International system

Neorealism is one of the most influential theories of international relations, and its first theorist, Kenneth Waltz, a giant of the discipline. But why did Waltz move from a rather traditional form of classical realist political theory in the 1950s to neorealism in the 1970s? A possible answer is that Waltz's Theory of International Politics was his attempt to reconceive classical realism in a liberal form. Classical realism paid a great deal of attention to decisionmaking and statesmanship, and concomitantly asserted a nostalgic, anti-liberal political ideology. Neorealism, by contrast, dismissed the issue of foreign policymaking and decisionmaking. This shift reflected Waltz's desire to reconcile his acceptance of classical realism's tenets with his political commitment to liberalism. To do so, Waltz incorporated cybernetics and systems theory into Theory of International Politics, which allowed him to develop a theory of international relations no longer burdened with the problem of decisionmaking.

This article explores the issue of international system category in the discipline of international relations after the Cold War. The analysis provides the perspective of international system contextual redefi nition. The first section develops theoretical framework for further work – containing various conceptions describing relationships between notions, factors and determinants in international relations’ analysis. The following section investigates the most signifi cant issues and scientifi c agenda concerning discipline of international relations after the Cold War. The third and fourth sections examine several approaches explaining the possible development of the category of international system. I argue that both material and ideational factors may be used in order to provide credible systemic framework for a complex theoretical expertise in
the contemporary international relations. Issues of anarchy, agents and structures as well as the famous debate between constructivist and neorealist approaches to the international system are depicted in the last part of the article.

For international relations (IR) scholars, the story behind the figure of Udjahorresnet might seem as an obscure phase in international history. Yet the pre-Roman period is educative for testing constitutive IR
concepts such as the balance of power theory, international system, or soft power, which are still widely assumed to have become relevant only in the post-Roman context rather than in the ancient civilizations of
the Eastern Mediterranean preceding the Greco-Roman experience. This article proposes that insights from IR theory can offer ancient historians and Egyptologists theoretical tools by linking empirical facts to patterns
rather than just unique events via conceptual analysis. Udjahorresnet as diplomatic figure is an important primary source to understand the transition of power from native Egyptian hands to the Achaemenid rule,
and thus it provides a case study where micro and macro levels of analyses find fertile ground in a cross-disciplinary framework.

When and why do powerful countries seek to enact major changes to international order, the broad set of rules that condition behavior in world politics? This question is particularly important today, as Donald Trump's apparent disregard for the liberal international order and uncertainty over what China might seek to replace it with mean that queries about great power motives vis-à-vis order will remain at the forefront of debates over the future of world politics. In seeking to explain this phenomenon, prior studies have focused on the consensus-driven and inclusive origins of international orders. By contrast, I argue in this book that the propelling motivation for great power order building at important historical junctures has most often been exclusionary, centered around combatting other actors rather than cooperatively engaging with them. My core contention is that dominant actors pursue fundamental changes to order only when they perceive a major new threat on the horizon, a threat to their security or to their enduring primacy. When these actors-the great powers of world politics-seek to enact fundamentally new order principles, they do so for the purpose of targeting this perceived threat, be it another powerful state, a contrary alliance or a foreboding ideological movement. The goal of order building, then, is weakening, opposing and above all excluding that threatening entity from amassing further influence in world politics. Far from falling outside the bounds of traditional statecraft, order building is, to paraphrase Clausewitz, the continuation of power politics by other means.

Bu çalışmada 1997 Asya Finans Krizi sonrası kurumsallaşan G20'nin küresel yönetişim sistemindeki gelişimi ve yeri analiz edilmektedir. Günümüzde G20'nin bürokratik bir yapıdan küresel zirveler düzenleyen bir karaktere evrilmesinin mantığı küresel yönetişim bağlamında irdelenecektir. Bu bağlamda G20'yi içeriden statükoya meydan okuyacak bir platform olarak gören önemli yükselen güçler ile gelişmiş ülkelerin tepkileri de ele alınacaktır. Yöntem olarak, uluslararası sistemde küresel yönetişim tartışmalarına dair bir teorik çerçeve ortaya konacak, bu teorik çerçeve bağlamında küresel yönetişimin yüklerini paylaşmak ve katılımcı bir platform oluşturmak amacıyla G20'nin kurumsal faaliyet alanı ve politika gündemini genişletme çabaları masaya yatırılacaktır. Ardından, finansal istikrardan farklı alanlara yayılan G20 faaliyetlerinin kalıcı bir sekreterya ve kurumsal altyapı eksikliğinde yol açtığı performans ve meşruiyet tartışmalarına dikkat çekilecektir. 2008 Küresel Ekonomik Kriz sonrasında ABD, küresel yönetişim yapısını daha kalıcı bir şekilde değiştirmek istemiştir ve bu istek G20 grubunun kurumsal bir yapı olarak ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur tartışması bu çalışmaya temel oluşturmuştur.

Raport Potęga Państw 2018 to dzieło niezwykłe, unikatowe i niemające dokładnego odpowiednika w świecie. Zawiera on zwięzłą ilościową analizę przemian w międzynarodowym układzie sił po zimnej wojnie. Badaniu poddano 195 państw w układzie międzypaństwowym i regionalnym na bazie potęgi ogólnej, potęgi wojskowej oraz potęgi geopolitycznej. Dzięki wynikom, uzyskanym na podstawie oryginalnej metodologii, dowiemy się jaka jest siła poszczególnych państw oraz regionów świata, kim są najwięksi wygrani i najwięksi przegrani, które państwa zasługują na miano supermocarstwa, mocarstwa światowego czy wielkiego mocarstwa oraz czy mamy jeszcze system jednobiegunowy, czy może już dwubiegunowy lub wielobiegunowy. Dowiemy się też, które państwa są najbardziej i najmniej zmilitaryzowane, najlepiej i najsłabiej zorganizowane oraz jakie mają ambicje polityczno-militarne. Raport przedstawia również układ sił w Unii Europejskiej na bazie potęgi ogólnej; zawiera też część prognostyczną, sięgającą roku 2050.

The main point of departure for this article is the incapacity of current international relations theorizing to explain both change and continuity without shifting between levels of analysis. The previous research agenda on system studies was renounced before it realized its potential. The concept of a subsystem has great potential for resolving this challenge. This article argues that the properties of the international system, including anarchy, are not constant, and show variation. To factor in this variation, first we need to identify subsystems (e.g. geographical or functional) that diverge across issue areas and functions. Then we need to look at the interactions between subsystems, which is a neglected aspect of the literature on subsystems. This article contributes to the debate by setting out a new research agenda to study the interactions between subsystems and their effects on the general system; that is, to identify when the system is stable and when it changes. This agenda suggests a particular focus on the inconsistencies, contradictions, and challenges that lie at the intersections of different subsystems

Recension de l'ouvrage d'Amaël Cattaruzza : Atlas des guerres et des conflits, un tour du monde géopolitique.

Comment représenter la guerre ? Comment rendre compte des différentes échelles d'un conflit ? Quelles sont les principales zones de tension aujourd'hui, et quels en sont les acteurs ?
L'atlas d'Amaël Cattaruzza veut répondre à toutes ces questions. En s'appuyant de façon très pertinente sur des cartes, il nous propose un panorama complet des situations de conflit aujourd'hui à la surface du globe.

В статье поднимаются теоретические и практические вопросы развития международных отношений в Северной Америке в их пространственном аспекте. Развитие международных отношений в Северной Америке в XIX в. рассматривается с точки зрения пространственной эволюции региональной подсистемы. Важнейшим инструментом складывания североамериканской подсистемы международных отношений стала территориальная экспансия США, для изучения которой используются методы политической географии.

La autonomía del Estado-nación nunca ha sido del todo completa. En efecto, los Estados nacionales han estado expuestos a influencias internacionales, incluso antes de que el actual proceso de globalización cobrase impulso hacia finales del siglo XIX. Con base en la percepción de algunos académicos frente a la fragilidad del papel Estatal en las relaciones internacionales, han emanado nuevos planteamientos que buscan explicar hacia donde podría estar dirigiéndose la actual transición del Sistema Internacional contemporáneo, elevando entre otras, interrogantes como ¿de qué manera el proceso de globalización y la proliferación de actores no estatales conducirán al declive, e incluso a la desaparición, de los Estados nacionales? Pues bien, este artículo de reflexión reconoce que si bien la competencia de fuerzas entre Estados y actores no estatales se ha modificado en estos últimos veinte años, no lo ha hecho hasta el punto de que implique un “cambio de dirección” del mundo, como algunos se atreverían a asegurar; por el contrario, sostiene que lejos de hacer que el Estado se repliegue, los actores no estatales tienden a fortalecerlo.

Si bien el Estado ya no posee el monopolio “absoluto” de las relaciones exteriores, aún se constituye como el principal actor del Sistema Internacional, que además de conservar la función tradicional de la seguridad y la defensa, también mantiene otros privilegios, como la representación de la identidad nacional, la preservación de los equilibrios geopolíticos, la defensa de los valores comunes y la misma adaptación al medio ambiente internacional.

“Din istismarı yapanlar ve dünyalık kazanmak için kutsalını pazarlayanlar; parasıyla fuhuş yapan kadınlardan ve karısını-kızını satanlardan daha aşağı ve bayağı mahluklardır. Açıkca Dine ve İlahi düzene düşmanlık yapanlar ise, insan suretli şeytanlardır”

Hz. İsa (AS)
(Barnabas İncilinden)

Okumayan cahil, anlamayan gafil, öğrenip uygulayan ise kâmil insandır. Doğruları ve yararlı olanları yazanlar ve yayınlayanlar, toplumun olgunlaşmasına ve onurlu yaşamasına en önemli katkıyı sunmaktadır.

Daha sonra başına 1. eki gelecek olan Dünya Savaşı, 1918 yılının sonunda " la Der Des Ders " yani " tüm savaşların en sonuncusu / the last of the all wars " biçiminde tanımlanmıştır. Söz konusu dönem daha ayrıntılı bir biçimde irdelendiğinde ise ilk bakışta şairane bir ifade gibi duran bu tanımlamanın amacının, aslında savaşın sonunda oluşturulan uluslararası sistemin yeni yapısı üzerinden, kamuoy-larında " sürdürülebilir bir barış " algısı yaratmak olduğu ileri sürülebilir. Bu bağlamda çalışmamızda öncelikle genel hatlarıyla uluslararası sistemin gelişimi aktarılacak ve 1. Dünya Savaşı'na giden süreçte uluslararası sistemin yapısının değişmesinde etkili olan olgular irdelenecektir. Son kısımda ise 1. Dün-ya Savaşı sonrasında oluşturulan uluslararası sistem analiz edilerek, savaşın hemen sonu itibarıyla bu yapı üzerinden bir ideal (ist) sistem algısı yaratılmaya çalışıldığı savunulacaktır.

World War, which will later on have " First " annex, defined as " la Der Des Ders (the last of all wars) " at the end of 1918. It may be asserted that purpose of this phrase, which may be seen poetically at first sight, is substantially to create a " sustainable peace " perception on public opinions via new structure of international system constituted at the end of war if aforementioned era is examined in detail. In this context, firstly development of international system will be explained in general terms and facts effecting on changing of structure of international system in the process of the First World War, will be explicated in our work. In the last chapter of our work, international system constituted at the end of the First World War will be analysed and it will be argued that trying to create an ideal(ist) system perception via this structure as of the end of the First World War.

O envolvimento do Brasil nas duas Guerras Mundiais é o tema desta tese. A leitura contínua dos dois eventos, como um só tempo histórico, tem como marco cronológico inicial os anos de 1914 a 1919 — início da Primeira Guerra Mundial e negociações do Tratado de Paz de Versalhes, respectivamente —, e atravessa o período que se inicia em 1930, no governo de Getúlio Vargas — entendido como sendo uma quebra historiográfica e início de um novo perfil de Estado no Brasil —, até acabar no ano de 1945, quando ocorreram as Conferências que estabeleceram a ordem pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A questão central que propomos trata dos elementos motivacionais diretos e indiretos do envolvimento brasileiro nas duas Guerras Mundiais. Dentre esses elementos, é possível propor uma fronteira decisória entre a dimensão interna e a dimensão externa da política nacional em 1917 e 1942, datas marcadas pelas declarações de guerra do Brasil.  Analisamos três variáveis relacionadas com o envolvimento do Brasil nas duas Guerras Mundiais: Variáveis independentes — os ataques a navios mercantes e de transporte de passageiros, por submarinos alemães, e os bloqueios impostos ao comércio; Variáveis dependentes — o inimigo simbólico construído em torno da figura dos alemães nos dois eventos, a relação geopolítica com os vizinhos e a aproximação com os Estados Unidos; e Variáveis intervenientes — as Guerras no sentido estrito e a ressignificação do sistema internacional no sentido mais amplo.  A tese que defendemos é de que os governos brasileiros viram nas duas Guerras Mundiais a oportunidade de inserir o país nas transformações sistêmicas e reivindicar para o Brasil um papel mais relevante.  Entendemos que esse processo se deu de forma contínua, com a ação dividida igualmente entre a dimensão externa, na percepção das ressignificações do sistema internacional, e a dimensão interna, por meio da reificação da identidade nacional. Esta tese contou com bolsa do Programa de Doutorado Sanduíche no Exterior da Capes.

The involvement of Brazil in the two World Wars is the theme of this thesis. The continuous perception of the two events as a single historical time has as an initial chronological landmark the years from 1914 to 1919 (beginning of World War I and negotiations of the Versailles Peace Treaty respectively). The continuous perception goes through the period began in 1930, in Getulio Vargas administration (understood as a historiographic break and the beginning of a new state profile in Brazil), until ending in the year 1945, when the Conferences that established the order after World War II took place. The central issue we propose deals with the direct and indirect motivational elements of Brazilian involvement in the two World Wars. Among these elements, it is possible to propose a decisional boundary between the internal dimension and the external dimension of national politics in 1917 and 1942, dates marked by the declarations of war of Brazil. We analyze three variables related to Brazil's involvement in the two World Wars: As independent variables, the attacks on merchant ships and passenger ships by German submarines and the blockades imposed on trade. As dependent variables, the symbolic enemy built around the figure of the Germans in the two events, the geopolitical relation with the neighbors and the approach with the United States. Finally, as intervening variables, the Wars in the strict sense and the resignification of the international system in the broadest sense. The thesis we defend is that the Brazilian governments saw in the two World Wars the opportunity to insert the country in the systemic transformations and to claim for Brazil a more relevant role. We understand that this process has taken place continuously, with the action equally divided between the external dimension (the perception of the re-significances of the international system) and the internal dimension (through the reification of the national identity). The Capes' Sandwich Program Abroad funded this thesis.

Neorealism is one of the most influential theories of international relations, and its first theorist, Kenneth Waltz, a giant of the discipline. But why did Waltz move from a rather traditional form of classical realist political theory in the 1950s to neorealism in the 1970s? Apossible answer is that Waltz’s Theory of International Politics was his attempt to reconceive classical realism in a liberal form. Classical realism paid a great deal of attention to decisionmaking and statesmanship, and concomitantly asserted a nostalgic, anti-liberal political ideology. Neorealism, by contrast, dismissed the issue of foreign policymaking and decisionmaking. This shift reflected Waltz’s desire to reconcile his acceptance of classical realism’s tenets with his political commitment to liberalism. To do so, Waltz incorporated cybernetics and systems theory into Theory of International Politics, which allowed him to develop a theory of international relations no longer burdened with the problem of decisionmaking.

International relations scholars of all stripes have long been interested in the idea of "international order." At the most general level, international order entails some level of regularity, predictability, and stability in the ways that actors interact with one another. At a level of higher specificity, however, international orders can vary along a number of dimensions (or fault lines). This includes whether order is thin or thick, premised on position or principles, regional or global in scope, and issue specific or multi-issue in nature.

When it comes to how orders emerge, the majority of existing explanations can be categorized according to two criteria and corresponding set of questions. First, are orders produced by a single actor or a select subset of actors that are privileged and powerful, or are they created by many actors that are roughly equal and undifferentiated in capabilities and status? Second, do orders come about from the purposive behavior of particular actors, or are they the aggregated result of many behaviors and interactions that produce an outcome that no single actor anticipated? The resulting typology yields four ideal types of order explanations: hegemonic (order is intentional, and power is concentrated), centralized (order is spontaneous, but power is concentrated), negotiated (order is intentional, but power is dispersed), and decentralized (order is spontaneous, and power is dispersed).

Finally, it is useful to think about the process by which order can transform or break down as a phenomenon that is at least sometimes distinct from how orders emerge in the first place. The main criterion in this respect is the rapidity with which orders transform or break down. More specifically, they can change or fall apart quickly through revolutionary processes or more gradually through evolutionary ones.

مقدمة عامة

يحتوي الكتاب على دراسات سياسية اقليمية ودولية، تناقش بمجملها واقع انظمة سياسية في حدود نطاق تفاعلاتها الجغرافية على المستوين الداخلي والخارجي. وقد جاءت هذه الدراسات لتشخص واقع الأنظمة السياسية عبر مسار سياساتها التنفيذية وتطور أداءها المؤسسي خلال فترة وصول حكومات الى تولي السلطة السياسية. وقد تم تناول عدد من الدول الاقليمية الفاعلة ضمن المحيط الجغرافي العربي ممثلة بكل من تركيا وإيران. حيث يستعرض الفصل الاول سياسة تركيا الداخلية والدولية منذ وصول حزب العدالة والتنمية للسلطة أبان فوزه بالانتخابات التشريعية عام 2002، وتعتبر تجربة تركيا "حزب العدالة والتنمية" نموذجا في دراسة قدرة الاحزاب البرامجية ومصداقية الحرص على المصلحة العامة في زيادة نسب التأييد الشعبي وكسب ثقة مكونات الدولة في تنمية تطلعات الافراد والجماعات لدولة القانون والمؤسسات. اما الفصل الثاني فيناقش أبرز المتغيرات الداخلية والخارجية التي طرأت مرحليا على نظام الثورة في جمهورية ايران الاسلامية منذ توليها السلطة عام 1979، وعلاقة ايران مع الدول العربية بشكل عام ودول مجلس التعاون الخليجي بشكل خاص.
ويأتي الفصل الثالث من الكتاب لتشخيص أحدى التجارب الناجحة لقيام الاتحادات الدولية حديثة التنظيم على الرغم من صعوبة التعقيد في مكونها السياسي والاجتماعي والاقتصادي الى جانب الصراع التاريخي وذلك على ضوء تناول تجربة الاتحاد الاوروبي الحديثة من خلال الوقوف على تركيبته المؤسسية وإمكانياته البشرية والمادية وبالتالي وزنه الدولي والدول الاعضاء المؤثرة فيه داخليا ودوليا، والتعرف كذلك على طبيعة نوع الاتحاد ضمن التصنيف الكونفدرالي او الفدرالي.
اما الفصل الرابع يبحث في العلاقات العربية الافريقية في ظل سياسات وتداعيات التنافس الدولي والتي تشكل بمجملها تحديات جوهرية على واقع ومستقبل منظومة الامن القومي العربي. كما وتشخص كذلك ضعف السياسات العربية مع قارة افريقيا التي تعتبر رديفا اساسيا في تقوية مكون التنمية الشامل والسهل جغرافيا وحضاريا في الوصول الى شراكات تعاونية في مختلف المجالات بين المقوم العربي والمقوم الافريقي خاصة في هذه المرحلة التي يعيشها شعوب وأنظمة كل منهما واحتياجاته للآخر.
ويناقش الفصل الخامس من الكتاب واقع الامن الجماعي بعد انتهاء الحرب الباردة وذلك من خلال سياسات الدول الكبرى في تنافسها المتصاعد في مناطق النفوذ الدولي. لذا يوضح الفصل ضمن مباحثه كل من المفهوم النظري للأمن الجماعي كما بينته مصادر التنظيم الدولي مرورا بالمراحل التي مرى بها منذ قيام عصبة الامم وانتهاء بقيام هيئة الامم المتحدة بما تمخض عنها من قواعد قانونية تحكم بها سلوك مختلف الوحدات السياسية. ولتفحص واقع الأمن الجماعي ناقشت الدراسة حالة التدخل الأنجلو – اميركي في العراق عام 2003 من خلال الجدلية القانونية من سياسة التدخل والاحتلال لدولة عضو في المنظمة الدولية وذلك بتبرير مشكلة التسلح ومسألة حماية حقوق الانسان.
وفي موضوع المشاريع الخارجية وأثرها على المقومات الجيوبولتيكية للوطن العربي – يناقش كل من الفصلين السادس والسابع – العوامل الرئيسية التي تدفع بالدول الفاعلة وذات النفوذ الدولي لجعل المنطقة العربية ضمن اولوياتها الاستراتيجية وذلك بغية تحقيق مصالحها المتنوعة الانية والمستقبلية. بهذا جاء الفصل السادس ليناقش أبرز التحديات التي تؤثر على الوضع الجيو- سياسي العربي كإشكالية الموارد وخاصة الموارد المائية والعامل الحضاري وغياب الانسجام السياسي بين معظم الوحدات السياسية. كما يستعرض الفصل ماهية المخططات الخارجية ممثلة بالمشايع الامريكية والأوروبية وكل من اسرائيل وإيران وتركيا كوحدات سياسية مؤثرة على منظومة الامن ومقومات الوطن العربي من جهة، وبكيفية توظيف هذه المشاريع للوصول الى اهداف الدول سالفة الذكر من جهة اخرى. أما الفصل السابع يناقش أبرز المشاريع الدولية ممثلة بمشروع الشرق الأوسط الكبير من حيث ماهيته ودوافعه ووجهات النظر المؤيدة والمعارضة للمشروع وبالتالي انعكاساته على واقع ومستقبل المنطقة العربية بشكل خاص.
وأخيرا، اتمنى ان يكون هذا الكتاب واحدا من المراجع التي يستفاد منها لدى المتخصصين في مجالات النظم السياسية والعلاقات الدولية والمهتمين بالدراسات الاستراتيجية، كذلك مرجعا في كيفية اعداد وتصميم الدراسات البحثية في اطارها النظري والعام، والتعرف على كيفية توظيف المناهج المستخدمة في العلوم السياسية عند تناول دراسات المناطق والوحدات السياسية في مكوناتها البسيطة وتلك ذات التركيبة المعقدة.

والله ولي التوفيق

المؤلف:أ.د محمد احمد المقداد

This chapter offers an overview of the international system in the long nineteenth century, focusing on three key themes. First, I examine the fairly widespread assumption that there was an existing system of states before the long nineteenth century, drawing attention to a number of recent works that suggest we locate this development within the long nineteenth century itself. Second, I turn to the idea that the system of states underwent a process of expansion during this period, putting emphasis on the inability of this idea to capture the experiences of many non-European polities, as well as a few European ones. Third, I revisit three key transformations associated with the long nineteenth century: the rise of a great power system, the emergence of contractual international law, and the development of multilateralism. The bulk of my argument here consists in re-assessing their significance, as well as toning down the claim that liberal states were pivotal in their making.

Tesis presentada para obtener el Grado de Maestra en Estudios en Relaciones Internacionales, Programa de Posgrado en Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

El conflicto iniciado en Siria en marzo de 2011 ha originado una de las peores crisis humanitarias vividas dentro de la historia mundial contemporánea. Un conflicto que inicia al interior de esta República Árabe a raíz de los movimientos de protesta social y revoluciones extendidos a finales de 2010 sobre gran parte de los países de Medio Oriente y el Magreb africano –conocidos mediáticamente como “las Primaveras Árabes” – y que en cuestión de meses degradó en un escenario de violencia altamente volátil marcado por los enfrentamientos armados, ataques indiscriminados y graves violaciones a las normas y principios del Derecho Internacional Humanitario. Un conflicto que se calcula ha provocado la muerte de cuando menos 250,000 personas, más de 4.8 millones de refugiados, 7.6 millones de personas desplazadas y alrededor de 13.5 millones de personas con necesidad de asistencia humanitaria.
De frente a esta situación de catástrofe humana, resulta natural cuestionar ¿cuál ha sido la respuesta internacional a esta compleja situación?, ¿existe acaso una responsabilidad internacional para actuar y/o intervenir ante este tipo de escenarios que constituyen una grave amenaza para la paz y seguridad internacionales?
Esta investigación propone en un primer momento analizar y criticar la realidad de los mecanismos internacionales de respuesta ante graves amenazas a la paz y seguridad internacionales construidos a partir del esquema jurídico internacional, los cuales han dado paso al perfeccionamiento de conceptos y posturas como la Responsabilidad de Proteger (R2P), una tesis que propone accionar distintos mecanismos de prevención, reacción y respuesta de frente a situaciones en que se presuma se hayan y/o se estén cometiendo crímenes de naturaleza internacional tales como el genocidio, los crímenes de guerra y los crímenes de lesa humanidad. No obstante, esta investigación reconoce que este esquema de normas, principios, valores y prácticas internacionales depende en gran medida del grado de aceptación y reconocimiento que los actores internacionales depositan realmente sobre estas estructuras, por lo que el desarrollo y perfeccionamiento de figuras como la R2P, entendida como una propuesta de respuesta internacional ante graves situaciones que amenazan la paz y seguridad internacionales, debe entenderse ligada al desarrollo de dinámicas de naturaleza política y geopolítica internacional.
En este sentido es que la presente investigación presenta una aproximación integral a esta situación de conflicto, integrando aspectos sociales, económicos, políticos dentro de los niveles interno, regional e internacional inmersos en esta dinámica de conflicto, aunque proponiendo, asimismo, incluir el estudio de aspectos de la geopolítica y la estructura jurídica internacional, como factores que inciden de forma importante en el desarrollo, perpetuación y posible solución a esta situación de conflicto armado.
Finalmente, es a partir del entendimiento de dinámicas de enfrentamiento regional e internacional entre actores como Arabia Saudí e Irán por un lado, y Estados Unidos y Rusia por el otro, que es posible observar la complejidad política para conformar y poner en marcha una respuesta internacional consensada que permita poner fin al ciclo de violencia y enfrentamiento armado iniciado en Siria desde 2011 y, del mismo modo, crear el clima de estabilidad necesario para que sea la propia sociedad siria quien reconstruya su Estado, con el respaldo de actores gubernamentales, no gubernamentales y actores internacionales interesados.

How do securitisation moves affect a nation’s foreign policy agenda? This article (re-)directs critical security studies’ attention to the discipline’s core concern with interstate relations. Drawing on the notions of subjectification and subject-positioning, it reformulates securitisation theory and argues securitisation to endanger, order and condition international relations. By defining who (or what) threatens whom and how, so the article’s central claim, securitisation moves not only set out problem situations and thus a need for policy responses. They also populate the international with a variety of actors and relations. Securitisation moves seen this way articulate and project abroad local conceptions of antagonistic international order(s), and make, if accepted as truthful, foreign policy-making contingent on the imageries thus created. The article develops this relational/positional rendering of the securitisation process and illustrates it with two empirical case studies, French national security controversies of the post-war era and West German security discussions during the Ostpolitik years. The case studies show how contending articulations of national insecurity helped produce different antagonistic systematisations of the international, and how this latter feature helps explain the foreign policy behaviour of either country.

Penelitian ini mencoba untuk menggambarkan bagaimana sejarah perjuangan kemerdekaan Indonesia yang disebabkan oleh faktor eksternal atau kondisi sistem internasional yang berlaku sehingga membentuk karakteristik Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia yang Bebas dan Aktif. Secara singkat, tulisan ini memposisikan argumen pada Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia yang memiliki kecenderungan tidak terlalu idealistik dan juga tidak pragmatis melainkan sebuah pendekatan yang realistik dan rasional. Hal ini dikarenakan situasi dan kondisi sistem internasional yang berlaku pada setiap masing-masing dimensi sejarah (periodesasi) yang telah dilalui oleh Indonesia sebagai bagian dari komunitas internasional. Dari pendekatan Balance of Threat, mengarahkan peneliti untuk menggunakan pendekatan rasionalis sebagai instrumen analisis dalam menganalisa sejauhmana, dari masing-masing periodesasi, Indonesia telah merealisasikan politik luar negeri Bebas Aktif-nya yang berdampak pada pencapaian kepentingan nasional Indonesia di masing-masing periodesasi.
Kata Kunci : Indonesia, Politik Luar Negeri, Bebas dan aktif, Dimensi Sejarah, Kepentingan Nasional

The COVID-19 pandemic, considered the most important event of the new century and one of the turning points according to some, undoubtedly affects every aspect of social life. The most important factor in this pandemic is that it hinders globalization and mobilization like never before. Therefore, the international political consequences of a crisis that caused such destruction arouse curiosity. In this study, although it is accepted that the financial effects of the pandemic will have serious consequences in the short term, it is argued that it will not cause a radical change. The study is divided into four parts. In the first and second sections, the effects of pandemics on world history as an actor and factor are examined and the consequences of the COVID-19 crisis are shown. The third part shows what the international system and international politics look like and in what cases a transformation is necessary for change. In the last section, it is shown that the pandemic cannot cause such a change.

The power of countries, their estimations and their measurements have always been an issue of interest for military leaders, rulers and politicians, who needed fairly objective decision parameters. These expectations were initially addressed by philosophers, only to be subsequently replaced by specialized researchers.
The power of participants of international relations is studied within the subdiscipline of geopolitics – powermetrics – applied science concerned with measurements, estimates and assessment of power of participants in social life, especially that of particular states, as well as with modelling, simulations and forecasting of the relations between them, from a global, regional and local perspective.
This Report presents changes in the international balance of power after the Cold War and covers the years 1992-2017, i.e. in the period from the end of the Cold War to the year in which the most recent statistical data is available. It was prepared to better understand the present and future changes taking place in the international system. We believe that this should lead to building better strategies in the area of state security and development.
The subject of the study presented in this Report is the international balance of power, understood as the balance of power between individual states. This means that all non-state actors are omitted in the study. The international balance of power is presented in a synthetic way, as it is based on a formula which we believe is easy to understand and apply also by non-specialists. At the same time, we accept Raymond Aron’s proposition, according to which the distribution of power is the most important feature of any international system.

The review on the usage of "international system" category in the different research programmes of international studies. Paper in memory of prof. Józef Kukułka from the book edited by R. Zięba, S. Bieleń, J. Zając (Teorie i podejścia badawcze w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, Warszawa 2015). Polish edition.

This paper focuses on analyzing the conflict between Czechoslovakia and Nazi-Germany that had the full capacity to lead to the Second World War. It presents all the relevant circumstances and actors of international relations from the respective historical epoch. In these regards the international system and international law in the interwar period is taken into consideration. The focus will be on Czechoslovakia and Germany. The study also presents the options that were opened to Czechoslovakia, the choices it made, and the reason the choices was decided that way. In all this, it is important to determine a certain paradigm of behavior of a small state in conflict with great power as well as the possible influence of third forces as allies. This paper will be analyzed by using some aspect of structural realism. The conclusion is that Czechoslovakia leadership did not believe that can act independently for its ally - France.

Tulisan singkat ini hendak memberikan problematisasi lebih mendalam terhadap rencana kerja pasangan presiden dan wakil presiden terpilih Jokowi-JK di bidang hubungan internasional dan politik luar negeri (polugri). Bahkan, secara lebih spesifik, tulisan ini akan fokus pada doktrin polugri “Poros Maritim” untuk kemudian mencoba menunjukkan keterbatasan, kontradiksi internal dan tantangan bagi Jokowi-JK apabila visi-misi dan janji kampanye mereka hendak ditunaikan melalui doktrin ini. Secara umum, metode pembahasan saya sederhana. Saya hendak membenturkan gagasan Poros Maritim ini dengan janji Jokowi-JK akan suatu polugri “demi kesejahteraan masyarakat” yang “mengabdi pada kepentingan nasional.” Tidak hanya itu, di dalam debat Pilpres ketiga, dijanjikan pula bahwa doktrin ini mampu membawa Indonesia sebagai “pemenang dalam pertarungan global abad 21.” Dua problem sentral yang hendak saya soroti: lingkungan strategis (lingstra)  pertarungan global abad ke 21 dan keberpihakan polugri. Klaim umum saya: pertama, bahwa doktrin Poros Maritim didasarkan pada pembacaan lingstra yang relatif bermasalah dan anakronis; kedua, bahwa keberpihakan polugri Poros Maritim masih berupa retorika belaka yang secara idiologis tidak didasarkan pada pemikiran yang berpihak pada rakyat. Di bagian akhir, tulisan ini mencoba menyajikan beberapa formulasi tantangan bagi Jokowi-JK, dan juga bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia yang percaya dan berkomitmen mengawal Polugri Poros Maritim ini.

This article mainly discusses about the complexity of understanding terrorism. It will try to answer few questions such as comprehending terrorism and globalization and how it became one of the most important issues for US after the Cold War. Some examples of terrorism are going to be explored to help distinguish a blurry issue and anticipate the implication of US on counterterrorism operations. The global strategies on countering terrorism are necessary to mention if we want to know how the main agencies in US are trying to fight or prevent terrorist attacks. A possible shift on US foreign policy is foreseeable, depending on the context of the international system. Is US constructing a new source of threat (terrorism) to define its overseas strategies? Or is terrorism a real threat to US internal security? In the last part, the example of Arab Spring will be given to show how US can be implicated in the rising of radical Islamism in Middle East and North Africa.

The world order reflects and advantages those who are present at the top to actively shape and influence it. However, history has shown that hegemony is a fragile conquest that oscillates through cycles of “ascendancy and decline” (Vieira 2012:317). The financial global crisis, the intended benefits of globalization and a possible loss of soft power and authority in the system renders American leadership and the Western-shaped order it reinforces harder to cope with at present. This sparks a new debate, along the emergence of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), a group with shared understandings and a desire for more participation in the international arena. Thereby, we shall discuss the standpoint that these countries constitute a challenge to the present Western order. The key findings point to their lack of material power and impairing domestic issues, which demand resolution, so that their voices not only reach other powers, but influence them to change. On a second level, we will assess the claims that China could become the new globe leader by highlighting its constructive efforts to be more influential, but also concluding that at present, no one desires to challenge the present order, or possesses the ability to do so.

This article reviews U.S. metric conversion efforts, particularly as they have affected education. Education system benefits and costs are estimated for three possible measurement system conversion plans. Of the three, the soft-conversion-to-metric plan, in which all inch-pound instruction is dropped, appears to provide the largest net benefits. The primary benefit is class time saved by teaching just one measurement system. These net benefits appear to be many times larger than the costs anticipated for the controversial plan to convert all U.S. highway signs to metric or dual measures.

International recognition has generally been discussed from the point of view of international law and modern history. By contrast, this volume takes a long-term perspective of more than two thousand years of European and world history and approaches the issue of recognition as a political process.

When and why do powerful countries seek to enact major changes to international order, the broad set of rules that guide behavior in world politics? Prior studies have focused on how the origins of orders have been consensus-driven and inclusive. By contrast, Kyle M. Lascurettes argues in Orders of Exclusion that the propelling motivation for great power order building has typically been exclusionary. Great powers pursue fundamental changes to order when they perceive a major new threat on the horizon, be it another powerful state or a foreboding ideological movement. The goal of foundational rule writing in international relations, then, is blocking a threatening entity from amassing further influence, a motive Lascurettes illustrates at work across more than three hundred years of history. Far from falling outside of the bounds of traditional statecraft, order building is the continuation of power politics by other means.

Around the world, water stress, water scarcity and desertification problems due to water scarcity are increasing day by day. At the international level, international organizations draw attention to these problems, actions are recommended, and efforts are made to resolve them. The objective of this study is to assess the adequacy of measures and efforts at the international level to solve the problems of water, source of life for humanity and nature, which have a geopolitical and geostrategic importance. To this end, the importance of water was underlined, and the chronology of studies initiated at international level on water stress problems were given. Despite important initiatives undertaken internationally, in the study, water stress, which is intensely felt in some parts of the world, was visualized using maps. From the results obtained in the study, it seems that the studies carried out in the fight against the lack of water are limited to superficial measures and main recomme...

State failure is often seen as due to endogenous factors, rather than systemic ones; correspondingly, the idea that states can be built by supporting internal processes and institutions alone is prevalent in policy documents and in some of the literature on state-building. This paper calls both assumptions into question. I demonstrate that three factors were important external preconditions of historical state formation: (1) effective states and sustainable regional security, which is expressed on an inter-state as well as a sub-state level, requires a region-wide creation of effective structures of state; (2) effective states and effective inter-state security require well-functioning states systems; (3) effective states require regional acceptance of the process of state-building. Analysing three contemporary countries and regions, Somalia/the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan/Central Asia and Namibia/ south-western Africa, the article concludes that state-building is substantially facilitated where these three contextual factors are in place. The absence of these external factors in the regions where Afghanistan and Somalia are located illuminate the depth of the problems facing these countries. In these cases regional structures are preconditions of state-building.

Bu makale Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistem üzerine belirli kuramsal önermeler ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. İlk olarak, bu makalenin ikincil bir tezi olarak, Soğuk Savaş’ın sonar ermesinden beri tecrübe ettiklerimizin Westfalyan sistemin temel özellikleriyle çelişen yeni bir oluşuma işaret ettiği belirtilmektedir. İkinci olarak, bu makalenin temel tezi olarak, şu tartışma yapılmaktadır: 11 Eylül saldırılarından beri Westfalyan model ile onu hedef alan yeni akımlar arasındaki rekabet yeni bir evreye girmiştir. Makale 11 Eylül örnek olayı bağlamında Westfalyan model ve yenilikçi akımlar arasındaki çatışmayı kuramsal olarak ele almaktadır.