Medieval Swords

In the literature about swords, their use has predominantly not been analysed. This article tries to reconstruct some aspects of the use of Viking Age swords from Northern and Eastern Europe. The reconstruction is based on biomechanics, martial arts principles, late medieval fencing books and

Vlijmscherp verleden
Vlijmscherp verleden vertelt het verhaal over de geschiedenis van het zwaard en de rituele en symbolische betekenis ervan. U ziet bijna tweehonderd bijzondere zwaarden, afkomstig uit de prehistorie tot de twintigste eeuw. De pronkzwaarden, slagzwaarden en steekzwaarden komen uit bijna alle werelddelen. Blikvangers zijn de 'magische' bronzen zwaarden uit de prehistorie, Vikingzwaarden uit de omgeving van Dorestad, een Frans koningszwaard uit de Merovingische tijd en het Nederlandse Rijkszwaard, dat met de overige regalia een tastbaar symbool is van het koninklijk gezag.

Meer dan slechts een wapen

Het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden bezit de grootste collectie archeologische zwaarden van Nederland. Bruiklenen uit binnen- en buitenland verrijken de tentoonstelling en vullen het verhaal aan tot de twintigste eeuw. De zwaarden uit de verschillende perioden en landen geven u een beeld van de grote verscheidenheid in vorm, materiaal en versiering. U ontdekt hoe ze de afgelopen drieduizend jaar zijn gemaakt en u maakt kennis met hun (vaak) rituele en symbolische betekenis. Niet voor niets zijn zwaarden van oudsher een teken van macht, gerechtigheid en krijgskunst.

Zwaarden met persoonlijkheid

Een zwaard is niet alleen een wapen, het is veel meer dan dat. Al eeuwenlang staan zwaarden symbool voor macht, gerechtigheid en krijgskunst. Ze hebben vaak een aparte status en worden gezien als objecten met een eigen 'persoonlijkheid'. Zwaarden spreken nog steeds tot de verbeelding, net als degenen die ze droegen: strijders, ridders en soldaten.

On the 3th of August 2015, the British Library has appealed for help in cracking an enigmatic inscription on a mysterious medieval blade. The double-edged sword, which is on loan from the British Museum (until Tue 1 Sep 2015), was found in Lincolsnhire's River Witham in 1825 and bears a peculiar inscription that to date nobody has been able to decipher. Interpreting medieval sword inscriptions is like trying to crack a mysterious code. On the 10th of August 2015 I have suggested a possible interpretation of the inscription, which is: (I)N(OMINE) D(OMINI) [NOSTRI JESU] X(RISTI), O(BTEGE), X(RISTO), CH(A)WD(O)ȵG(AN), (I)N(OMINE) D(OMINI) X(RISTI), O(BTEGE) [eum], R(EX) V(NIVERSI) I(ESUS).

LIEN pour la lecture / LINK to read it
https://www.yumpu.com/fr/document/read/16922453/universite-paris-sorbonne-e-sorbonne

Etude archéologique des techniques d’acquisition et de transformation du métal dans le cadre de la production des lames de sabre au Japon (IXe -XVIe siècle). / "Cette thèse a pour thème les techniques d’acquisition et de transformation du fer dans le cadre de la production des lames japonaises, sur une période courant du IXe à la toute fin du XVIe siècle. Une partie préliminaire est présente afin de donner une idée de l’évolution de la métallurgie du fer jusqu’à cette date. Le type de minerais, les sables ferrifères, est alors abordé avec ses techniques d’acquisition et d’extraction. S’en suit une étude des méthodes de transformation par le biais des techniques de réduction. L’étude des différents sites permet de mettre en lumière deux types majeurs de fourneau dans l’archipel : un type à cheminée semi-enterré et un type en forme de boîte rectangulaire. Ce dernier débouche d’ailleurs sur la mise au point, au début du XVIIe siècle, du fourneau traditionnel, le tatara. En outre, l’archipel présente un développement des techniques de forge antérieur aux techniques de réduction. A partir du IXe siècle, la forge japonaise se retrouve donc déjà à un niveau technique particulièrement élevé, ayant développé, en plus des techniques de mise en forme, des techniques d’affinage, de carburation et de grappage, autorisant un recyclage du fer, permettant d’affranchir en partie les forgerons de la production des sites de réduction. C’est donc sur cette base technique particulièrement développée qu’a pu se mettre en place une partie de la production des lames. Ce recyclage explique en partie la disparition d’un très grand nombre de lames, auquel il faut adjoindre à partir de la fin du XVIe siècle, des chasses au sabre, permettant de distinguer la classe des guerriers, les samouraïs par un port d’arme qui leur était réservé.

This thesis is dealing with the iron smelting and forge techniques in the
production of Japanese swords, from the 9th to the end of the 16th century.
A preliminary part presents the evolution of iron smelting techniques in Japan,
from the origin to the 9th century.
The types of ore (iron sand) and their acquisition and extraction techniques
are discussed for a period during from the 9th to the 16th century in a
second part.
The smelting techniques used at the same period are then studied. The
archaeological research sheds light on two major types of furnace in the
archipelago: a semi-buried shaft furnace and a rectangular box shape
furnace. This last one leads in the early 17th century to the development
of the traditional Japanese furnace, the tatara.
Concerning the forging techniques, their development in the archipelago was
prior to the smelting techniques. Therefore, from the 9th century, the
technology of the Japanese forge had already reached a high level,
having developed in addition to the basic forge techniques, the
refining, carburizing and clustering (oroshigane) techniques, allowing
the smith to not be entirely dependent on the iron production of the
smelting furnace, but to also be able to rely on the recycled iron.
Consequently, a large part of the blade production in this period might
have relied on that techniques. This recycling helps to explain the
disappearance of a large number of blades, associated to sword hunts in
the late 16th century which led to distinguish a warrior class, the
samurai, carrying a weapon which is, from the early 17th century,
reserved to them."

Indulge yourself in Carlo Paggiarino’s private tour of one of the world’s finest collection of antique arms and armour and discover, through his unique style of photography, the overwhelming beauty of the medieval and renaissance masterpieces at Hertford House.

An uninterrupted series of superb photographs, together with Jeremy Warren’s stimulating foreword and Tobias Capwell’s intriguing introduction, will add to your knowledge of this fascinating wold, revealing once again the secrets of the top armourers.

Carlo Paggiarino has the rare gift of understanding the forms and the functions of antique arms and armour, and so is extraordinarily skilful in conveying the sculptural qualities of these princely works of art in two dimensions.

We all wish you all the most pleasant of tours!

An amateur metal detector survey conducted in the cadastral territory of Klamoš in 2015/2016 yielded, among other things, a well-preserved long-sword. Based on the typo-chronological analysis, the sword can be classified as an Oakeshott Type XIIIa, J, 2, and dated to the course of the 14th c. A conservation-restoration survey revealed remains of maker’s marks on the blade and, mainly, rich pommel decoration that is thus far unique. The latter is further discussed in detail in terms of a both formal evaluation and the applied decoration technology, the identification of which has been based on a detailed survey of the weapon and experimental work. A metallographic examination of the blade was finally omitted due to its compact preservation.

ENG: The study of most of the Florentine Arti Minori, has aroused until today, a scarce interest by the scholars. This first survey, concerning the Arte dei Fabbri (Art of Blacksmiths) in Florence and its countryside. between the end of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, based on the analysis of the statute and the matricole, shows the great importance of this economic and productive sector in the reality of that time. Particular attention is paid to the structure of this (work specializations, access modalities), to the production of artifacts and to the activities carried out, as well as to the general trend in the chronological period examined.

ITA: Lo studio della maggior parte delle Arti Minori fiorentine, ha suscitato sino ad oggi, uno scarso interesse da parte degli studiosi. Questa prima indagine, riguardante l’Arte dei Fabbri a Firenze e nel suo contado, tra la fine del XIV ed il XV secolo, basata sull’analisi dello statuto e delle matricole, mostra la grande importanza di questo settore economico e produttivo nella realtà dell’epoca. Una particolare attenzione è rivolta alla struttura di questa (specializzazioni lavorative, modalità di accesso), alle produzioni di manufatti ed alle attività svolte oltre che all’andamento generale nell’arco cronologico preso in esame.

Der vorliegende Kommentar zum sogenannten "Zwinglischwert" entstammt der Studie zum Tod und den angeblichen Waffen des Zürcher Reformators Huldrych Zwingli (1484 - 1531), welche anlässlich des fünften Zürcher Reformationsjubiläum 2019 veröffentlicht wurde. Zusammen mit den Koautoren Dr. Hans Rudolf Fuhrer und Jürg A. Meier wurden die Todesumstände Zwinglis in der Schlacht bei Kappel am 11. Oktober 1531 basierend auf Quellen des 16. Jahrhunderts neu aufgearbeitet, sowie die vermeintlichen Waffen des Reformators (Helm, Schwert und Kombinationswaffe) einer eingehenden Untersuchung unterzogen. Diese Publikation sollte im Gedenkjahr auch die Waffen- und Militärgeschichte der Zürcher Reformation beleuchten.

The present commentary on the so-called "Zwinglischwert" originates from the study on the death and alleged weapons of the Zurich reformer Huldrych Zwingli (1484 - 1531), which was published on the occasion of the anniversary of the Zurich Reformation in 2019. Together with the co-authors Dr. Hans Rudolf Fuhrer and Jürg A. Meier, the circumstances of Zwingli's death at the Battle of Kappel on 11 October 1531 were reworked on the basis of sources from the 16th century, and the alleged weapons of the reformer (helmet, sword and combination weapon) were subjected to an in-depth investigation. This publication was also intended to shed light on the weapons and military history of the Zurich Reformation in the commemorative year.

Like King Arthur and Excalibur, the names of Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, El Cid Campeador, and his own legendary swords Tizona and Colada, live on in the popular memory of an entire nation. To this day, swords said to be those of the Cid are on proud display in Spanish museums – but were any of them ever really wielded by Castile’s greatest hero?

The book includes medieval swords from the Balkans and the Carpathian Basin (Pannonian Plain). The Catalogue contains data on 412 swords that come from this area, from the Alps to Istanbul, including all states of the former Yugoslavia (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia), Bulgaria, Greece and Albania and from Slovakia via Hungary, Romania and Moldova to the Black Sea. Division of the shapes and forms of the basic parts of swords is based on the typology made by Ewart Oakeshott. In addition to this division, the existing shapes were compared with the typologies of other researchers (Alexander Ruttkay, Marian Głosek, Anatolij Kirpichnikov, Alfred Geibig, Karl-Zeno Pinter and others). Considering that swords from southeastern Europe include also some characteristic finds, Oakeshott`s typology is supplemented by some new types of pommels, blades and cross-guards.
Certain typological and other properties of swords are mapped in order to explore their spatial distribution. In addition to archaeological findings, in book have been used other medieval source material, such as historical written sources as well as artistic representations of swords. Illustrative part of the book contains drawings and color photos of swords, their visual representations as well as geographical and historical maps.

Some of the reviews:

• B. Milosavljević, Vesnik Vojnog muzeja 34, Beograd 2008.
• H. Sanchiz Alvarez de Toledo, Gladius 29, Madrid 2009, 207-208. - http://gladius.revistas.csic.es/index.php/gladius/article/view/220/221
• Michal Pírek, Slovenska Archaeologia 57/1, Nitra 2009, 191-192. - http://www.archeol.sav.sk/nove/pub_slovarch.php#s22009
• Lech Marek, Acta Archaeologica Carpathica, Vol. XLIV, Krakow 2009, 267-271.
•J. Piet Puype, Waffen- und Kostümkunde 2012, Heft 1, 126-128.

The study is focussed on a (then) innovative intercultural and interdisciplinary comparison between sword-culture in Europe and Japan. It contains the first published  results of a direct comparison between blade surfaces on medieval Japanese and Merovingian Period European sword-blades polished in the traditional Japanese manner. In this context the crucial role of surface-technology by grinding and polishing for functional sword-blades is highlighted in detail for the first time. There is an English and a Japanese summary contained.

Attributed in legend to Bolesław the Brave, crowned as the first king of Poland in 1025, the coronation sword known as the Szczerbiec can more properly be dated on typological, stylistic, and epigraphic grounds to the mid 13th century. Among other motifs, the elaborately decorated hilt carries an apotropaic invocation of the names of God, seemingly written in corrupt Hebrew; various translations of the names have been proposed, to no clear consensus. Described as “kabbalistic” in the 19th century, the inscription has most recently been related to popular traditions of voces magicae – essentially meaningless incantations, common in magical texts since antiquity. For the first time, the Szczerbiec’s inscriptions are here directly compared to a body of Latin magical writings, including textual amulets and charms, and treatises of ritual magic. Four divine names on the Polish sword are thus identified, three of which are found to be voces magicae associated in particular with the literary tradition of the Liber Semiphoras, ostensibly translated from a Jewish magical text in Spain. The insignia displayed upon the pommel of the Szczerbiec is likewise found to admit close parallels within the Christian magical tradition, which, combined with new epigraphic evidence, allows for a reappraisal of its iconography.

Throughout history armour and weapons have been not merely the preserve of the warrior in battles and warfare, but potent symbols in their own right (the sword of chivalry, the heraldic shield) representing the hunt and hall as well as the battlefield. This series aims to provide a forum for critical studies of all aspects of arms and armour and their technologies, from the end of the Roman Empire to the dawn of the modern world; both new research and works of synthesis are encouraged.

Mittelalterliche Schwerter und Sabel in Siebenburgen und im Banat. (9.-14. Jh).

Der Mensch war zur Zeit des Mittelalters in größerem Maße an seine Waffen gebunden als dieses heute der Fall ist, sein Verhältnis zu diesen Gegenständen war ein betont persönliches und subjektives. Dieser Stand der Dinge läßt sich jedoch anhand der damals herrschenden geschichtlichen Gegebenheiten sowie durch das aus früheren Zeiten stammende geistige Erbe erklären.
Im christlichen Mittelalter wurden mehrere Bräuche, die mit dem Waffenkultus zusammenhingen, in leicht abgewandelter Form beibehalten, wobei man einige davon in ein "christliches Gewand gehüllt" hatte. Die sporadische Beigabe von Waffen mit offensichtlich ritueller Absicht ist archäologisch bewiesen worden; die runischen Inschriften magischen Charakters wurden in christlicher Zeit durch Inschriften ersetzt, die zwar einen christlichen Gehalt aufwiesen, aber die gleiche Bedeutung wie die Runen innehatten: Sie sollten die Gottheit zum Schutz der Waffe aufrufen. Mehr noch, durch die Kreuzform des mittelalterlichen Schwertes wurde letzteres zu einem Gegenstand, den man beim Schwurablegen heranzog; auch der Schlag mit dem Schwert zum Zeichen der Aufnahme in den Ritterstand, das Küssen des Stichblattes, das Berühren der Schultern mit der Klinge - dies alles trug dazu bei, daß diese Waffe zum Symbol der genannten privilegierten Gesellschaftsschicht wurde. Durch das Zusammenführen des Schwertsymbols mit dem des Ritterranges und des Kreuzes, wurde eine weitere privilegierte Gesellschaftsschicht des Mittelalters - jene der Kreuzritter - gekennzeichnet; daraus entwickelte sich der Gedanke eines Heeres Christi und der geistlichen Ritterorden. Im Mittelalter wurde das Schwert, neben der Krone, zu einem bedeutenden Symbol mehrerer europäischer Königshäuser; ein Beweis dafür sind die in den Krönungsschätzen verwahrten Zeremonieschwerter, die einen hohen symbolischen und geistigen Gehalt verkörpern, sowie die Darstellungen derartiger Stücke in der bildenden Kunst. Das Schwertsymbol trat jedoch auf allen Ebenen des mittelalterlichen Alltags in Erscheinung: als Zeichen der politischen oder juristischen Macht, bis hin zu den Schwerttänzen, die ein Teil des Brauchtums der Zünfte und der Bauerngemeinschaften waren.

Die mittelalterlichen, in das 9. bis 14. Jahrhundert datierten Schwerter, die im Raum Siebenbürgen entdeckt wurden und hier erhalten geblieben sind, können in großen Zügen in die Entwicklung dieser Waffenkategorie in Europa eingegliedert werden.
Die bereits für den Großteil Europas erarbeiteten Sachkriterien wurden an dem siebenbürgischen Material angewandt, um eine möglichst vollständige und genaue typologische und chronologische Einordnung durchführen zu können. Um diesem Zweck gerecht zu werden, haben wir die Schwerter anhand ihrer Einzelteile untersucht, wobei das Hauptkriterium jenes der Funktionalität ist, die sich aus der Kombination dieser Einzelteile ergibt.
Eine erste Einteilung der Schwerter nach funktionellen Kriterien kann nach den Eigenschaften der Klinge, dem Hauptelement dieser Waffen, vorgenommen werden; je nach ihrer Klinge unterscheidet man zwischen Schwertern, die als "Hiebwaffe", "Stichwaffe" oder als "Hieb- und Stichwaffe" dienen sollten.
Aufgrund der Griffe (Gefäße), die aus demselben Metallstück wie die Klinge geschmiedet sind, können die Schwerter, je nach ihrer Länge und implizite der Funktionalität ihrer Einzelteile, in solche eingeteilt werden, deren Griffe "für eine Hand (od. einhändige Betätigung)", "für eineinhalb Hände (od. eineinhalbhändige Betätigung)" und für "zwei Hände (od. zweihändige Betätigung)" vorgesehen sind.
Aus der Funktionalität des Knaufs, der Art und Weise wie die Faust den Griff anpackt, um den Schwerpunkt der Waffe in bezug auf das Klingengewicht wirksam zu verlagern, erfolgt die Einteilung in "leichte" und "massive" Knäufe.
Die Parierstangen können desgleichen nach ihrer Funktionalität eingeteilt werden, u.zw. in: "kurze" Parierstangen, die das Abgleiten der Faust in Richtung der Schneiden verhindern, sowie in "lange" Parierstangen, die die Faust zusätzlich vor den gegnerischen Angriffen schützen sollten.
Nachdem die genannten Elemente und ihre Kombinationsweise an dem siebenbürgischen Material des 9. bis 11. Jahrhunderts untersucht wurden, konnten zwei große Gruppen von Schwertern festgelegt werden: Gruppe A: frühmittelalterliche Schwerter (Ende des 8. Jhs. bis Mitte des 11. Jhs.) sowie Gruppe B: Schwerter des Hochmittelalters (Mitte des 11. Jhs. bis Ende des 14. Jhs.).
Aufgrund dieser ersten, an die Funktionalität gebundenen Einteilungen wird im folgenden die Entwicklung (Form und Chronologie) der einzelnen Teile des Schwertes aufgezeigt.
Die Klingen sind in 9 "Kategorien", die Griffe (Gefäße) in 3 "Dimensionen", die Parierstangen in 8 "Varianten" und die Knäufe in 12 "Formen" eingeteilt worden.

Was die Kampfausrüstungen anbelangt, waren in Siebenbürgen zur Zeit des Frühmittelalters die gleichen Formen wie im restlichen Europa vertreten, die beständig, gemäß den auf diesem Kontinent bestehenden mittelalterlichen militärischen Strukturen, angepaßt werden mußten.
Die mittelalterlichen Schwerter des 9.-14. Jahrhunderts bildeten dabei keine Ausnahme, sie lassen sich in den allgemeinen Strom der europäischen Entwicklung eingliedern, wobei die zonalen Eigenheiten minimal sind. Wie oben bereits erwähnt, waren die morphologischen Merkmale der Schwerter sowohl von der Entwicklung der Schutzausrüstung des potentiellen Feindes als auch von der Anpassungsfähigkeit an die Kampfweise desselben abhängig. Diesbezüglich machten sich im 9. bis 14. Jahrhundert in Siebenbürgen gewaltige Einflüsse aus Mittel- und Westeuropa und in geringerem Maße aus Osteuropa und dem Balkan bemerkbar - ein Umstand, der durch die in jener Zeit herrschenden geschichtlichen und militärischen Ereignisse zu erklären ist.
Im Falle der Schwerter ist im Raum des Karpatenbeckens die gesamte europäische typologische Vielfalt vertreten, es treten allerdings in verschiedenen Zeitabschnitten einige Unterschiede auf. Die ins 8. bis 9. Jahrhundert datierten Stücke sind selten, während jene Exemplare, die den späteren Zeitabschnitten, dem 12.-14. Jahrhundert zuzuordnen sind, zahlreicher auftreten. Außerdem muß hinzugefügt werden, daß die Schwerter des abendländischen Typus im Vergleich zu jenen byzantinischer Art (die übrigens im gesamten mittel- und südosteuropäischen Raum selten sind) überwiegen.

Im 13. Jahrhundert kam es zur ersten "militärischen Niederlage" großen Ausmaßes, den die schwere Reiterei im Kampf gegen die einfallenden Mongolenhorden erlitt; da letztere, die sich der äußerst leicht zu manövrierenden, leichten Reiterei bedienten, nur über eine verhältnismäßig kurze Zeitspanne hinweg Mitteleuropa beherrschten, führte dieses Ereignis zu keinen Veränderungen in der Konfiguration der in Siebenbürgen benutzten Kampfausstattung, so wie dies in Rußland (durch Anpassen an die leichte Reiterei des Feindes) geschehen war. Weder das 14. Jahrhundert noch die Türkengefahr oder die vernichtende Niederlage der schweren Reiterei in Nikopole hatte eine radikale Veränderung in der Beschaffenheit der Bewaffnung in Siebenbürgen zur Folge; die Schwerter entwickelten sich zu immer größeren und schwereren Formen, die den Plattenrüstungen, die auch im darauffolgenden Jahrhundert vorherrschten, angepaßt waren.
Dem Säbel, als Waffe der leichten Reiterei, war im Siebenbürgen des Mittelalters keine "militärische Laufbahn" beschieden. Er wurde nur für kurze Zeit, während jener der ersten landnehmenden Madjaren benutzt und wird zeitlich in die erste Hälfte des 10. Jahrhunderts angesiedelt. Aus diesem Grund sind die wenigen Stücke dieser Art in den Gräbern der genannten Bevölkerung zu finden, genauer gesagt in jenen aus der Zeit ihrer ersten Wanderwelle, die archäologisch - nach den frühesten, in der Stadt am Someş (in der Zápolya / Dostoievski Straße) zutage getretenen Funden (aus den Jahren 1911 und später 1941-1942) - als "Cluj / Klausenburger Gruppe" bezeichnet wurden. Dieser Horizont weist noch starke Einflüsse der Steppenkulturen auf, u.zw. durch Beigabe von Waffen und Teilen von Pferdekörpern in Gräbern. Die wenigen Schwerter, die in Anlagen wie Gâmbaş, Arad-Ceala oder dem bereits erwähnten Gräberfeld in Cluj / Klausenburg entdeckt wurden, zu denen einige Stücke unbestimmter Herkunft hinzugezählt werden müssen, erlauben das Aufstellen einer eigenen Typologie nicht, sondern lassen eventuelle Vergleiche mit den in West-, Mittel- und Osteuropa erarbeiteten, bereits allgemein anerkannten Typologien zu.

This is a quality pdf version with better illustrations.
Subject of this paper are sword and dagger found in the fortress of Kastrici near Varna in Bulgaria. The fortress was rebuilt in the end of 13 с and during 14 c became flourishing seaport. The weapons are found in burnt building from first half of 14 c (Figs. 1–4). Both items are with heavy corrosion and in bad condition. Traces of wood on the dagger (Fig. 7) say that it was in functional condition and have sheath. The sword was kept without scabbard, that implied that during the fire the weapon was not in "working" order.
Sword was kept under inventory numbers 703 and 704 (Fig. 5). During investigation are recovered the form and dimensions of this weapon (Fig. 6). It has straight double-edged tapering to the point blade. The point was designed for effective stabbing. The blade is flat. Traces from fuller are not visible because bad condition. The pommel have cross like shape (Figs. 5, 6). It is flat with dimensions 5cm length, 7 cm width and 0,8 cm thickness. In the center of cross there is round hole. The cross guard have with bent to the blade quilons. It's length is 13 cm and it is 2,5 – 3 cm wide. In the middle of its external side is inlayed triangular element 5,5 cm high. Characteristic feature of this weapon is that its pommel was made like part of tang. The proportions of weapons defined it like hand-and-half sword. It's dimensions are:
Length: about 112 cm;
Blade length: about 85 cm;
Blade width: 5,5 cm near cross guard and 3 cm below point;
Blade thickness near the point: 0,5 cm;
Hilt length (together with cross guard and pommel): 26,5 cm;
Handle length: 16 cm.
Dagger with inventory number 698 (Fig. 7) have straight, two-edged blade, slightly tapered to the point (Fig. 8). It has flat cross section without rib in the middle. Tang finished with flat washer 0,9 – 1 cm in diameter, that securing the wooden grip. The grip and protecting part of the hilt was entirely from wood. The metric data for the weapon:
Preserved length: 51 cm; recovered length: about 58,5 cm;
Preserved blade length: 38 cm; recovered blade length: about 45,5 cm
Blade width: 2,4 – 3,2 cm;
Blade thickness: 0,8 cm;
Tang length: 13 cm;
Tang thickness: 0,7 – 0,8 cm.
Archaeological context of find gave terminus ante quem for weapons before the middle of 14 c. Proportions and form of blade defined the sword in type XIIIa from E. Oakeshott typology. This type was very popular in Eastern Europe and in Balkans between the middle of 13 and middle of 14 c. The sword from Kastrici is a little bit different because its more narrow blade and more acute point (Figs. 5, 6). These features connected it with weapons from the first half of 14 c (Table 1). Its bent cross guard wasn't rear in weapons from this type. More interesting is the triangular part in the middle of its external side. This " écusson" can be found in some spectacular weapons from Spain, England and France, all of them from period between the middle of 13 and middle of 14 c (Table 2). Good examples for this type cross guard can be found in manuscripts miniatures originating from region of Northern France, Flanders and England and dated between 1275 and 1350 (Table 3).
More questions rise the characteristic pommel of sword. Fruitful for this investigation was data from works of art. We see pommel with similar outline on the effigy of Loffredo Filomarino in Napoli (Table 5 1). Identical pommel can be seen on the effigies of Jaquelin de Ferrière in Montargis, Northern France (Table 5 2) and Jehande Chantelou from Evreau, Houte Normandie (Table 5 3). Very similar is pommel of sword of Guérinde Friaize on his effigy in Abbayede Josaphat, Northern France (Table 5 4). All these are presented very schematic that put it under suspicion are these flat cross like pommel like this on sword from Kastrici or in these effigies we see some other form of pommel. In this direction is work of H. Nickel  who discussed the effigy of  Jean d'Alluye in abbey of La Clarté-Dieu, Northern France. He connect trilobate pommel with Chinese art (Table 5 5) and think that sword can be brought from the East with is owner that participate in crusade in Holy lands. We can see similar treatment of trilobate sword pommels in one group manuscripts from Northern France, England and Flanders dated between the middle of 13 and middle of 14 c. There pommels are presented in schematic way similar to the effigies (Table 6). In some of miniatures however are presented and cross like pommels like this on Kastrici sword (Table 7). So we can conclude that these miniatures reflect use of both trilobate and cross like pommels in style of Kastrici sword.
Available data connect the sword from Kastrici with the region of Northern France, Flanders and England where the swords from type XIIIa were popular and miniatures with these forms of cross guard and pommel are in abundance. For this region also is characteristic and use of swords with acute points. The sword from Kastrici can be dated in first half of 14 c.
Dagger can be put in one particular group of weapons often called large daggers or small swords. Very popular in Western and Central Europe they are known in Eastern Europe too (Table 9). The handle and guard of dagger from Kastrici was built entirely from wood (Figs. 7, 8). Identical design we can see in ballock and kidney daggers (Table 10). Considering time of use of this types of daggers and terminus ante quem of find from Kastrici is reasonable to accept that dagger date from firts half of 14 c. 
The weapon set from Kastrici fortress was not exception in Balkan warfare and was reflected in church frescoes from this period (Tables 11-13). Examples from works of art allow to conclude that the set of sword and dagger from Kastrici have foreign (Western European) origin, but this type of weaponry was popular amidst the Balkan warriors during the first half of 14 c. Actually the find from Kastrici reflect one visible tendency in military culture of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom that is clear presence of arms and armour with Western European origin.

The work is dedicated to the history of the 10–13th centuries blade weapons on the territory of Belarus. The major kinds of Old Russian blade weapons were swords and sabers. The population living on the territory of Belarus first came across swords not later than the 6th century, but this kind of weapons became widespread in Viking Age, approximately in the late 9th century, which is the low chronological border of the research. The upper border is defined as the end of the 13th century according to the dating of a number of finds.

2021 tavaszán egy kétélű egyenes kard került a Janus Pannonius Múzeumba. Bár a lelet Himesházáról került elő, eredeti lelőhelye és leletkontextusa ismeretlen. A sajátos markolatgombbal ellátott fegyver bizonytalan eredete indokolttá tette a tárgy behatóbb vizsgálatát. Formai jellegzetességei és metrikus adatai alapján Alfred Geibig 4. pengetípusába sorolható, legközelebbi ismert párhuzama egy Budapest környéki berakásos szórványlelet, ami alapján a fegyver a 10. század végére-11. századra keltezhető.

In the spring of 2021, a double-edged straight sword was placed in the Janus Pannonius Museum. Although the find was found in Himesháza, its original location and find context are unknown. Due to the uncertain origin of the double-edged straight sword with a special pommel, a more in-depth examination of the object was necessary. Based on its formal features and metric data, it can be classified as Geibig’s 4th blade type, and the closest known analogy is a stray find in the vicinity of Budapest, thus the weapon can be dated to the end of the 10th century – 11th century.

In 2018, the torso of a sword was accidentally discovered in the boulder field on a slope of Lipská hora in the cadastral district of Mrsklesy. It can be interpreted as a partially deformed remnant of a longsword from the 14th or early 15th century. The state of its preservation enabled a comprehensive metallographic survey, which showed that the blade consists of a core of heterogeneous steel (even iron in places) and a welded-on coat of steel entirely surrounding the core; this construction most probably evidences the use of mechanisation in he blade production. The blade bears on both sides a series of brass inlaid maker’s marks in the form of tongs, a wolf, an eight-pointed star in a circle and a crosier, probably referring to the origin of the blade in the renowned sword workshops of Passau. The marks were made using the technique of molten-metal inlaying, which was more suited to mass production compared to the complicated and time-consuming technique of wire inlaying. Hence, the sword from Lipská Hora is another of the many pieces of evidence of lively trade between the Czech lands and this Bavarian production centre.

The idea is to perform an analysis of the relief on the Door of the Msho Arakelots monastery, where four equestrians and one infantryman are depicted, and to compare it with other Armenian, Byzantine and Muslim sources. In this relief, a spherical mace head and a sword with sleeve cross-guard are represented, suggesting many parallels with East-Roman archaeological and figurative sources.

No less important is the depiction of the military trumpet because it is the first image of this object in Armenian art, which can be compared with pictures from the Madrid Skylitzes (12th c.). In addition, the only defensive weapon which is presented in this relief is a round shield with a floral ornament. There are many depictions of round shields in Armenian miniatures and reliefs from 10th–11th c. Moreover, this relief is one of the few where stirrups and the chape of a scabbard are shown. These elements represent an important piece of information because these pictures can be compared with actual archaeological East-Roman artefacts to reconstruct their real look.

The conclusions are that the majority of Armenian weapons bear similarities to Byzantine ones but no less important are the Muslim influences, which have been found in some cases. Located between two civilizations (Byzantium and the Muslim Potentates), Armenians adopted the best solutions of their military technologies, creating their own culture. Moreover, thanks to this comparative analysis, further support will be given to the idea that medieval figurative sources are more or less accurate material for studying medieval military history.

Keywords: Armenia, Bagratids, Msho Arakelots, relief, military history, sleeve cross-guard, Byzantine Empire, Muslim world, weapon, armour.

https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/sceranea/article/view/6653

L’esilio di Tristano e Isotta nella selva interrompe le vicissitudini dell’adulterio consumato alla corte di re Marco in Cornovaglia e prelude alla definitiva separazione e alla morte degli amanti.
L’interpretazione che Gottfried von Straßburg dà della vicenda innesta nel plot romanzesco un intermezzo lirico: musica e poesia sottraggono temporaneamente gli amanti ai morsi delle privazioni e della colpa (e Tristano musico e maestro agli obblighi di Tristano cavaliere, cacciatore e trickster). Il passo ridefinisce il significato degli elementi narrativi di repertorio, il bando, la foresta, la grotta, la caccia, l’arpa, il talamo, la spada. L’esibizione della lama snudata tra i corpi vestiti degli amanti - motivo ricorrente e opaco - fa la parodia di celeberrimi luoghi letterari (dalla leggenda giudaico-cristiana di re David e da Amicus et Amelius, dove la spada è pegno di astinenza e castità), finendo per dire altro: la spada è quella donata da Marco a Tristano durante l’investitura e ne è poi morto Moroldo, sporcando irreparabilmente le relazioni fra i protagonisti del triangolo.
Il passo della Minnegrotte di Gottfried viene qui proposto da una delle redazioni manoscritte più antiche, Monaco, BSB, Cgm 51 (intitolato da una rubrica moderna Herr Tristrant). I codici di Heidelberg (Cpg 360) e Monaco, che trasmettono il romanzo incompiuto di Gottfried con la ‘continuazione’ di Ulrich von Türheim, divergono nell’estensione del lungo episodio. Alcune sequenze presenti nel manoscritto di Heidelberg (con la stilizzazione ovidiana, le allegorie e la disillusa autobiografia sentimentale del poeta) sono assenti in quello di Monaco. Il codice monacense, un Tristano ‘istoriato’, ne offre una versione ridotta, un testo talora banalizzato e un interessante layout. Gruppi di miniature a tutta pagina ne riproducono le scene salienti con l’accompagnamento di didascalie, aggiunte nel tempo da svariate mani. L’illustrazione al f. 90r, nei tre registri include l’azione completa dell’episodio riletto in questo volume: il bando dalla corte; la spada nel talamo; la riammissione a corte di Tristrant e Isot.

VLFBERHT or ULFBERHT is the most frequent inscription on Viking Age sword blades. The majority of these swords have been found in Scandinavia, much less in the Frankish Empire so that it might seem that they have been produced in Scandinavia. But this is most probably a result of different burial customs. The blades were most probably produced in