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2001, Regimes of Hoarding, 2001, A.J. Nijboer, pp. 35-44 In: Caecvlvs IV; Interpreting Deposits: Linking Ritual with Economy. Groningen Institute of Archaeology, ISBN 90-367-1297-1
European Journal of Philosophy
Acquiring reason2022 •
In the last decades, there has been a far-reaching debate about whether reason is a natural power of the human animal or a socio-historical achievement. This paper brings out and criticizes two paradigmatic views of reason entangled in that dilemma: the substantive view which construes reason as a primitive power possessing the basic forms of intelligibility; and the derivative view which traces back reason to non-rational, natural-historic processes. I approach the issue by discussing how Aristotle addresses the underlying predicament in Metaphysics Theta. The predicament persuades us to overdetermine or underdetermine our natural potentiality for reason because it ignores what I call Aristotle's main insight: the understanding from which rational capacities are exercised is acquired by undertaking appropriate activities. The measure of rational capacities is neither merely naturally determined nor merely socio-historically inherited but relies on the engagement with the things falling under the purview of the pertaining activities. We must recover this Aristotelian insight, I argue, to avoid succumbing to either the substantive or the derivative view of reason.
Agnes - Cadernos de Pesquisa em Teoria da Religião
SÁ MENEZES, Rodrigo Inácio R. "O mal no pensamento moderno: uma história alternativa da filosofia", de Susan Neiman (resenha). In: Agnes - Cadernos de Pesquisa em Teoria da Religião, nº 8, 1º sem. 2008, p. 191-201.Resenha publicada em Agnes - Cadernos de Pesquisa em Teoria da Religião, nº 8, 2008, revista vinculada ao programa de pós-graduação em Ciências da Religião da PUC-SP.
Evidentiality has been shown to regularly grammaticalize in equipollent contrasts in the Himalayan region (Zemp 2020). In Amdo Tibetan, for example, *V-tha(l) ‘went past V-ing’ (employing the simple past of tha(l) ‘go past’) became contrasted with V-s-’dug ‘was there, having undergone V’ (employing the simple past of ’dug ‘stay, be there’ after a resultative verb form V-s). Through this contrast the two constructions became conventionalized as direct and indirect evidentials, that is, they respectively came to indicate whether a past event was directly witnessed or inferred from circumstantial evidence, see examples (1) and (2) below. In western dialects of Tibetan, ’dug ‘was there’ became contrasted with the existential copula yod ‘is there’. While ’dug thereby came to mean that a present state was directly witnessed, yod came to mean that the speaker simply knows that state. In Ladakhi Tibetan, rag ‘was felt’ developed into a third existential evidential meaning that a current state was directly witnessed non-visually. Direct evidential ’dug thereby became restricted to contexts in which something was seen. Equipollent evidential contrasts are also found in other regions of the world, such as the Caucasus (Khalilova 2011), the New Guinea Highlands (San Roque & Loughnane 2012), and the Americas (e.g. Cherokee in North America, see Aikhenvald 2004: 26–7 and Pulte 1985). Jarawara (a language of the southern Amazone, Dixon 2003) has contrasting sets of endings indicating direct and indirect evidence (and agreeing with the subject for person, number, and gender) for the immediate and the recent past tense. Tuyuca (an unrelated Eastern Tucanoan language of the northern Amazone, Barnes 1984), in addition to sets of direct and indirect endings has a set of direct non-visual endings, which appear to have restricted the other direct endings to visual evidence (including events which the speaker performed herself). Note that all the discussed evidentials have a neatly defined evidential value (i.e. they indicate how the speaker knows the information conveyed in a statement) which is consistent across the contexts in which they occur. The shared tense-aspect values of contrasting evidentials point to the contexts in which their contrasting implications grammaticalized, that is, in which the evidentials became defined against each other. In stark contrast to this evidence, it has been common practice among linguists working on evidentiality for the past fifty years to attribute a ‘visual evidential’ value to unmarked verb forms in languages in which there are inferential and/or reportative constructions containing additional morphemes. For Desano (another Eastern Tucanoan language), e.g., Kaye (1970) infers that the unmarked verb form in (4) implies “direct observation” from the fact that it lacks the -jo- morpheme which indicates that a past event is inferred in (3), and because (4) may indeed occur in contexts in which the speaker saw the event referred to (beware that ‘E’ in (3) stands for evidential, but has no phonetic substance, even if it stands in the transcription line). For the majority of languages Aikhenvald (2004: 72ff.) adduces in her discussion of this issue, the ‘visual analysis’ of an unmarked verb form is supported by one example sentence at the most. Consulting the grammatical descriptions of the respective languages, we may thus identify the same recurrent argument reversal: if an unmarked verb form occurs in a context in which the event referred to was likely or could have been directly witnessed, it is assigned a ‘visual evidential’ value. Languages such as Tariana and Hup (Epps 2005), on the other hand, where the unmarked verb form is documented in various contexts, helped establishing the idea that it is common for ‘visual evidentials’ to refer to “generally known facts” or to events for which the speaker “takes full responsibility” (Aikhenvald 2004: 191), but that they rarely actually signal that an event was observed. This paper proposes to analyze as evidentials only verb forms which consistently convey a specific evidential meaning, to stop attributing evidential values solely based on cross-linguistic parallels, and to re-establish the zero-hypothesis that a construction which is formally unmarked in terms of evidentiality is also functionally unmarked. Amdo Tibetan (Sun 1993: 950): (1) ʈʂaɕʰi=kə ʰtæ ɲu=tʰæ Bkra-shis=ERG horse buy=DIREV ‘(I saw that) Tashi bought a horse.’ (2) ʈʂaɕʰi=kə ʰtæ ɲu=zəg Bkra-shis=ERG horse buy=INDIREV ‘(It appears that) Tashi bought a horse.’ Desano (Kaye 1970: 34): (3) igyN widi + á + waa + jo + biN he leave ~pres.* happen ev. p.e. ‘he has left (I did not see him go but he is not here now)’ (4) igyN widi + á + waa + E + biN he leave ~pres. happen ev. p.e. ‘he has left (I saw him and he is still away)’ *According to footnote 1 in Kaye (1970: 31), ‘p. e.’ stands for “any personal ending”, and ‘~pres.’ for “non-present tense”. References: Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2004. Evidentiality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Barnes, Janet. 1984. Evidentials in the Tuyuca Verb. International Journal of American Linguistics 50: 255–71. Dixon, R. M. W. 2003. Evidentiality in Jarawara. In Alexandra Aikhenvald and R. M. W. Dixon (eds.), Studies in Evidentiality, pp. 165–88. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Epps, Patience. 2005. Areal diffusion and the development of evidentiality: Evidence from Hup. Studies in Language 29: 617–50. Kaye, Jonathan. 1970. The Desano Verb: Problems in Semantics, Syntax and Phonology. Ann Arbor: UMI. Khalilova, Zaira. 2011. Evidentiality in Tsezic languages. Linguistic Discovery 9(2): 30–48. Pulte, William. 1985. The experienced and non-experienced past in Cherokee. International Journal of American Linguistics 51: 543–4. San Roque, Lila, and Robyn Loughnane. 2012. The New Guinea Highlands evidentiality area. Linguistic Typology 16(1): 111–67. Sun, Jackson T.-S. 1993. Evidentials in Amdo Tibetan. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 63(4): 143–88. Zemp, Marius. 2020. Evidentials and their pivot in Tibetic and neighboring Himalayan languages. Functions of Language 27(1): 29–54.
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