially, focusing on the political aspects mainly, for example, Poland's recognition of Ukraine and border decisions. The genesis issue and various practical realizations of the

Celem artykułu jest syntetyczne przedstawienie zagadnienia racjonalnego społeczeństwa (RS) w kontekście polskiej transformacji systemowej. Analizie opartej o metody jakościowe poddany został ówczesny dyskurs polityczny, a więc subdyskurs dyskursu publicznego, na który składają się „wypowiedzi polityków, ale także pozostałych osób zaliczanych do elit symbolicznych, które biorą udział w walce o władzę”. Artykuł przygotowany został w oparciu o strategię dedukcyjną. Autor formułuje hipotezę, że części polskich elit symbolicznych bliska była koncepcja RS. Znalazło to swoje odzwierciedlenie w zbiorze diagnoz dotyczących polskiego społeczeństwa i w odpowiadającym im stosunku elit do społeczeństwa. Te zaś miały istotne znaczenie dla kształtu polskiej transformacji. W dużej części zapatrywania elit na polskie społeczeństwo i jego racjonalność (irracjonalność) okazały się nietrafione, czego jedną z konsekwencji jest utrzymujący się od lat wysoki poziom nieufności Polaków do instytucji i organów państwa.

This paper aims to map function(s) and genealogies of anticommunist discourses in Poland after 2015. It is done through a critical review of existing academic literature, a  comparative contrast with pre-2005 situation (the period of the postcommunist cleavage), and an analysis of selected samples of contemporary anticommunist discourses, embedded in the theoretical premises of Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of hegemony. The analysis leads to the conclusion that „anticommunism” is a floating signifier shared by several competing discourses rather than being a sign of a unified anticommunist hegemony, that anticommunist themes express and impress a critical memory of the neoliberal transition period rather than that of the Polish People’s Republic, and that the dominance of anticommunist discourses contributes, on both sides of the political cleavage, to the undermining of the democratic political logic.

Polish People’s Republic (PRL) in the late 1970s saw an increased alliance among, and indeed, a blending of, workers and intellectuals, young and old, women and men, actively struggling against the state. A new kind of solidarity emerged that threw off tired notions of what constituted the working class. The preeminent filmmaker of this time, Krzysztof Kieślowski, is often seen as increasingly depoliticized as he moved into fiction, but in this paper the author argues for the dialogic value of his work with respect to political organizing. Kieślowski’s documentarian sensitivity to registering Polish reality and the intimacy of human engagement with the world led him to question the prevailing mode of representing these shifts in politics and class. His feature films, in articulating failures of representation, challenge a “realism” that purported to be universal, but instead reified a certain historical anxiety in the Polish political imaginary (workers vs. intellectuals, urban elites vs. peasantry), or precisely that which was being unraveled by the praxis of the late 1970s. Further, they refuse to cordon off interests of individuals from the very state shown to be oppressing them. Here we have a filmic counterpart to the immanent praxis of workers and intellectuals that turned one of the engines of the state—the trade union—into the greatest weapon against it. The author shows how this functions, in negative terms, in Kieślowski’s first feature, Blizna/The Scar (1976), in which class solidarity is felt stylistically as aporia, and is further developed in Amator/Camera Buff (1979), which expresses the personal as political in the tension between the desire for spokój (peace and quiet) and czegoś wiecej (something more). Rather than a retreat, we should see this in correspondence with the revolutionary consciousness being inscribed in individual Poles by the collective labor action of Solidarity in 1980.

This paper examines the stability of post-communist party systems in Russia, Ukraine, and Poland (through 2009), using the timing of periods of stability and instability to test theories of electoral rules, sociological cleavages, or incentivization for party-building driving by the degree of executive-legislative balance in each constitutional system.  It finds greatest support for the last of these to explain variation in stability over time and across the three countries.

Despite considerable change over recent years, British cultural studies and the work of the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, the very cradle of this discipline, remain on the peripheries of Polish cultural studies. While the causes of this remain under debate, the author deduces that one of them is of utmost importance: the aversion to politics and politicians, observable in the Polish public discourse since 1989, which has amounted to a politicophobia. This phenomenon makes it difficult to accept “an ‘engaged’ set of disciplines”, as Stuart Hall put it. The author argues that overcoming this barrier is one of the key pieces of the development of cultural studies in Poland.

This Master paper analyzes Poland's eastern foreign policy, through the lens of Kal Holsti's Role theory, theories of collective memory and neoclassical realism. It describes the historic evolution of how Poland constructed and altered their national roles after independence, on what levels of EU policy making these roles complement and clash with each other.

This article assesses the electoral performance of populist parties in three European countries: the Netherlands, Poland and the United Kingdom. In explaining the electoral performance of the populist parties in the three countries, the article considers the agency of political parties in particular. More specifically, it examines the responsiveness of established parties and the credibility of the populist parties. Whereas the agency of populist parties, or other radical outsiders, has often been overlooked in previous comparative studies, this article argues that the credibility of the populist parties themselves plays a crucial role in understanding their electoral success and failure.(Online publication January 08 2013)

Esej z 2009 roku, dotyczący polskiej debaty nad dziedzictwem politycznym I Rzeczypospolitej w kontekście idei republikanizmu, polityki historycznej/polityki pamięci i „neosarmatyzmu”. Podsumowuje najważniejsze wątki dyskusji z lat 2004 – 2008. Poruszane wtedy tematy i zajmowane stanowiska zachowały ważność także w kolejnych latach. Tekst niepublikowany.

An essay written in 2009, concerning the Polish intellectual debate on the political heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It touches topics like the idea of republicanism and its validity, policy towards the past, memory studies. The covered period extends roughly from 2004 to 2008, but the discussed ideas, opinions and standpoints remained important also in the next years. Unpublished.

The paper begins with a discussion of the notion of social capital which seems to gain increasing popularity in both academic and media discourse. The concept of social capital can be understood in several, often contradictory, ways which proves useful both for its positive interpretation and critical analysis. The second part of the paper is devoted to the issue of the relationship between the notion of social capital and modernization theories. The finał section of the text discusses three main ideological orientations of the contemporary Polish political discourse: the left (social-democratic) orientation, the right (conservative) orientation and the centre (liberal) orientation. These three discourses are linked to the ideal visions of Poland they imply. These visions in turn are presented both from the positive and critical standpoints. In all cases, it is shown how the notion of social capital can be used to support the arguments both for and against each of the orientations

Бойко-Гагарін А.С. Справа фальшивомонетника Адама Богуша (1868–1870 рр.). Проблеми гуманітарних наук: збірник наукових праць Дрогобицького державного педагогічного університету імені Івана Франка. Серія Історія / ред. кол. Василь Ільницький (головний редактор) та ін. Дрогобич: Видавничий дім «Гельветика». Випуск 5/47. Дрогобич, 2020. С. 140–153. DOI: 10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217752


Boiko-Haharin, A. (2020). Sprava falshyvomonetnyka Adama Bohusha (1868–1870) [The case of the counterfeiter Adam Bogusz (1868‒1870)]. Problemy humanitarnych nauk: zbirnyk naukovych prats Drohobytskoho derzhavnoho pedahohichnoho universytetu imeni Ivana Franka. Seriia Istoriia – Problems of Humanities. History Series: a collection of scientific articles of the Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University, 5/47, . doi: https://doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217752 [in Ukrainian].

Edited by anthropologist Trevor Stack and historian Rose Luminiello, this volume joins Engin Isin's "Frontiers of the Political: Doing International Politics" series with Rowman & Littlefield, and brings together interdisciplinary scholars to explore how concepts of citizenship and political community engage with, define, contest, and form authority. Our scholars analyse the perspectives of political communities and citizenship contexts that range from the Indian State Constitution, ISIS, Polish Communism, Kurdish political philosophy, Scottish education, Mexican political communities, and other diverse communities in order to bring together literatures and disciplines on elements of concepts on political community, citizenship, and authority which would not usually be in discussion with each other. The conclusions of Engaging Authority consider this whole range of historical, sociological, philosophical, theoretical, and anthropological perspectives to understand how citizenship and political community can limit or enable authority in society and politics.