Adab Traditions in Islam

Study on adab literature - Translation (arabic>italian) of some chapters from Ibn 'Abd al-Barr's "adab al-mujalasah" (the good manners in the meetings). Translated chapters: "the good manners in the meetings and the right of the companion", "the praise of the tongue and the virtue of the expository clarity", "the praise of the silence and the blame of the language".

Influenced by Arabic and Persian traditions, the plural word Ādāb in the Uzbek language (sing. adab) as a social term connotes a discipline of character development in ethics and morals. As a literary term, adab means a concept of aesthetics that teaches morality. The prevalence of the concept in Uzbek society is evidenced by the fact that there is a school subject called Odobnoma: adab studies. These elementary-school classes aim to cultivate moral uprightness, social responsibility and virtue. On the surface , the subject seems to be secular, yet a closer analysis of the themes and topics of Odobnoma reveals indirect Islamic influence. This is partly because Central Asian cultures contain Islamic teachings, which have become a part of the national understanding of morality, ethics and etiquette. This article explores the influence of these teachings from the Uzbek perspective of " national character. "

Keywords Odobnoma – national character – moral education – adab – Uzbekistan

Peradaban memiliki kaitan yang erat dengan kebudayaan. Kebudayaan pada hakikatnya adalah hasil cipta, rasa, dan karsa manusia dalam memenuhi kebutuhan hidupnya. Kemampuan cipta (akal) manusia menghasilkan ilmu pengetahuan. Kemampuan rasa manusia melalui alatalat indranya menghasilkan beragam barang seni dan bentuk-bentuk kesenian. Sedangkan karsa manusia menghendaki kesempurnaan hidup, kemuliaan, dan kebahagiaan sehingga menghasilkan berbagai aktivitas hidup manusia untuk memenuhi kebutuhannya.

This article gives an overview of how disability, or more broadly the phenomenon of 'physical/mental otherness', was represented in the Islamic tradition. It is argued that the pre-modern Islamic tradition had a significantly different approach to this phenomenon than the approaches produced in the post-industrialization modern world. This study is divided into two main sections. The first section examines the question of terminology and its seminal role in framing both pre-modern and contemporary deliberations on Islam and disability. The second section reviews how people with disabilities were represented in a number of scholarly disciplines within the Islamic tradition. Besides giving the reader an overall idea about disability in the pre-modern Islamic tradition, the article also gives extensive references to modern studies on Islam and disability so that the reader gets acquainted with modern scholarship in this emerging field of study. Academic studies examining disability in Islam are still strikingly few in number and one can only speak of an emerging field of study in its embryonic phase. However, Islam and disability proved to be an attractive topic for early career researchers especially those working on their PhD dissertations in both Western and Middle Eastern Universities. Some of these dissertations found their way to the world of academic publications and, besides other studies conducted by senior researchers, compose now a substantial part of an increasingly distinct genre on disability in the Islamic tradition. These studies cover a wide range of scholarly disciplines including Islamic theology (ʿaqīda) jurisprudence (fiqh), belles-lettres (adab), and history

This course, moving from the 10th to the 19th centuries C.E., will lead you through stylistically representative samples of inshā or Persian art prose by Sufis, Sultans, secretaries, physicians, astronomers, poets and philosophers. Though the term inshā in Arabic and Persian covers prefaces, different kinds of official proclamations and letters, we will focus only on letters because their relatively brief lengths will allow us to discuss each text as a whole within the space of a class or two.
The history of premodern Persian epistolary prose, like that of its Arabic counterpart, is not a developmental one and nor does it reflect geographically divisible tendencies. The sequence of topics in Persian official letters (dīwāniyāt, sultāniyāt) and the kinds of topics they addressed remained roughly constant from the 10th to the 19th centuries as did such external features as seals, paper quality and the coded use of differently coloured inks. Letters written in an unofficial capacity (ikhwāniyāt) were more fluid in their organization and less predictable in their topics but shared with official letters their predilection for rhymed prose and the inclusion of poetry, proverbs, Quranic verses and aḥādīth. What changed from ruler to ruler and sometimes dynasty to dynasty was style at the level of the clauses that made up a sentence, clauses variously incorporating tropes (ṣan‘āī u badā‘ī) originally formulated for the distiches of a qaṣīda or ghazal and cumulatively taxonomized in manuals of Persian tropes from the 11th century onwards. In this sense, the study of Persian epistolography is the study of the shifting relations between prose and verse. We will get at why these shifts occurred when and where they did by reading secondary literature for rhetorical and political contexts.
While I will try and provide glossaries of difficult Persian and Arabic phrases in advance of each class, you will be expected to work with dictionaries and come to each class having read the letter or letters for the week completely. For each week’s letter or letters I will prescribe a secondary reading or two from the second bibliography below, expecting you to come to class having read it. We will spend class time going over the letter or letters to ensure you have understood the text at least at the semantic level, thus opening up the conversation to topics beyond such immediate comprehension.

Readers of the pre-modern Arabic literary tradition recognized sarcastic speech acts. Sarcasm operates through a negative, illocutionary assessment relative to an inter-subjectively fixed standard, and implicates competing claims to authority. Pre-modern Arabic linguistic theorists articulated a number of concepts to describe a sarcastic speech act that exhibits a conflict between "apparent" and "hidden" meanings (tahakkum, istihzāʾ, sukhrīyah), thus requiring para-textual evidence to serve as a decisive factor for disambiguation. Instances of sarcasm and texts composed in a sarcastic voice appeared in a variety of Arabic literary genres, including exegesis, biography, and poetry. Textually-inclined scholars rarely discussed sarcasm as a mode of discourse because its recognition depends on the reader's use of inductive reasoning, a strategy of reading which these same scholars, in their attempts to systematize theories of Arabic grammar and language, either regarded as problematic or discouraged outright.

See also the following studies that exhibit significant overlap in approach or content:

• Satire
(Arabic) Sherif Abdelkarim, "Ibn al-Khaṭīb: Character Assassin," PMLA 137(1) (2022):70–87. Available at: https://bit.ly/3ArPNVc
(Persian) Riccardo Zipoli, Irreverent Persia: Invective, Satirical and Burlesque Poetry from the Origins to the Timurid Period (10th to 15th Centuries). Leiden: Leiden University Press, 2015. Available at: https://bit.ly/3EHgd7O

• Use of inductive reasoning
Robert Gleave, Islam and Literalism: Literal Meaning and Interpretation in Islamic Legal Theory (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press), especially 63–93 (chapter 3, "The Emergence of Literal Meaning in Early Islamic Thought"). Available at: https://bit.ly/3AP259w

• Irony in the Qurʾān
Mustansir Mir, "Irony in the Qurʾān: A Study of the Story of Joseph," in Literary Structures of Religious Meaning in the Qurʾān, ed. Issa J. Boullata, 173–187. New York: Routledge, 2004. Available at: bit.ly/40tQvfT

Selon la doctrine soufie, la stabilité spirituelle est nécessaire pour une bonne évolution de l’aspirant. Elle est inévitablement soutenue, non seulement par le compagnonnage d’un maître accompli, mais surtout par l’orientation de son cœur vers cet initiateur en question. Celle-ci s’exprime par la confiance et l’amour. Notre contribution se propose, à travers l’héritage soufi et à partir des enseignements de quelques maîtres de confréries, de revoir les causes du sectarisme par une analyse de la notion de l’orientation du disciple. En plus, il s’agit d’interroger cet héritage quant aux remèdes possibles d’un tel extrémisme.

Kata puji dan syukur sepantasnya penulis panjatkan kepada
Allah  Swt  atas segala anugrah dan karunia-Nya, sehingga penulis
dapat menyelesaikan buku  ini. Shalawat serta salam semoga selalu
tercurah kepada Rasulullah  Saw, keluarganya, para sahabat, dan
pengikutnya yang selalu setia hingga akhir zaman.
Buku ini merupakan terjemah kitab adabul 'alim wal
muta'allim, dan  kitab al-akhlaq lil banin jilid 1&2  merupakan
sebuah buku yang menyajikan adab bagi pengajar (guru) dan juga
adab menuntut ilmu  bagi (pelajar). Kitab adabul 'alim wal
muta'allim ini merupakan karangan ulama besar Indonesia yaitu
Almarhum K.H Hasyim Asy'ari, dan  kitab al-akhlaq lil banin jilid
1&2 karya    Syaikh Umar bin Achmad Baradja. Kedua kitab
tersebut menjadi rujukan dalam etika atau adab-adab menuntut
ilmu. Beliau juga mengarang banyak kitab lainnya dan menjadi
rujukan bagi pembelajaran di Pesantren.
Adab atau tatakrama atau juga etika seorang guru, ustad
pengajar dalam mengajar memang perlu diperhatikan agar
memberikan kenyamanan bagi para pelajar, murid, santri. Begitu
pula dengan murid, santri, pelajar perlu menerapkan adab adab
menuntut ilmu agar ilmu yang diperoleh lebih barokah atau
bermanfaat.  Terakhir, penulis menyadari sepenuhnya bahwa tulisan ini
masih banyak kelemahan dan kekurangan. Oleh karena itu, kritik,
saran serta masukan yang konstruktif sangat penulis harapkan, dari
siapapun datangnya, besar harapan penulis untuk menghadirkan
tulisan ini ke permukaan sebagai wujud persembahan penulis
dalam dunia intlektual dan  semoga bermanfaat untuk banyak
orang. Akhir kata saya ucapkan terima kasih kepada Penerbit
Guepedia yang bersedia menerbitkan buku ini.
Wassalamu’alaikum Wr. Wb.
Selamat Membaca !
Kuningan,
Esa Agung Gumelar

Bu bildirimizde öncelikle, tarihî şahsiyeti daha evvel ortaya çıkarılmış bulunan Trabzonlu Köseç Ahmed Dede (öl.1777)’nin hayatı kısaca ele alınmıştır. Daha sonra Mevlevî âdâb, usûl ve erkânı hususunda özgün kaynak olarak vasıflandırılabilecek eserler arasında önemli bir yer işgal eden “et-Tuhfetü’l-Behiyye fi’t-Tarîkati’l-Mevleviyye” adlı te’lifi üzerinde durulmuştur.
Müellifin, Nakşî ve Halvetî iken Mevlevîliğe intisap ettikten sonra yazdığı bu eser; Arapça olmasının da tesiriyle kendisiyle aynı kaderi paylaşmıştır. Zira III. Selim’in Mevlevîliğe intisabına vesile olmaya varıncaya kadar yaşadığı asra damgasını vuran XVIII. yy’ın ünlü şâir ve mutasavvıfı Şeyh Gâlib’in yazdığı “es-Sohbetü’s-Sâfiyye” isimli tâlikâtla karıştırılmıştır. Bu yüzden Tuhfetü’l-Behiyye’nin Köseç Ahmed Dede’ye ait olduğu ortaya konulup nüshaları tanıtıldıktan sonra üzerinde yapılan çalışmalar ayrı ayrı değerlendirilmiştir.
Mevlevîliğin unutulmaya yüz tutan ve öğrenilmesi zorlaşan esaslarını meydana çıkarma bakımından ciddi katkılar sağlaması sebebiyle, ileri gelen Mevlevî büyüklerinin farklı seviyelerde ilgi gösterdiği risalenin; Mevlevilik açısından yerinin ne kadar önemli olduğu, dolayısıyla bilim dünyasının daha titiz incelemelerine muhtaç bulunduğu vurgulanmaya çalışılmıştır.

This is just the first few pages of the full article (due to Brill's copyright terms & policies). If interested and unable to access, please feel free to send me an email.

Summary
This article offers a new understanding of early modern Islam that goes beyond an exclusive emphasis on sharīʿa compliance. I show that early modern Ottoman thought recognized non-legal discourses as integral and constitutive parts of the Islamic tradition (sunna) through adopting the imagery of a bilingual heaven, specifically through the recognition of the sacred status of Persian alongside Arabic. In other words, two distinct configurations of the divine—legal and mystical-philosophical—coexisted in a bilingual heaven. Following ʿAnḳaravī and the Mevlevī tradition, I define a distinct Persianate Islam which had two main characteristics. The first characteristic was the recognition of the diversity of authoritative Islamic discourses, the second one was a positive propensity towards innovations.

The fourth/tenth century work 'Aǧā'ib al-hind, barrihi wa-baḥrihi wa-ǧazā'irihi ('The Marvels of India, its Land, Sea, and Islands'), ascribed to the sea captain (nāḫudāh) Buzurg ibn Šāhriyār al-Rāmhurmuzī, contains some 136 narratives and descriptions of the marvelous phenomena purportedly found in and around the Indian ocean. Although known to scholars for well over a century, the work’s literary aspects have received scant attention in previous scholarship. This article sheds a new light on the work’s literary character, by analyzing the narrative structure of its maritime adventure tales. The narrative analysis offered here (informed by C. Bremond’s narratological model) shows that all the maritime adventure tales in 'Aǧā'ib al-hind revolve around an encounter between seafarers and strange phenomena or 'marvels'. Two narrative patterns are detected: in one, the seafarers take heed of the phenomenon and act prudently toward it, which leads to their salvation; in the other, the seafarers ignore the phenomenon and act rashly, which leads to their demise. The tales are thus shown to emphasize moral and didactic principles such as patience and perseverance (ṣabr), observation (i'tibār), and moral responsibility (taklīf). A comparison of one of the tales with its parallels in the Sindbād cycle and in al-Tanūḫī’s al-Faraǧ ba'd al-Šidda further demonstrates the moral and didactic principles that underlie the narratives of 'Aǧā'ib al-hind.

Ce manuscrit fragmentaire du Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik d'Ibn Ḫurradāḏbih conservé à Meshhed présente une version plus complète de la description de l'Azerbaïdjan ainsi qu'une notice originale sur les Alains. En outre, il montre la manière dont l'auteur a travaillé en compilant des informations de sources diverses, parfois redondantes ou contradictoires. Et finalement, il éclaire par ses variantes la difficulté de donner une édition autoritative de l'ouvrage.

The notions of good and bad/evil in Islamic thought carries multifarious overtones, and their conceptual and linguistic translatability cannot be limited to gauging human conducts. The complexity of these notions is rooted in the interpretive associations of good and evil (khayr and sharr) to different domains of ethical reflections, which range from aesthetic undertones reflected in the Arabic terms qabīḥ and ḥasan (ugly and beautiful) and connotations to truth and falsehood associated to terms like ḥaqq and bāṭil but also to communal basis of what is praised and what is blamed such as mamdūḥ and madhmūm, as well as the legal spectrum of norms which includes the obligatory wājib, forbidden ḥarām as well as what is recommended mandūb and finally the metaphysical connotations associated to existence found in philosophical discussions of concepts such as the notion of the ultimate good al-khayr al-maḥḍ or khayriyyat al-wujūd. All these nuances deserve close attention when tackling Islamic ethics. This diversity is also captured in the nature of the reflection found in queries related to the ontology of good and evil, the nature/moral character of human and divine actions, the basis of normativity and the methods of norms construction in relation to scripture and communal practice, the origin of moral agency and responsibility in this world, the concept of happiness and misery and its realization both in this world and the hereafter, virtues and vices as well as theological and philosophical positions on theodicy, God’s moral code, the nature of creation, providence and the problem of evil, the nature of poetic discourse and its ethical dimension, as well as the psychological role of good and bad actions on the purification of the soul and its rapport to mystical aims. This conference is the first attempt to tap into the different conceptual discussions on the notion of good and evil in the variegated areas of knowledge production in Islam ranging from: philosophy, theology, jurisprudence, Sufism, Quranic exegesis, Hadith, and adab, and political thought in both classical and modern period.

Abstract: This article focuses on one of the most important – and the
least studied – centres of Christian Graeco-Arabic translation
activity: the region of Antioch after the Byzantine reconquest
of the city in 969. It discusses the most important Antiochene
translators: Antonios, Ibrāhīm ibn Yūḥannā, Gregory, Kyr
Chariton, Yānī ibn ad-Duks, Kyr Christopher ibn ad-Dawbalī
(or ad-Duwaylī), and especially ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍl (all of
them Arabic-speaking Orthodox Christians or »Melkites«).
Subsequently, it focuses on ʿAbdallāh ibn Faḍl’s still unpublished
masterpiece »Book of the Garden« (Kitāb ar-Rawḍa)
– an Arabic translation of the Byzantine »sacro-profane«
florilegium Loci communes (mis-ascribed to Maximus the
Confessor) – as an example of a Graeco-Arabic translation
produced in that milieu. The article includes a critical edition
and an English translation of chapter 56 of the »Book of the
Garden«, entitled »On ›Know Thyself‹«. ==== Zusammenfassung: Dieser Artikel konzentriert sich auf eines der wichtigsten
– und am wenigsten erforschten – Zentren christlicher griechisch-
arabischer Übersetzungstätigkeit: die Region Antiochien
nach der byzantinischen Rückeroberung der Stadt im
Jahr 969. Es werden zunächst die wichtigsten antiochenischen
Übersetzer besprochen: Antonios, Ibrahim ibn Yūḥannā,
Gregor, Kyr Chariton, Yāni ibn ad-Duks, Kyr Christopher ibn
ad-Dawbalī (oder ad-Duwaylī) und besonders ʿAbdallāh ibn
al-Faḍl, die alle arabisch sprechende orthodoxe Christen oder »Melkiten« waren. Anschließend wird das noch unveröffentlichte
Meisterwerk ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Faḍls »Kitāb ar-Rawḍa«
in den Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung gestellt – eine arabische
Übersetzung des byzantinischen (fälschlicherweise
Maximos Confessor zugeschriebenen) »sacro-profanen« Florilegs
Loci communes – als ein herausragendes Beispiel einer
griechisch-arabischen Übersetzung, die in diesem Umfeld
entstehen konnte. Der Artikel enthält eine kritische Ausgabe
und eine englische Übersetzung des Kapitels 56 des »Kitāb
ar-Rawḍa«, das den Titel »Über das: ›Erkenne dich selbst‹«
trägt.

Why jump into a sea, where everything is seemingly fleeting, floating, and fluid? There is not a single concept that offers solid ground to stand on: ‘religion’ is problematic, ‘culture’ elusive, ‘secularity’ contested, and ‘Islam’ one big question mark. ‘Identity’, to name that which looms so large in modern contexts, fares no better. Yet jump we must if we are to do more than critique conceptualisations that we consider flawed, and instead provide what is expected of academics: critical reflection that does justice to the subject at hand, while at the same time speaking to wider intellectual, moral, and political concerns. This paper contributes to the debate on multiple secularities by discussing conceptualisations of religion and culture and their relevance to articulations of secularity ‘in Islam’. Written from the perspective of historically grounded Islamic studies, with a focus on the period up to 1500, this paper nonetheless addresses current concerns, for while the secular and hints at secularity can be identified in pre-modern Muslim majority contexts, they only emerged as themes of theoretically informed debate in the modern period.

This article examines two panegyrics (praise poems) written for contemporaneous tenth-century rulers, Æthelstan (Athelstan, Aethelstan) of Anglo-Saxon England and ‘Abd al-Rahman III (‘Abd ar-Rahman, Abderraman), first amir then caliph of Umayyad Spain. The paper treats an anonymous praise poem for Æthelstan, "Carta dirige gressus," which portrays the Anglo-Saxon king as a Carolingian-style emperor of all Britain, and the historical urjuza of Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi (Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, Ibn ‘Abdrabbih), which recounts ‘Abd al-Rahman III’s military and political successes. The article argues that praise poetry is important in legitimating ideological novelties, but that clever panegyrists often created a space for themselves in the ideological webs they wove for their innovating rulers. Thus Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi especially linked the glory of caliphal power to a caliph's generosity toward praise poets like himself.

In classical Arabic literature, adab and history are closely related. Collections
such as al-Masʿūdī’s Murūj al-dhahab, Ibn Qutayba’s Kitāb al-Maʿārif or the Muʿjam
al-buldān by Yāqūt are proper hybrids of history and adab: History often includes adab
approaches, and adab regularly incorporates historical akhbār. The multivolume encyclopedia
al-ʿIqd al-farīd, “the Unique Necklace,” composed by the Andalusī Ibn ʿAbd
Rabbih (246/860-328/940) fits very well into the adab ideal of cultural broadness. In
addition to numerous historical anecdotes, the ʿIqd al-farīd incorporates a lengthy and
very peculiar monographic section on caliphal history, an early example of history in
adab. These passages have received little attention in the study of early Arabic historiography
so far; however, they definitely deserve a closer investigation.

Acompañado en sus interpretaciones por reconocidos estudiosos de los vínculos entre la literatura de España y el mundo árabe, como Luce López-Baralt, María Antonia Garcés, Jareer Abu-Haidar, Mohamed Akalay, Oumama Aouad Lahrach, Américo Castro y James T. Monroe, el crítico Michael Abeyta recuerda el hecho de que Cervantes tenía conocimiento profundo de la vida y de las costumbres de los mulsumanes. El mudejarismo de Cervantes--insiste Abeyta-- va mucho más allá del empleo de meros artificios literarios. A juicio del crítico, habría paralelos entre el tema del sufrimiento de los moriscos de España, sobre todo en cuanto a la censura y la literatura aljamiada, por un lado, y las experiencias que Cervantes vivió durante su cautiverio en Argel, por otro. Ahora bien: si el autor previene de que existen dificultades para comprobar documentalmente eso paralelismos, en todo caso el tema de los moriscos y las posibles referencias islámicas en al obra de Cervantes atestiguan que en esa obra hay trazos de la experiencia vital de contacto con el mundo árabe-islámico. Más precismente, Abeyta propone explorar la relación entre el Quijote y el género literario árabe de las māqamāt desde la perspectiva de la picaresca. Él propone la hipótesis de considerar las māqamāt como precursoras de la picaresca, porque tal vez desde allí sea posible descubrir las ocultas correspondencias de las māqamāt con el Quijote. [De la introducción a El Segundo Quijote (1615): Nuevas interpretaciones cuatro siglos después]. Este ensayo compara en particular al Quijote, la novela picaresca, las māqamāt y la sátira menipea como contragéneros, siguendo las pautas de Monroe. Examina el comienzo y el final del Quijote en comparación con las prácticas retóricas de las māqamāt y de la historiografía islámica. También compara a Don Quijote y Sancho con los pícaros españoles y los pícaros de las māqamāt como personajes ambulantes elocuentes y locuaces.

karangan : Mohammad Syafiq Ismail (Syafiq atTauhidi), semoga Allah mengampuninya dan kedua ibubapanya, amin.

Biografi Imam Sahnun ini dan sambungannya boleh dibaca penuh di dalam terjemahan Kitab Adab Para Guru yang telah kita selesai usahakan terjemahannya, pada 19 Muharram 1440H, semoga Allah memudahkan capaiannya kepada khalayak, dan menerimanya dengan
sebaik-baiknya, seperti yang layak bagi Yang Kasih. Hanya Dialah di balik cita

Two significant Sufi works have been transmitted from the Ottoman era until the 19th-and 20th century Egyptian countryside. First represented within the al-Azhar milieu, along the initiatory chains of the Ḫalwatiyya from the mid-18th century on, they then counted among the most sought-after sources for a number of Sheikhs who, after their training at the al-Azhar mosque, would then return teaching in the provinces. Brotherhoods were often founded after the death of the latter by their children, who would capitalize on their father’s legacy: his charisma, his works, and, sometimes his wealth and social status.
Far from being a homogeneous milieu of illiterate peasants, the Egyptian countryside was profoundly diverse, which has enabled the Sufi sheikhs up until this day to have at command numerous cultural intermediates among the craft workers, merchants and state officials, in order to spread out the Sufi culture. This fieldwork research helps us find in the Sufi practices the singular trace of these works, which are too often presented as thought merely abstract or theoretical, while they have consistently provided instructions to organize communal meetings and words for the daily prayers.

Burhān al-Dīn al-Nasafī’s epistle entitled al-Fuṣūl is a seminal work in terms of the
development, training, and teaching of the of ‚ilm al-khilāf (science of legal disputes) in
Islamic intellectual tradition. Yet the historically essential significance of this work is the fact
that it had paved the way to the origination of a revolutionary discipline of argumentation
called ādāb al-baḥth, which later on turned into a new field of science. Shams al-Dīn al-
Samarqandī, student of al-Nasafī, developed and systematized this new way of disputation in
an epistle entitled Risāla fī Ādāb al-Baḥth, thereby coining a new field of study. This
particular work of al-Samarqandī was based on al-Fuṣūl of his teacher al-Nasafī. In this study,
both al-Fuṣūl and Ādāb al-Baḥth are analyzed in a comparative fashion with a view to
detecting traces of evolution between the two theories of disputation. At the end of the article,
the first-time critical edition of the epistle of al-Fuṣūl is presented.

Pendidikan yang ditawarkan oleh KH. Hasyim Asy’ari adalah pendidikan yang berbasis karakter yang sedang digembar-gemborkan oleh Menteri Pendidikan saat ini untuk dijadikan sebagai acuan dalam pembentukan karakter peserta didik. Itu artinya pemikiran pendidikan pengasas organisasi Islam terbesar di dunia ini telah melampaui zamannya.Pokok-pokok pemikiran pendidikan KH. Hasyim Asy’Ari, dapat dengan jelas diketahui dalam kitabnya, “Adabul ‘Alim wal Muta’allim”

This article comprises three methodical vignettes centered on Mohamad
Hosayn Forughi’s life, his little-known Literary History, and the
broader cultural context to which it belonged. The brief biographical
section places the author in the emerging ecosystem of literary institutions
and journals in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, illustrating
his liminal position in the Qajar court and his role in creating a national
pedagogy based on which generations of Iranian students were
educated. The second section focuses on introducing his Literary
History by outlining its different sections, explaining what they mean
and why they were important to the formation of literary history as a
modern genre. The last vignette addresses the common historiographical
impulse of overestimating works of prominent intellectuals by
demonstrating how Forughi’s Literary History belonged to a much
broader social context in which similar ideas were in circulation.

El objetivo del presente estudio es ofrecer la peculiar versión árabe de dos relatos de distinta
procedencia recogidos por el visir granadino del siglo XIV Ibn al-Jaṭīb. El primero de ellos trata de la
conocida fábula griega de “El lobo y el cordero” que forma parte de las colecciones clásicas esópicas y
que fue incorporada por el visir granadino en su obra histórica
Kitāb A ́māl al-a ́lām.
El segundo relato
trata del cuento de origen oriental de “El lobo y el carnero” hasta ahora solo existente en la obra
castellana de
El caballero Zifar
(s. XIV),
narración que fue incluida también por Ibn al-Jaṭīb en una
supuesta carta enviada a Pedro I. El análisis de estos dos relatos pretende contribuir a reforzar la idea
de la existencia de una intensa y fluida relación cultural entre las tradiciones literarias occidentales y
orientales en la Península ibérica, especialmente durante los siglos XIII y XIV, que se manifiesta de
manera clara en las distintas y peculiares versiones existentes de estos relatos.

"The Tale of Salāmān and Absāl presented as a translation from Greek, attributed in the text’s opening lines to Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq is saturated with references from a wide-ranging variety of sources with an array of religious, cultural and textual orientations; these, as well as its generic affiliations, ideological leanings, location on the spiritual-metaphysical spectrum and Vorlagen have been studied by many. In this paper, I focus on the wording and literary forms of the text, some of which have been glossed over in the rendition of Henry Corbin, by which this text is often known. My point of departure is a collocation which draws on motifs and phraseology from popular sources, the canons of poetry and poetry in prose (including belles lettres elements in the Qur’ān), as well as terminology in medical literature in Arabic and Greek traditions. Through an analysis of phrasing drawing on philological methods of Blachère, Von Grunebaum, Arazi and others, a contextualization of this Tale (which is not covered in research on “profane love theory” e.g. by Lois Giffen) may lead to a reading of this Hermetic text within a repertoire of “romantic” commonplaces and innovations of expression. 

Keywords: Ḥunayn b. Isḥāq, Salāmān and Absāl, muḍṭariban maǧnūnan, popular literature, Greek, displaced erotic wording
"""""

The 13 th-century Persian poet Saʿdi from Shiraz is considered to be one of the most prominent representatives of medieval Persian ethical literature. His works full of moralizing anecdotes were well known and widely read not only in Persia, but in the other parts of the Islamic world as well. Due to his highly humanistic approach, the relations between people were one of the most important issues discussed by the poet. This article is an attempt to define the status of 'speech' in Saʿdi's moral imagination and to show how it becomes a key instrument in shaping relations with others. In the poet's opinion, the right words reasonably spoken, just like an appropriate silence, shape the relationship between people and help them avoid conflict and open dispute. Quarrels and confrontations, according to the poet, not only damage a person literally by exposing his flaws and imperfections of character, thereby compromising his reputation (aberu), but may also undermine the basis of social life, generating hostility between people. That is why Saʿdi urges his readers to use soft and gentle speech in dealing with people and always behave in a conciliatory manner in response to aggression and rudeness. Highlighting the moral aspect of speech, Saʿdi shows how kind words form an invisible veil between people, which should be preserved if man desires to maintain his image, good name and dignity. In many cultures, the highest-ranking relation a human being was capable of entering into was his relationship with God. Yet in Antiquity the classical authors focused their attention on the essence of a meeting between two human beings. In European culture

The goal of this paper is to provide a bird’s eye view on what might qualify as ‘the mother of all distinctions’ within Islamicate history affecting the regulation of human conduct. It is a rather ‘soft’ distinction, whereby the ethical and literary tradition of adab works as an harmonious counterpoint, more than as a sheer alternative, to the normative discourse subsumed under the notion of shari‘a, the law originating from Divine will (shar‘). Adab does so, however, while clearly affirming a distinctive, non-divine (and in this sense ‘secular’) source of norms of human interaction. The paper is divided into two parts: the first delineates the traits of adab in pre-colonial times, while the second focuses on key transformations it underwent during the colonial era.

Mencontoh Nabi Shallallaahu ‘Alayhi Wa Sallam dalam setiap urusan adalah
amalan yang dicintai oleh Allah ‘Azza Wa Jalla, meski ittiba’ tersebut dilakukan dalam
beberapa perkara yang tidak wajib, termasuk didalam perkara mengenai menjaga waktu
dari terbuang sia-sia karena terlalu banyak tertawa dan senda gurau. Sebab, orang yang
mencintai tidak akan melihat perbedaan antara yang wajib dan selainnya. Namun, ia
akan senantiasa mengikuti perilaku yang dicintainya, lantaran kecintaannya kepadanya.
Hal ini telah diketahui oleh orang-orang yang memiliki cinta sejati dan yang
berpengetahuan.

~Ibnnu 'Umar ('Affan ibn 'Umar al-Bughory, S.Kom, M.H.)

Abstract
Since the Islamic conquest of Iran persistent elements of Zoroastrian Iran have proved controversial for Islamic dogmas imposed by different dynasties until the eighteenth century.
Under both Qajar and Pahlevi regimes, a policy of secularization that promoted the Zoroastrian heritage tried to aweake Islam. This policy would later be persecuted by the Islamic Republic.
However, it would be interesting to expose the different elements in the confluence between the zorostriana heritage and Islam in Iran what could allows a glimpse of a possible perspective to set aside mutual hostility looms.
Thus we believe that, in all studied areas of confluence between the Zoroastrian identity and Islamic, we believe it is in the religious conception where this relationship is given, therefore we consider necessary to emphasize this element as an example of syncretism between both identities.  This way we suppose that we could demonstrate that both elements are not incompatible in shaping Iranian identity.


Key words: Zoroastrian heritage, Islam, Iran, relationship


Desde la conquista islámica de Irán la persistencia de elementos del Irán zoroastriano han resultado controvertidos para los dogmas islámicos impuestos por las diferentes dinastías hasta el siglo XVIII.
El régimen de los Qayar y bajo el régimen de los Pahlevi, se impulsó una política de secularización que promovió la herencia zoroastriana en detrimento del Islam, más tarde  perseguida por la República Islámica.
Sin embargo, sería interesante exponer los diferentes elementos en los que se vislumbra la confluencia entre la herencia zorostriana y el Islam en Irán de forma que permita vislumbrar una posible perspectiva que anule la hostilidad mutua.
De esta forma consideramos que, de todos los ámbitos de confluencia entre la identidad zoroastriana y la islámica estudiados, creemos que es en el religioso donde más se da esta relación, por tanto consideramos necesario destacar este elemento como ejemplo de sincretismo entre ambas identidades. De esta forma creemos poder demostrar que ambos elementos no son incompatibles en la configuración de la identidad iraní.

Palabras clave: Herencia zoroastriana, Islam, Irán, relación.