Greenpeace

Purpose. The paper traces developments in the fashion business commitment to sustainability over two decades and identifies the drivers that progressively changed fashion brands’ perspective on Sustainable Supply Chain Management. Methodology .The research methodology is in the lines of Donald Schon reflective practice. Reflection-on-action is based on one of the authors practice in consultancy to fashion companies and in dialog with NGOs. The professional experience has been reconsidered through the analysis of the literature on sustainability initiatives and review of case histories.

Oleh Irsyad Ibadulloh Manusia telah bersedia untuk menerima amanah yang diberikan Allah swt. Alquran menceritakan bahwa Allah swt sudah menawarkan amanah tersebut kepada semua makhluk yaitu; langit, bumi, gunung, namun semua menolaknya dan hanya manusia yang menerimanya (Qs. AlAhzab :72). Berdasarkan ayat tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa posisi manusia di dunia ini bukanlah sebagai pemilik alam, melainkan sebagai pemegang amanah atau titipan yang suatu saat nanti akan dikembalikan dan dimintai pertanggung jawabannya. Selain itu, dalam ayat ini dapat dipahami juga bahwa manusia memiliki kebebasan dan tanggung jawab dalam mengelola kepercayaan yang sudah diberikan Allah kepadanya. Keunggulan manusia memiliki potensi seperti kekuatan dan kemampuan dalam mengkontrol terhadap mahluk lainnya, termasuk alam, merupakan bagian dari amanah yang telah diterima oleh manusia dari Allah. Manusia harus mampu menunjukkan tanggung jawabnya terhadap pemanfaatan dan pemeliharaan alam dan segala fasilitasnya dalam kerangka mengemban amanah yang telah diberikan Allah tersebut. Sebagai pengemban amanah seharusnya manusia tidak bertindak eksploitatif dan merusak alam yang akan menyebabkan manusia menerima murka Allah dan tergolong sebagai orang Zalim (Qs. al-Baqarah [2]: 60, 205, Qs. al-A‗raf [7]: 56, 85, Qs. al-qasas [28]: 88, Qs. al-Shu'ara [26]: 83), tidak boros dengan perilaku konsumtif terhadap sumber daya alam. (Qs. alA‗raf [7]: 31 dan Qs. al-Isra [17]: 27) Berbagai deskripsi ayat di atas menegaskan dan menuntut sebuah etika moral dalam pengelolaan dan pemeliharaan alam ini. Manusia dituntut untuk melestarikan alam dan hidup harmonis bersama dengan berbagai spesies yang hidup di dalam alam tersebut. Dalam hal ini tradisi agama menghadirkan suatu hierarki tanggung jawab manusia sebagai mahluk suci dan menjaganya sekaligus untuk tujuan kesehatan jasmaniah. Manusia tidak akan mampu dengan sempurna melaksanakan atau mengemban amanah Allah di atas, kecuali dengan mengembangkan tatanan kepedulian melalui ruang dan waktu mencakup semua individu dan genarasi mahluk Allah di alam semesta ini. Dan karena Allah telah menundukkan alam semesta yang luas dan menghiasi lalu melengkapinya seperti sebuah rumah untuk ditempati manusia, serta telah menunjuk manusia

This article argues that the use of sexual infiltration by police and criminal collaborators represents a strategic deployment of surveillance technology by the state with the aim of creating Foucault’s “docile bodies” through the development of totalising omnipresence. The insertion of police into the private sphere of activists’ sexual relationships – a site presumed to be outside of state gaze – serves to not only disrupt the target communities but also to reverberate throughout social networks and create inactivity. By exposing informants from within one’s own “family”, the state is able to collect intelligence, spread insecurity and display totalising disciplinary power to the social movement under observation.

Objetivo: la investigación analiza el discurso de Greenpeace México en torno a los conceptos de seguridad alimentaria, soberanía alimentaria y derecho a la alimentación. Metodología: se emplea una metodología cualitativa asistida por el software Atlas.ti, basada en la teoría del framing (funciones diagnóstico y pronóstico). Se analiza un total de 151 piezas de la web de Greenpeace México del periodo 2007-2017. Resultados: se describe la narrativa de los frames hallados y se exponen las palabras y expresiones clave más destacadas. Limitaciones: la investigación se limita al análisis del discurso de Greenpeace México. El estudio del discurso de otras unidades de Greenpeace permitiría valorar si la ONG mantiene un discurso homogéneo a nivel global o si hay diferencias significativas según las circunstancias locales. Conclusiones: se concluye que el discurso de Greenpeace México en torno a los conceptos “seguridad alimentaria”, “soberanía alimentaria” y “derecho a la alimentación” es claramente antineoliberal pero no refleja el debate académico respecto a dichos conceptos. Se identifican las denuncias (función de frame diagnóstico) y propuestas (función de frame pronóstico) presentes en el discurso de Greenpeace México, recreando la narrativa de cinco frames concretos. También se identifican los términos y expresiones opuestas más repetidas.

Résumé : Les ONG sont-elles devenues des « multinationales de l’action collective » ? Que ce soit dans le domaine humanitaire ou environnemental, ces organisations ont recours depuis
une trentaine d’années à des pratiques issues du monde de l’entreprise privée, comme le marketing direct. Tantôt présentée comme « une modernisation nécessaire » et tantôt comme « la corruption d’un univers vertueux par le marché », cette managerialisation des ONG n’est pas sans poser problème. Pourtant les engagés qui effectuent le « sale boulot » de la mobilisation des ressources parviennent à le vivre sur le mode de l’enchantement militant.
Notre thèse met en lumière l’articulation délicate des trois éléments qui permettent ce tour de « magie sociale » : d’une part le travail institutionnel de légitimation des pratiques, d’autre part les dispositions complexes des engagés où prévaut l’étroite imbrication entre compétences professionnelles et appétences militantes, et enfin le maniement d’instruments
qui garantissent une collecte symboliquement « propre ». Du siège des ONG aux groupes locaux de bénévoles de Greenpeace et Handicap International, en passant par les agences de fundraising, c’est à une enquête ethnographique sur l’institutionnalisation d’un répertoire de mobilisation managérialisé que nous convions le lecteur.

Mobilising people, mobilising money: NGOs according to the entrepreneurial model
Abstract : Have NGOs become “multinational companies of collective action”? Whether they work with the field of human or environmental development, these organisations have
been using the practices of private companies for about thirty years. A pre-eminent example is that of direct marketing. Some people consider it a necessary development, while others claim
it shows that non-profit organisations have been corrupted by free trade- and global markettype thinking. However, the people who do the “dirty work” of fundraising make a living
while demonstrating their political commitment.
This thesis highlights the intricate combination of three elements rooted in this “social sleight of hand”: first, the institutional work done to legitimate such methods; second, the complex profiles of active members for whom professional skills and eagerness to be political engaged are close knit; and third, the use of instruments to make fundraising clean. From NGOs headquarters to activists in local groups of Greenpeace and Handicap International, and to fundraising agencies, this thesis is an ethnographic inquiry into the institutionalization of a “managerialized” repertoire of mobilization.

In 2015, the European Parliament mandated the EU Commission to ensure a number of reforms in both the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada.

In November 2015, the EU Commission published its proposal to establish an Investment Court System (ICS) in TTIP. These ICS provisions were designed to address the widespread criticisms of the existing investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system. The same ICS provisions were later incorporated into CETA’s investment chapter in February 2016.

Investor Protection in CETA: Gold standard or missed opportunity? – a report commissioned by Greenpeace, and written by ICTUR’s Ciaran Cross – evaluates CETA’s investment provisions and finds little evidence that the widespread and legitimate concerns about ISDS have been adequately addressed. Most of the relevant objectives outlined by EU Parliament have been ignored or remain unfulfilled.

As a result, the new ICS reforms do not provide any comprehensive guarantee of states’ right to regulate in pursuit of legitimate public interest objectives, and issues of investor conduct are wholly ignored. Far from constituting a ‘gold-standard’ – as its negotiators claim – CETA’s investment chapter represents a missed opportunity to implement meaningful reform into an international system of adjudication, the defects of which have long been identified. The new ICS system ultimately fails to ensure adequate protection of labour rights or environmental standards in the EU.

The full report is available from http://www.greenpeace.org/eu-unit/en/ Publications/2016/Investor-protection-in-CETA

El greenwashing consiste en el uso de publicidad engañosa y otras técnicas para presentar a las empresas como medioambientalmente responsables ocultando su verdadero impacto ambiental. En este artículo contraponemos el greenwashing con el marketing ecológico, que implica un verdadero esfuerzo para integrar los valores ecológicos compatible con los fines de lucro, y con el marketing ecologista, llevado a cabo por las ONG ambientalistas y empleado a menudo para desenmascarar las prácticas de greenwashing. Presentamos el caso de estudio de Mattel y Asia Pulp&Paper, cuyas prácticas de greenwashing fueron denunciadas por ONG como Greenpeace y WWF, y describimos cómo estas denuncias forzaron a las empresas a emprender verdaderas acciones de marketing ecológico. Concluimos mostrando la interrelación entre greenwashing y marketing ecologista y presentando el marketing ecológico como la apuesta más eficaz para garantizar la sostenibilidad tanto de las empresas como del medio ambiente.

İnsan topluluklarının var olduğu her dönemde bir çeşit otorite de var oldu. Bir arada yaşayan insanlar,  tarihin en erken dönemlerinde bile bazı kurallara tabi oldular. Ama ‘devlet’ mekanizması, çok daha sonraları oluştu. Devlet’in belirginleşmesiyle kanunlar, statüler ve sınırlar yeni yeni anlamlar kazandı.
Tanrının yeryüzündeki temsilcisi kabul edilen bir otoritenin tek hakim olduğu siyasal sistemler binlerce yıl hüküm sürdü. Söz konusu dönemde ‘devlet’ ancak kutsal hanedan üyelerinin varlığı sayesinde ve onların arzuları doğrultusunda işleyebiliyordu.
Avrupa’da yaşanan Rönesans ve Reform dönemleri ile ‘devlet’ mekanizması, siyasal tarihin en büyük kırılmasını yaşadı. Devlet otoritesini, toplumun meşruiyetini tanımaya, bireyi yüceltmeye zorlayan gelişmeler, Fransız İhtilali ile zirveye ulaştı. İhtilal, klasik ‘devlet’ anlayışı için sonun başlangıcı oldu.
Siyasal otoritenin yaşadığı bu değişim süreci, 20. yüzyılda küreselleşme ile yeni bir aşama kaydetti. Benzer şekilde işleyen, birbirine yakın mekanizmalar haline gelmeye doğru yönelen dünya sisteminde, “devlet” ve “toplum” kavramları da yeniden tanımlanıyor. Daha sağlıklı bir “Devlet-Toplum” ilişkisi arayışından doğan Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları, bu yeni tanımlamada merkez konumunda. Siyasal algıda yaşanan değişim nedeniyle konumlarını güçlendiren Sivil Toplum Kuruluşlarının toplumdaki rolleri de giderek artıyor. Sivil Toplum Kuruluşlarının bu beklentilere cevap verebilmek için kullanacakları en önemli araçlardan biri internet olacaktır.
Bu tezin temel amacı, Sivil Toplum Kuruluşlarının ortaya çıkış nedenlerini ve gelişim süreçlerini, ‘devlet’ ve ‘otorite’ algısında yaşanan değişim bağlamında irdelemek, internet teknolojisinin Sivil Toplum Kuruluşlarına sağladığı avantajları Greenpeace örgütünün yaptığı uygulamalarla örneklendirerek ortaya koymaktır.

Purpose – This paper explores the interactive element in social and environmental reporting during a controversy between business organisations and a stakeholder over environmental performance.

Design/methodology/approach – We adopt Aristotle’s triangular framework of the rhetorical situation to examine how the writer, the audience, and the purpose of communication interact in the choice of rhetorical strategies used to persuade others of the validity and legitimacy of a claim during a public controversy. Our analysis focuses on the strategies (i.e., moves and their rhetorical realisations) in the form of logos (appealing to logic), ethos (appealing to authority), and pathos (appealing to emotion), with a particular emphasis on metaphor, used to achieve social and political goals. We base our analysis on a case study involving a conflict between Greenpeace and six organisations in the sportswear/fashion industry over wastewater discharge of hazardous chemicals. The conflict played out in a series of 20 press releases issued by the parties over a two-month period.

Findings – All six firms interacting with Greenpeace in the form of press releases eventually conceded to Greenpeace’s demand to eliminate hazardous chemicals from their supply chains. We attribute this to Greenpeace’s ability to harness support from other key stakeholders and to use rhetoric effectively. Results show the extensive use of rhetoric by all parties.

Originality/value – We regard legitimacy construction as reliant on communication and as being achieved by organisations participating in a dialogue with stakeholders. For this purpose, we develop an analytical framework which situates environmental reporting in a specific rhetorical situation and links rhetoric, argument, and metaphor.

Fondée voici près d'un demi-siècle, Greenpeace fait trembler les entreprises. Pourtant, à plusieurs reprises, les accusations de l'ONG se sont révélées fausses. Les rares fois où des entreprises décident de l'attaquer en justice, Greenpeace recule et revient sur ses accusations. Néanmoins, rien ne semble pouvoir écorner son image. L'ONG est-elle à ce point irréprochable pour bénéficier d'autant de faveur médiatique ? Le présent essai met en lumière le contraire. Loin de se consacrer à ses objectifs affichés, Greenpeace semble avant tout se mettre au service d'elle-même. Ses principales dépenses de fonds ne vont pas à ses campagnes mais à ses levées de fonds. En parallèle, les trois cas de guerre de l'information analysés dans ce livre montrent comment Greenpeace déforme et oriente les faits contre le secteur pétrolier et le nucléaire afin de servir non pas l'écologie, mais un militantisme idéologique bien souvent opposé au souci de l'environnement. Plus encore, ce livre souligne le rôle de « mercenaire vert » de l'ONG et comporte de nombreux éléments accablants pour la réputation de Greenpeace.
Recherche financée par le CESTUDEC

The study presents a case for the importance of spectacle in modern capitalist social relations. Drawing on theories produced by Debord, Loftus, Žižek, Laclau, Mouffe, Holloway and Eagleton, a theoretical framework for assessing the relationship between ideology and everyday practice is produced. Through this framework, visual culture will be examined to uncover specific representations and productions of nature using the visual case study of Greenpeace’s #SavetheArctic campaign.

Due to the recent nature of this campaign, there is an obvious shortage of literature examining this case study from an environmental governance perspective. It is therefore the intention of this dissertation to partially fill this gap, if only by raising questions for further research. The study finds, through the use of visual semiology, that Greenpeace’s campaign images represent a continuation of the use of spectacle to oversimplify complex relationships. This campaign also appears to posit nature as Othered, a key component for the commodification of nature. Through their strong production of a hero narrative, surrounding both their own activists and a puppet of a polar bear (named Paula), Greenpeace produced Debord’s ‘safe’ rebellion and were, perhaps, subsumed into capitalist relationships as is suggested possible by Holloway’s Crack Capitalism thesis.

The study concludes by arguing that Greenpeace’s spectacular campaign tactics may undermine their own campaign objectives and even argues that Greenpeace have produced a ‘triple spectacle’ to provide rebellion to their own spectacular rebellion. The consequences for environmental governance are that many environmental non-governmental organisations rely too heavily on the use of spectacle to achieve campaign goals. The use of spectacle contradicts much academic work conducted on consumptive practices by focussing on the role of large corporations and governments rather than the everyday practices of ‘ordinary’ people in governing environmental resources and managing pollution.

Sollicité à deux reprises par Greenpeace, l'artiste Spencer Tunick a photographié des volontaires nus sur le glacier d'Aletsch en Suisse et dans le vignoble des Rontets en France. À partir des images prises in situ, des récits des bénévoles et des campagnes de communication de l'ONG, cet article interroge la contribution de ces rassemblements humains au débat public sur les questions environnementales. Une analyse de la rhétorique esthétique des corps dénudés comme incarnation de la vulnérabilité montre d'une part comment l'engagement physique et psychologique des participants joue un rôle primordial dans ces installations artistiques et militantes. D'autre part, ces performances s'inscrivent dans le savoir faire communicationnel de Greenpeace où l'image est utilisée comme preuve des méfaits environnementaux et moyen d'interpellation.

Though semiotic analysis of media texts conceives advertising as an exemplary object of investigation, only a limited number of researches concentrate on the semiotic strategies behind the communication of Corporate Social Responsibility, a rapidly increasing field, where social, political and ethical dilemmas collide. CSR advertising campaigns are particularly interesting in a semiotic perspective, because corporations aim to reinforce their credibility over the time, underlining, through the use of images, the thematic isotopy of ethic transparency. They constantly negotiate their reputation with stakeholders always more aware of social issues and ethical conflicts behind sustainable development. As the above definition states, environment issues play a strategic role in the construction of an effective CSR policy. In particular, companies communication has to be accountable for their impact on the ecosystem they operate in, for the pollution and the exploitation of natural resources. Companies are attempting to take advantage of the growing public concern and awareness for environmental issues by promoting an environmentally responsible image. In this sense the so-called greenwashing, (the dissemination and promotion of misleading or unsubstantiated informations by an organization to conceal its abuse of the environment or to promote indefinite sustainable practices and products in order to present a positive public image), represents a particularly interesting phenomenon. Seen from the different points of view of various actors involved, communicating the sustainability becomes a dilemma. It deals on one side with the competitiveness of companies and with their reliability. On the other side ecological organizations constantly cast doubts on corporates tactics and strategies, undermining their credibility. This paper takes under consideration the “responsibility” of images in the context of green/greenwashed strategies. It analyses on one side the communication strategies adopted by corporations to reassert their environmental commitment, and on the other side the ecologica movements and organizations political use of images, and in particular their creative reappropriation of sustainability visual imaginary. In this sense eco issues appear as the communicative conflict field where different subjects of enunciation put to the test their credibility. We propose to semiotically reconsider CSR eco-advertising campaigns starting from some questions: - How sustainable development dilemma is figurativized within the brand discourse context? - Which semiotic stategies determine the effectiveness of environmental corporate social responsibility advertising? Greening is definitely a question of veridiction tactics. It is, in this perspective, a discourse that aims at gaining the trust and confidence of stakeholders. How CSR communication expresses that general euphoria towards green issues that more and more characterizes brand discourses? - What is greenwashing from the ecological organizations point of view?

"Much research is directed towards analysing the role of  environmental NGOs in addressing environmental problems, however few of these works examine the idea of nature that is upheld by these organisations. This nevertheless emerges as a central question, particularly when one focuses on these organisations’ discourses and practices. It appears that environmental NGOs draw on diverse ideas of nature, which has significant implications for the environmental policies that they defend and for the changes that they can bring about in human/nature relations.
My focus on Greenpeace’s primary forest campaigns reveal three distinct ideas of nature. The first is a modernist perspective in which nature and culture are radically distinguished, as two ontologically distinct zones. The second, which breaks with the first, suggests a socially constructed nature which is not external to society but intrinsically integrated within each of its spaces. The third, whilst maintaining a nature/culture disjunction, consists in a vision which invites the public to consider nature/culture relations essentially in terms of interrelations. Although these different conceptions are juxtaposed within a single NGO, the modernist nature/culture disjunction tends to prevail. This gives rise to problems, in particular when these ideas come into play with the extremely diverse and varied understandings originating in different societies. On the other hand, non-dualist understandings of nature and society are not readily transposed to the modern world. These points are clearly illustrated by the case of Greenpeace´s actions in tropical humid and boreal forests. Nevertheless, this case also shows that the organisation participates in promoting a necessary evolution in human/nature relations.
By supporting local communities and associating environmental and social justice, Greenpeace insists on the fact that the environmental movement must integrate, and not dichotomise, the particular relation of humans to their environment. The organisation thusinvites industrialised societies to rethink their relation to the environment in terms of interrelation and interdependence. I argue that the ideas promoted through the forest campaign are at the forefront of a radical rethinking of the nature/culture dichotomy.
Greenpeace, along with other NGOs, now demonstrates that the spheres of nature and culture are permeable and interdependent in that the conditions of existence of nonhumans are ever more subordinated to human action. Greenpeace thus participates in elaborating a new approach to environmental protection, one that is critical of protectionist practices which are founded in the maintenance of nature and culture, humans and nonhumans, in different spheres.

KEYWORDS: Nature/Culture, Greenpeace, Wilderness, NGOs, rainforest, modernity.

Lorsque l’on s’intéresse aux visions de la nature que portent les ONG, on s’aperçoit qu’elles sont plurielles. Cela a diverses implications sur les changements que ces organisations peuvent engendrer au sein des rapports homme/nature. Quand la disjonction moderniste nature culture prédomine, l’analyse des campagnes de Greenpeace sur les forêts primaires montre qu’il peut y avoir télescopage entre cette idée moderne de la nature et les visions non dualistes des populations autochtones. En revanche, en soutenant des communautés locales et en associant justice sociale et environnementale, Greenpeace se trouve à la proue d’un mouvement environnemental qui tente d’intégrer, non pas dichotomiser, l’histoire et la relation particulière des hommes avec la nature. En montrant que le dualisme de la nature et de la société est de moins en moins étanche, l’ONG participe finalement de l’élaboration de comportements où il s’agit de repenser la relation nature/culture en termes d’interdépendances et d’interrelations.

MOTS CLEFS : nature/culture, modernité, Wilderness, forêts tropicales humides, Greenpeace, ONG."

When David Robie set sail on the Rainbow Warrior for the Marshall Islands, he sensed a major story in the offing. The Warrior, flagship of the international Greenpeace environmental protest movement, was going to Rongelap to evacuate the inhabitants from their homeland. American nuclear testing in the Central Pacific in the 1950s had snowed radioactive fallout on the islanders. A legacy of radiation-related diseases had sprung up and, warned radiation experts, the worst was yet to come for the Rongelapese. Those diseases would peak around 40 years after the nuclear blast that brought the poison snowflakes. New Zealander Robie, 40, who has been covering the Pacific as a freelance reporter for the past eight years, had plans to write a book about the emotional forced migration of the Rongelapese to a safer island. [By John Richardson, Fiji Sunday Sun, 25 May 1986].

In 2007, Babakan Siliwangi city forest in Bandung came under threat of privatisation from a local corporation, PT EGI, which proposed hotel and commercial development. In the period 2012–2013, the anti-corporatist, environmentalist group Backsilmove emerged to fight a successful campaign to save the forest for public use. Employing the ‘cognitive praxis’ approach pioneered by [Eyerman and Jamison (1991. Social movements: a cognitive approach. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press)] to understand the work of social movements, this article explores the tactics and ideology used by young city forest activists in Bandung as they sought to educate and mobilise local residents. Through in-depth interviews and fieldwork from 2014 to 2015 with young activists from Backsilmove it became evident that, as a manifestation of cognitive praxis, certain repertoires of protest were mobilised to inculcate environmental values in the public about protecting the forest from commercialisation. Repertoires included: (a) a ‘long march’ to attract public interest; (b) an enacted pantomime to draw attention to the profit-seeking capitalist alliance between the city government and the private sector; (c) production and free distribution of a scientific research publication outlining the impact of destructive development of the city forest. These protest repertoires had been acquired by the activists through previous structured training and actions with Greenpeace.

While environmentalism's novel nature in the early 1970s is widely accepted, its origins are manifold and complex. This review essay explores the latest research on the origins of environmentalism, reviewing what Frank Zelko's Make it a Green Peace, Adam Rome's "The Genius of Earth Day" and Jacob Darwin Hamblin's "Arming Mother Nature" tell us about the emergence of environmentalism as a political concept, a normative idea or ideology and a movement in the postwar period in the context of the Cold War and the rise of big science.

The Greenpeace-funded trawler Rainbow Warrior will leave Hawai'i  tomorrow [28 April 1985] on a mercy mission to evacuate about 200 "guinea pig" islanders from Rongelap atoll which was contaminated by nuclear tests three decades ago. Auckland freelance journalist DAVID ROBIE, one of a handful of journalists on board, outlines the reasons for the ship's "Pacific voyage". ***
Like a lost tribe, the people of the Bikoni atoll in Micronesia have at last won their struggle to go back to their lonely homeland. They recently won a court agreement from the United States government to clean up the contamination from nuclear tests three decades ago and to help the islanders to return. About 1100 Bikinians - half of them living on tiny Kili in the southern Marshall Islands - have won more than NZ$50 million in cash payments and trust funds. They will also receive more than $140 million after the republic of the Marshall Islands becomes independent in free association with the US.

This research analyzes Greenpeace International  Unfriend Coal protest campaign against Facebook's energy policy (2010-2011), as a case study in the organization’s approach to campaigning on climate change issues. In the context of Greenpeace protest history and social movement research we focus on the online mobilization tactics used by Greenpeace, and how they differed from previous campaign practices. The findings are based on a content analysis of all statuses posted on the campaign Facebook page (N=119), and six semi-structured interviews with key Greenpeace personnel. The analysis reveals that Greenpeace used Facebook extensively both for disseminating information and context about the campaign, and as a platform for mobilizing and facilitating broad public engagement. Greenpeace seized the affordances of the Facebook platform and introduced new means of online mobilization and engagement. These e-tactics proved effective for engaging diverse transnational supporters in the campaign. The implications for ENGOs and the broader environmental movement are discussed.

Keywords: e-campaigning, ENGOs, climate change, Greenpeace, Facebook, social media, political mobilization, protest campaign

To cite this article:  Merav Katz-Kimchi & Idit Manosevitch (2015): Mobilizing Facebook Users against Facebook's Energy Policy: The Case of Greenpeace Unfriend Coal Campaign, Environmental Communication. Ahead-of-print.
It is available at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17524032.2014.993413.

Greenpeace members who in 2018 boarded the M/T Stolt Tenacity in the Gulf of Cadiz and the M/V Mermaid Searcher in the Port of Taranaki, New Zealand, continued a pattern of conduct in the maritime environment that implicates navigational freedoms, human rights, and security. Vessel interference by nonstate actors—activities that could jeopardize safety and violate the law—represent an urgent challenge to transnational security as well as high seas freedoms.

The ability to express contrary views lawfully is largely protected by national laws as well as multinational human rights instruments. However, synchronized attacks on vessels, the ramming of ships, and noncompliant boardings are illegal activities. Despite striking differences between peaceful expressions and vessel interference, an uneven judicial methodology exists with respect to the latter. A patchwork approach has resulted from a predominant focus by some jurists on the propriety of maritime law enforcement responses, along with misguided considerations, rather than primarily on whether the protest activity was lawful, undermined freedom of movement or prejudiced the legitimate economic interests of others. This article advocates for the use of ten judicial considerations when examining vessel interference to better position courts to take a holistic judicial approach to victim impact, commerce, security, and navigational freedoms.

Resúmenes de las intervenciones en las Jornadas Libertad de comercio ¿a qué precio? organizadas por Jueces para la Democracia en mahyo de 2016.

La nueva generación de acuerdos de libre comercio, entre ellos el Acuerdo de Asociación Transpacífico (TTP), el Acuerdo Global sobre Economía y Comercio (CETA) en vías de conclusión entre la Unión Europea y Canadá, y la Asociación Trasatlántica para el Comercio y la Inversión (TTIP), plantean una serie de interrogantes que inquietan a la ciudadanía de los diferentes Estados parte. Desde el secretismo en la negociación, a quienes serán los grandes beneficiados de este tipo de acuerdos y, sobretodo, los principales damnificados. O la creación de unos tribunales especiales de inversiones de naturaleza arbitral en sustitución de los órganos jurisdiccionales estatales y supraestatales. O como pueden afectar tales acuerdos a los derechos sociales y laborales, incluida la salud y el medio ambiente de los ciudadanos. La viabilidad de este tipo de acuerdos, en especial del TTIP, resulta incierta.

This paper proposes a discussion of the controversial conceptualisation “Nature is healing. We are the virus”. These depictions have been observed in Twitter threads during the peak of COVID-19 pandemic. The implications entail that solving the climate crisis would require humanity to be eliminated (like a VIRUS). I investigate the ways environmentalists have metaphorically depicted the causes and consequences of the health crisis. Indeed, it is acknowledged that the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change can be interrelated if one considers the role of humans' uncontrolled consumption in the spread of these two phenomena. Environmentalists have emphasised the consequences of pollution on health, they praised the drop of emissions documented during the lockdown, and they advertised a post-COVID-19 world where humans reduce pollution to avert a new health crisis. The paper thus asks to what extent (if at all) environmentalists relied on disputable depictions such as HUMANITY AS A VIRUS (FOR THE PLANET). The research relies on pragmatics, cognitive linguistics, and discourse analysis to study environmental texts published by major Non-Governmental Organisations. This analysis will lead me to question the relevance of the metaphorical conceptualisation HUMANITY AS A VIRUS (FOR THE PLANET) in environmental discourse. The results show that environmentalists effectively rely on metaphors to blame humanity for the present crises, but they adapt these metaphorical conceptualisations to show support to the communities suffering from the virus and to promote mitigation.

Gerakan lingkungan antisawit yang dilaksanakan selama 2008-2010 oleh Greenpeace belum berhasil untuk membuat Indonesia mengubah kebijakan industri kelapa sawit dari perkebunan menjadi pengolahan (industri hulu ke hilir) untuk menekan deforestasi. Namun, keberhasilan gerakan ini terlihat pada dibuatnya kebijakan ramah lingkungan internal perusahaan (green policy) yang dibuat oleh Sinar Mas.

A critical analysis of Greenpeace’s conservation campaign in Amazonia, from the mid 1990s to today reveals the contradictory impact of international NGOs on tropical forest policies. On one hand, Greenpeace succeeds in maintaining the question of tropical forest management on national and international political agendas. The organisation also contributes by providing a substantial aid to local populations, whilst being at the forefront of new concepts and norms in local participation and promoting new policies. On the other hand, internal logics induce strategic
decision-making which, at times, leads Greenpeace to adopt norms and representations that do not always adequately represent the complexity inherent to tropical forest environments. This in turn can restrict debates concerning appropriate conservation modalities and the management of forest spaces. Such dynamics can also produce contrary effects to those desired.

Key words : Chartier, Amazonia, tropical forests, NGOs, Greenpeace, nature conservation

L’analyse critique de la campagne de Greenpeace consacrée à la protection de l’Amazonie, entre le milieu des années 1990 et le début des années 2000, révèle l’impact contradictoire des ONG internationales sur les politiques forestières tropicales. D’un côté, l’ONG participe avec succès au maintien sur les agendas nationaux et internationaux de la question de la bonne gestion
des forêts tropicales. Elle réussit aussi à apporter une aide conséquente à certaines populations locales, tout en étant l’un des principaux promoteurs de nouveaux concepts, de nouvelles normes et de nouvelles politiques. De l’autre, certaines logiques internes entraînent des choix stratégiques qui conduisent Greenpeace à engager et porter des normes et des représentations n’intégrant pas toujours la complexité inhérente aux milieux forestiers tropicaux. Cela peut amenuiser les débats
visant à mettre à jour les meilleurs modes de conservation et de gestion de ces espaces forestiers. Ces dynamiques peuvent aussi produire les effets inverses de ceux qui sont escomptés.

Mots clefs : Chartier, Amazonie, forêts tropicales, ONG, Greenpeace, conservation de la nature

El análisis de la campaña de Greenpeace consagrada a la protección de la Amazonía, entre mediados de los años 1990 y principios de los años 2000, muestra el impacto contradictorio de
las ONG internacionales sobre las políticas forestales tropicales. Por un lado, la ONG participa con éxito al mantenimiento de la cuestión de la buena gestión de los bosques tropicales en las
agendas nacionales e internacionales. Esta organización logra asimismo aportar la ayuda requerida por ciertas poblaciones locales, sin perder su rol de promotor de nuevos conceptos, nuevas normas y nuevas políticas. Por otra parte, ciertas dinámicas internas inducen decisiones estratégicas que
conducen a Greenpeace a comprometerse y promover normas y representaciones que no siempre integran la complejidad inherente a los medios forestales tropicales. Eso puede simplificar los debates que tratan de actualizar los mejores modos de conservación y de gestión de los espacios forestales. Estas dinámicas pueden asimismo producir efectos contrarios a lo que se buscan.

Palabras clave: Chartier, Amazonía, bosques tropicales, ONG, Greenpeace, conservación de la naturaleza

Greenpeace España documenta  cinco casos de importación y/o posesión irregular de maderas de especies amenazadas incluidas en el Convenio CITES. Estos presuntos delitos cometidos entre entre 2002 y 2006 son en buena parte resultado de operaciones "Palo" (2002-2005) y "Tarima" (2006) del SEPRONA y la UCO de la Guardia Civil, que supusieron la apertura de diligencias y causas judiciales en diversos juzgados. El informe revela que algunas empresas del sector de la madera importaron y comercializaron en España maderas protegidas en el Convenio CITES utilizando otros nombres de maderas similares. Como ejemplo, según recogen los informes de la Autoridad Administrativa CITES en España (3), entre los años 2003 y 2006 la Guardia Civil intervino más de 55 toneladas de madera de palosanto de río, una especie en peligro de extinción procedente América del Sur y cuyo comercio está prohibido. El palo santo de río se introducía en España bajo los nombres de caviuna, jacaranda o pitomba. Algo similar ocurría con la caoba de hoja ancha, que se encubría como cedro Greenpeace España, se presentó como acusación popular en los procedimientos abiertos, e intentó que los hechos fueran sancionados, aunque todas las causas, menos una, fueron archivadas, lo que pone de manifiesto las graves carencias del sistema de control, así como la descoordinación entre las diferentes autoridades implicadas y la inacción de las mismas. En cada uno de los casos, abogados ambientalistas expertos en el Convenio CITES han realizado un análisis jurídico-criminal para explicar los incumplimientos concretos de la legislación CITES. También, se han señalado los fallos en la cadena de responsabilidades en estos incumplimientos, apareciendo diversas actuaciones jurídicamente imputables en el Departamento de Aduanas y la Autoridad Administrativa CITES. Por último, y a la luz de la experiencia de estos cinco años, Greenpeace expone las causas de la ineficacia en la aplicación del Convenio CITES en España.

In the decades to come, global climate change poses a significant environmental, social, and economic threat. Among the various strategies that are being implemented to reduce this threat are those that focus on decreasing greenhouse gas emissions by supporting the climate-friendly behaviour of the general public. The present study is focused on Czech Greenpeace donors. These donors represent a segment of the public that, while engaged in supporting systemic policy measures in the area of climate protection, also has the potential to grow in the area of climate-friendly household behaviour. Our research is based on a sample of 504 respondents and deals with this group’s climate-relevant household behaviour. In relation to Community-Based Social Marketing, we examine the potential of Greenpeace donors to behave in a climate-friendly way, and we identify the barriers that prevent them from getting involved in a broader spectrum of climate-friendly behaviour. Our analysis is informed by several significant contemporary theories of pro-environemntal behaviour. We also highlight topic areas on which to focus when encouraging Greenpeace donors to further improve their climate-friendly behaviour.