Mayan Studies

Daily life in a Mayan kingdom was a complex, multi-faceted -- and often times difficult -- way of life.  Their geographic area encompassed a portion of Mesoamerica, from Southeastern Mexico and the Yucatan Peninsula down into Northern Central America.  Mayan territory included Pacific coastline, mountainous highlands, and forested lowlands.  Scholars today believe the total area covered approximately 125,000 square miles.  Each area had its own unique challenges, from the fertile Pacific side, with warm, tropical conditions, to the highlands, with cooler, more temperate-like zones.  Volcanoes, rivers, mountains and forests fill Mayan Mesoamerica, each with its own sub-zone and micro climate.  Unlike North American tribal societies, where large animals were followed seasonally, the food sources of the Maya -- fish, small animals, deer, and birds -- remained mostly stationary, permitting earlier members of Mayan society to establish deep roots in particular locales.

In this essay I explore the cultural adaptations that allowed the Maya to thrive in their environment.  The aquatic lifeway as known in all of Mesoamerica consisted of fishing, hunting, gathering and manufacture activities. Intensive agriculture was also present in the Maya area.

Intervals of 260 days are recorded by architectural orientations at a number of Maya sites, a pattern that may have developed early at sites such as Nakbe. The 260-day calendar, emphasizing sets of 13 and 20 days, dates back to the Middle Preclassic, when early E-Groups in the Maya area were used for solar observations. These observations were probably linked with a maize cycle spanning 260 days. By the end of the Late Preclassic, however, most E-Groups were abandoned or modified for a different function, serving as a stage for rituals performed by rulers at a time when the Long Count calendar was being developed. The changing role of E-Groups relates to the rise of royal rituals associated with the detailed historical records documented in Maya Long Count inscriptions.
En varios sitios en el área maya se registran, a partir de las orientaciones arquitectónicas, intervalos de 260 días. Este patrón pudo haberse desarrollado de forma temprana en sitios como Nakbe, Petén, Guatemala. El calendario de 260 días, que enfatiza los conjuntos de 13 y 20 días, data del preclásico medio, cuando se utilizaron los primeros grupos conmemorativos en el área maya para realizar observaciones solares. Estas observaciones probablemente estuvieron vinculadas con un ciclo del maíz que dura 260 días. Sin embargo, a finales del preclásico tardío, la mayoría de los grupos conmemorativos fueron abandonados o modificados para servir una función diferente. Estos grupos fueron utilizados como escenarios para rituales llevados a cabo por la realeza en el periodo durante el cual se desarrolló el calendario de cuenta larga. El nuevo papel de los grupos conmemorativos se relaciona con el aumento de los rituales reales. Estos mismos son asociados con los detallados registros históricos documentados en inscripciones mayas que usan fechas de cuenta larga.

Es un compendio de investigaciones en materia de arqueoastronomía y etnoastronomía en entre los grupos mayas prehispánicos y contemporáneos. El libro versa sobre el desarrollo de las prácticas astronómicas en tierras mayas, aborda los aspectos culturales en los que se relaciona y lo desarrolla en una visión diacrónica.

A fact sheet as part of the Maya Heritage project I am creating for secondary students. This sheet has facts about maize (corn) and its cultural significance to the Maya. The complete section of Maya plants and animals is here: https://www.academia.edu/23909358/Maya_Sciences

Newest revision: Oct 2017 - added coloring page

The Spanish language translation of this document is here: https://www.academia.edu/35719053/Plantas_Mayas_-_Ma%C3%ADz

View the full book here: https://www.academia.edu/41244430/The_Ancient_Maya_For_Teachers_and_Learners

TYPOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION OF MAYA TERRACOTTA STATUETTES OF THE FIRST MILLENNIUM AD.
I. Yu. Demicheva
Typological classifi cation of terracotta material of Maya of the fi rst millennium AD has not been given due attention so far. That is why the article puts forward an attempt to determine principal working notions of statuette structuring, namely, category, kind, group, and type. Random sample study of 563 units made it possible to single out 12 basic principles of terracotta grouping that together with typological classifi cation give a many-sided characterization of small plastic arts items. The grouping is open, which makes it possible to extend it as terracotta material accumulates, leaving basic principles intact. Key words: Maya, terracotta statuettes, groups, types, function.

The 2012-phenomenon includes apocalyptic fantasies regarding an impending collapse of our contemporary society, supposedly prophesized by the ancient Maya and their Long Count calendar. Sometimes connections to the ancient Maya collapse are made. That also happens to be the quite common in academic circles. Some academic researchers believe we can learn from the past failures for future solutions. The objects that were involved in the ancient Maya collapse were not the same as now and therefore we have little to learn from the Maya collapse in relation to our own ecological crisis. The ancient and contemporary Maya’s sensual profiles of ecology, time and space were/are quite different from those found within the “2012-phenomenon” and academia.

Columbian epoch as well as the early colonial times. Both periods are presented together because even though we have abundant of the colonial examples to the pre-Columbian epoch. The second part of the article presents a comparison of Mayan human temporal, social or geographical distance separating them. modus operandi 1 universitarios en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid.

With this work we have proposed to contribute to the literary heritage of oral tradition already recorded of the Mexican peoples and cultures of today with the publication of several stories and unpublished interviews conducted in 2019 in the region of the Altos de Chiapas around a character known as Sombrerón. The informants are speakers of the Tsotsil and Tzeltal languages (both from the Mayan family), in addition to Spanish. We have tried to limit as much as possible our margin of interpretation and to stick to the conclusions that can be drawn from the words of the narrators, as well as to respect as much as possible their mode of enunciation. We will introduce an ambivalent character who fulfils different functions that we could describe as "positive", such as being a protector of the mountain or a guardian of the seeds, but who can also pose enormous dangers for those who approach him. Our objective was to analyze the literary and cosmological imaginary that exists in different Chiapas cultural groups around the same figure of the oral tradition that goes beyond the limits of this region to highlight the permeable and itinerant potential of the oral tradition.

Con este trabajo nos hemos propuesto contribuir al acervo literario de tradición oral ya registrado de los pueblos y culturas mexicanas de la actualidad con la publicación de varios relatos y entrevistas inéditas realizadas en 2019 en la región de los Altos de Chiapas en torno a un personaje conocido como Sombrerón. Los informantes son hablantes de las lenguas tsotsil y tzeltal (ambas de la familia maya), además del castellano. Hemos intentado limitar todo lo posible nuestro margen de interpretación y ceñirnos a las conclusiones que puedan extraerse de las palabras de los narradores, así como respetar lo máximo posible su modo de enunciación. Daremos a conocer un personaje ambivalente que cumple diferentes funciones que podríamos calificar de «positivas», como ser protector del monte o guardián de las semillas, pero que también puede suponer enormes peligros para quien se acerca a él. Nuestro objetivo consistió en analizar el imaginario literario y cosmológico que existe en diferentes grupos culturales chiapanecos en torno a una misma figura de la tradición oral que sobrepasa los límites de esta región para poner de relieve la potencialidad permeable e itinerante de la tradición oral.

Le comunità indigene del Guatemala sono coinvolte in una lunga fase postguerra che aggiunge alle drammatiche fratture del conflitto interno nuove complesse sfide. Questo libro si basa su una ricerca etnografica multisituata realizzata tra la comunità maya mam di Todos Santos Cuchumatán e i gruppi di migranti indigeni in California e in esso si analizzano in particolare due dei fenomeni sociali che segnano la contemporaneità mesoamericana: le migrazioni verso gli Stati Uniti e le politiche multiculturali di sviluppo. Le genealogie storiche di tali fenomeni e le esperienze di vite che essi generano permettono di riflettere su come una comunità indigena riconfigura il proprio sistema di potere e il proprio senso di appartenenza collettivo. I migranti maya si scontrano con i discorsi e le pratiche burocratiche della legalità, con le logiche di verità delle richieste di asilo e con le tensioni razziali delle periferie statunitensi. In questo modo acquisiscono la capacità di riprodurre discorsi e rappresentazioni dell’alterità e della sofferenza indigena che, una volta ritornati, possono utilizzare come chiave d’accesso alle imprescindibili risorse della Cooperazione Internazionale, affermandosi come nuove autorità comunitarie.
Il libro offre perciò il ritratto di una comunità che si ricrea in tensione dialettica tra il viaggio e la trama, che cerca una sintesi tra i flussi transnazionali e la reciprocità comunale.

Какао (растение, зерна и напиток) были освоены месоамериканскими индейца-ми более 3000 лет тому назад. Особые условия и техника культивации растения отражены в древних индейских источниках — иконографии, текстах, скульптуре, мифах. Обитатели Нового Света не только употребляли какао в пищу и использо-вали в экономических целях, но и придавали ему религиозное значение. Однако при всей важности какао не сохранилось ни одного целостного мифа о его проис-хождении. Реконструкция одного из самых «закрытых» сюжетов месоамериканской ми-фологии позволила сделать следующие выводы: мифы восходят к архаическим сакральным представлениям о том, что дерево какао — это Древо мироздания, хранящее кровь предков, необходимую для реинкарнации душ. Оно же отождеств-ляется с небесной рептилией — творцом всего сущего. А напиток какао — это душа-кровь человека, что дополняет всем известный сюжет о том, как плоть пер-вого человека была создана из маиса. Кроме того, образ плода какао, половина которого содержит ровно 20 зерен, был использован в древности для создания символа нуля в виде двух половинок (число 20). Ключевые слова: какао, Месоамерика, майя, ритуальный напиток, мировое древо, прапредки, кровь и плоть в мифах о создании человека, жертвоприношение, иероглифические тексты, иконография. Какао, хорошо известный напиток и основа шоколада, было издревле освоено американскими индейцами. Из европейцев первым о какао узнал Колумб. В своем последнем путешествии в июле 1502 г. он добрался до островка Гуанаха (Пинос). К испанской каравелле приблизилась огромная весельная торговая лодка с гребцами. Индейцы поднесли Колумбу дары и предложили товары для обмена. Среди них оказались странные коричне-вые зерна, которыми туземцы пользовались как монетами. Из них же куп-цы приготовили странный, горький, острый на вкус напиток. Европейцам подозрительное угощение не понравилось. Гребцы приобрели кое-какие предметы и уплыли в сторону Юкатана. Колумб вернулся в Европу, при-хватив с собой несколько зерен в качестве экзотического сувенира. ___________ Галина Гавриловна Ершова — доктор исторических наук, профессор, директор Мезоамериканского центра им. Ю.В.Кнорозова РГГУ.

For a traditional Maya forest gardener, one's identity is inextricably linked with one's relationship to the landscape. Through a contextualized analysis of one contemporary Maya forest gardener in the Cayo District of Belize, this paper illuminates Narciso Torres's landscape ideology. Through a blending of cultural and political ecology, I will explain how Narciso's worldview stands on its own merit and offers an alternative approach to human-environmental interactions. Narciso's ideology toward his landscape offers a unique and sustainable perspective linking environmental stewardship and human-social relations. I will address the implications of this perspective for Maya ethnobotany.

This section consists of lesson materials for secondary students related to the Maya society, particularly government, commerce, religion, and military. Lesson components can be used together as an entire unit, individually as needed, or as differentiated activities for groups within your classroom. These may be used in sequence with other parts of this unit or in isolation.

Spanish language translation added June 2019 here: https://www.academia.edu/39350235/Sociedad_Maya

View the full book here: https://www.academia.edu/41244430/The_Ancient_Maya_For_Teachers_and_Learners

El universo y nuestro planeta están en constante diálogo. Desde el origen del hombre y de la formación y el entramado de las civilizaciones más antiguas, ha existido la necesidad humana de imaginar y explicar el inicio de la vida, el planeta y la humanidad. Los mayas no fueron excepción a la regla. En el marco de esa idea largamente estudiada por hombres y mujeres de todas las épocas, la sexta edición del Festival Internacional de la Cultura Maya 2017 tendrá como concepto original " La cosmogonía y la preservación del planeta " , en un evento que se llevará al cabo del 19 de octubre al 5 de noviembre próximos.  De esta manera, Yucatán volverá a ser sede del mayor encuentro académico, científico, intelectual, artístico y estético que ha sido el FICMAYA desde su fundación en 2012. En esta ocasión, el país invitado será Canadá y la Ciudad de México la entidad invitada. Del programa de actividades destacan la mesa redonda, " La Cosmogonía y la Mitología entre Los Mayas " , y, especialmente, la conferencia mundial " La Cosmogonía y la Mitología de las Civilizaciones Milenaria en Preservación del Planeta " , que se realizará del 24 al 26 de octubre.

This section consists of games and puzzles to supplement other sections of the Maya History project. There are reproducible puzzles and games as well as directions and answer keys for instructors. Another PDF attachment includes the most recent version of the Maya Coloring Book - some pictures have captions in Spanish as well.

In Mexico, the corn tortilla has long been imbued with deep meaning; at particular historical moments, it has reflected indigenous backwardness, national culture and women’s contribution to social reproduction. In one rural community in Yucatán, tortillas, their place in everyday life and their relationships with human bodies have grown yet more complicated. Over the last century, shifting conditions in the region—a decline in agricultural sustainability, the development of a massive tourist industry, the expansion of mass media and new religious diversity—have altered many of the ways in which people engage with food. This paper examines the tensions between the qualities of foods—and the process of tasting by which they are experienced—and the resistance of some Yucatec Maya women to preparing tortillas at home. Consensus about what good tortillas taste like no longer precludes women’s refusal to pat out this staple food by hand. The paper draws distinctions between practices of tortilla preparation and consumption to analyze the links women draw between food, work and class. In doing so, the paper argues that older traditions of cooperation and commensality persist in rural Yucatán despite increasing diversity in both women’s everyday labor and their class aspirations.

Our purpose in this chapter is to explain how human physical growth reflects the biocultural environment in which groups of people live. We do this in the context of our research on the physical growth and health of Maya children and adults. The Maya are one of the native peoples of the Americas.
There are an estimated 7-8 million Maya living in Guatemala, the Yucatan Peninsula and a few other areas of southern Mexico, Belize, El Salvador, and western Honduras (Figure 1.1). The majority, about 6.5 million live in the highlands of Guatemala (Bogin, 2012). These demographic statistics make
the Maya the most populous Native American ethnic group. To better understand the Maya people we created the Maya Project, a blend of art and science portraying the biocultural realities of the Maya in Mesoamerica. One aspect of the Maya Project is a web site – http://mayaproject.org.uk. We will
highlight some aspects of the Maya Project web site in later sections of this chapter. First we offer some explanation of the biocultural perspective of human growth.

This study focuses on social change, resource management, cooperation, and fairness among Tzotzil-Maya communities in the highlands of Chiapas, southern Mexico. Maya groups in Chiapas have undergone drastic changes over the past five decades. While modernization has upended some of their traditional dependence on agriculture, Maya political systems have become more decentralized, with communities now managing resources autonomously. Other recent transformations include increasing market integration, greater access to urban centers, the expansion of formal schooling, and the advent of state-sponsored social change. This dissertation investigates the effects of this multifaceted process of change on local resource management by comparing rural and urban Tzotzil communities that differ in degree of access to markets and modern infrastructure. The study uses a mixed-methods approach combining: (1) ethnographic methods to document the processes through which communities and households make resource allocation decisions; and (2) economic and behavioral experiments to index moral preferences in how people solve hypothetical problems of resource allocation. Each chapter delves into a different factor shaping how Tzotzil communities cooperate and manage resources. These topics include ethnicity, fairness and equity norms, kinship and land tenure systems, and labor allocation. I find that modernization causes resource allocation to shift from a prestige-based to a need-based logic. I assert that this change reflects the evolving social structure of Tzotzil groups. As modernization undermines traditional prestige hierarchies, novel notions of fairness and equity emerge in response to new resource conflict configurations. The research shows how cognition, moral values, and social structure can be interlinked and reinforce each other in a context of ongoing social change. These findings can inform environmental and social policy in the developing world by shedding light on how modernization processes taking place rural settings affect local resource management. The study proposes new methods for researching the relationship between culture, cognition, and the environment.

A fact sheet as part of the Maya Heritage project I am creating for secondary students. This sheet has facts about the quetzal and its cultural significance to the Maya. The complete section of Maya plants and animals is here: https://www.academia.edu/23909358/Maya_Sciences

Spanish language translation: https://www.academia.edu/35561355/Animales_Maya_-_Quetzal

Most recent revision: Oct 2017 - added coloring page

View the full book here: https://www.academia.edu/41244430/The_Ancient_Maya_For_Teachers_and_Learners

The Grolier Codex is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known ancient Maya books, the Grolier Codex depicts different manifestations of the planet Venus; the column of glyphs on the left of each panel records days in a 104-year Venus almanac. These plaster-coated bark-paper pages, carbon-dated to the 13th century, represent only half of the 20-page original. A numbered photographic arrangement of the Grolier Codex depictes the author's discovery that Codex pages 10 and 11 are actually two parts of the same "page 10".  Carlson clarifies the identities of Venus deities depicted in the Grolier Codex from a comparison of images from the Cacaxtla murals and links the images of the Grolier Codex with ancient Maya astronomically timed ritual warfare and sacrifice. (Grolier Codex photographs: Enrico Ferorelli; Other photos: Bob Sacha)

This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D.  The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.

A sophisticated, state-of-the-art study of the remaking of Christianity by indigenous societies, Words and Worlds Turned Around reveals the manifold transformations of Christian discourses in the colonial Americas. The book surveys how Christian messages were rendered in indigenous languages; explores what was added, transformed, or glossed over; and ends with an epilogue about contemporary Nahuatl Christianities.
    In eleven case studies drawn from eight Amerindian languages—Nahuatl, Northern and Valley Zapotec, Quechua, Yucatec Maya, K'iche' Maya, Q'eqchi' Maya, and Tupi—the authors address Christian texts and traditions that were repeatedly changed through translation—a process of “turning around” as conveyed in Classical Nahuatl. Through an examination of how Christian terms and practices were made, remade, and negotiated by both missionaries and native authors and audiences, the volume shows the conversion of indigenous peoples as an ongoing process influenced by what native societies sought, understood, or accepted.
    The volume features a rapprochement of methodologies and assumptions employed in history, anthropology, and religion and combines the acuity of of methodologies drawn from philology and historical linguistics with the contextualizing force of the ethnohistory and social history of Spanish and Portuguese America.
    With a foreword by William B. Taylor. Contributors: Claudia Brosseder, Louise M. Burkhart, Mark Christensen, John F. Chuchiak IV, Abelardo de la Cruz, Gregory Haimovich, Kittiya Lee, Ben Leeming, Julia Madajczak, Justyna Olko, Frauke Sachse, Garry Sparks.

Una mujer de Maxcanú Yucatán se transforma ritualmente en hombre para poder ejercer como j-men. Este artículo narra su proceso de iluminación chamánica. Por otro lado cuestiona las aproximaciones de los investigadores con las personas y la relación que establecen con estas.

This dissertation describes two related phenomena in the syntax and semantics of K’ichee’ (Mayan), concentrating on the variety spoken in and around Nahualá.
The first phenomenon is focus, the special discourse status granted to constituents which provide new and important information. The second phenomenon is syntactic movement, which occurs in several different constructions in K’ichee’ — most relevantly, that of focus movement. Across languages, focused constituents are highlighted in one way or another; and in Mayan languages, this highlighting often takes the form of movement to a position immediately before the verb. But I show that the relationship between focus and movement in K’ichee’ is less straightforward than has previously been assumed. In particular, it is often possible for a focused constituent to remain in situ.
Having shown that focus in situ is possible, I turn to the question of when it occurs. I show that focus in situ follows an ergative/absolutive pattern: it is impossible for transi- tive subjects, but possible for all other constituent types. This pattern is compared to erga- tive/absolutive patterns found elsewhere in K’ichee’ grammar, and in other languages.

El artículo hace una revisión crítica de la manera en la que han sido tratados los objetos arqueológicos en la tradición académica del siglo XX. Asimismo deconstruye cómo han sido planteadas las unidades epistemológicas que se utilizan en la arqueología académica para proponer unidades de estudio que no remitan a la homogeneidad de las prácticas culturales, sino a su diversidad. Así es analizada la cuenca del Caribe: como una unidad diversa en la que la interacción constante entre los pueblos allí asentados en época prehispánica no sólo no generó una unidad cultural homogénea, sino que alentó la diversidad cultural de los participantes. El encuentro con la diferencia y la alteridad de manera constante no fue tarea fácil y para esto los pueblos caribeños generaron múltiples mecanismos de lidia. Uno de ellos es el Juego de Pelota, práctica presente en el área maya, el Oriente de Honduras y las Antillas mayores.

This paper undertakes a thoroughly critical review over the way in which archaeological artifacts have been treated in the Academy during the 20th Century. Moreover, it deconstructs the way epistemological units used on archaeology have been contemplated and proposes new research units that refer not to the homogeneity of cultural practices but to their diversity. The Caribbean Basin will be analyzed from this position; looking at it as a diverse unit in which the continuous interaction between the different people established there during the Prehispanic period did not only generate an homogenic cultural unit but also encouraged cultural diversity between the participants. The constant interaction of these people with difference and otherness was not an easy task and, thus, Caribbean people created many different tools for dealing with them. One of these tools was the Ball Game, which was present in the Maya area, eastern Honduras and the Greater Antilles.

Recent papers on epigraphy reinterpret the grammar of the hieroglyphic texts of the Classic Maya (AD 300-900). Verbal affixation is reanalyzed and, contrary to earlier opinions, it is claimed that texts use present tense (incompletive aspect) in narrating past events. This paper argues against the reanalysis, and discusses a comparative survey of the use of tense-aspect and other discourse features of modern and historical Mayan texts, from comparable genres and relevant languages. We attempt to reconstruct the outlines of Classic Maya narrative discourse style and gauge the likelihood of the new proposals in light of the patterns observed.

The Grolier Codex (Codice Maya de Mexico, CMM) is discussed in the context of the archaeoastronomy of the ancient Americas on pages 98-99 of the March 1990 National Geographic Magazine article "America's Ancient Skywatchers" by John B. Carlson. One of four known ancient Maya books, the Grolier Codex depicts different manifestations of the planet Venus; the column of glyphs on the left of each panel records days in a 104-year Venus almanac. These plaster-coated bark-paper pages, carbon-dated to the 13th century, represent only half of the 20-page original. A numbered photographic arrangement of the Grolier Codex depictes the author's discovery that Codex pages 10 and 11 are actually two parts of the same "page 10".  Carlson clarifies the identities of Venus deities depicted in the Grolier Codex from a comparison of images from the Cacaxtla murals and links the images of the Grolier Codex with ancient Maya astronomically timed ritual warfare and sacrifice. (Grolier Codex photographs: Enrico Ferorelli; Other photos: Bob Sacha)

This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D.  The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.

This study investigates the current status of indigenous peoples within Guatemalan society, as articulated in one of the most relevant forms of modern communication, political advertising, and defined by one of themost relevant forms of self-expression to the indigenous peoples of Guatemala, the traje. Using ethnographic content analysis, the study examines the roles and characterizations of indigenous people in 67 television commercials from across the Guatemalan political spectrum. Results indicate that indigenous people are most often seen as ‘‘crowd members,’’ and are never given important roles, such as ‘‘candidate endorser’’ or ‘‘undecided voter.’’ Overall, wearing traje is associated with helplessness and separateness. The commercials of Q’ich´e Maya candidate Rigoberta Mench´u exhibited many of the same characteristics of other candidates.

This section consists of lesson materials for students related to Mayan language and writing.  Lesson components can be used together as an entire unit, individually as needed, or as differentiated activities for groups within your classroom.

Spanish language translation is here: https://www.academia.edu/39332248/Lengua_Maya_y_Escritura

Revision History: July 2018 - a chart of Mayan language groups has been added

View the full book here: https://www.academia.edu/41244430/The_Ancient_Maya_For_Teachers_and_Learners

This document is part of the Maya Heritage project I am creating for secondary students. This document consists of background information for teachers as well as  lesson materials for students related to Maya archaeological sites. There are multiple sites profiled in the pages which follow. (Note: Each site profile is also uploaded individually on academia.edu as well) You may wish to have your students investigate prominent sites not included in this section. Lesson components can be used together as an entire unit, individually as needed, or as differentiated activities for groups within your classroom. These may be used in sequence with other parts of this unit or in isolation. Access to other resources is recommended to supplement this instructional unit, especially internet access.

Revision History: Nov 2017 - Coloring pages for selected sites have been added to the end of the unit