J. Joseph Porter
The Sublime and the Unspeakable in the 137th Psalm
“There are good reasons,” Frederick Buechner writes, “for not reading it” (Buechner, 41)
— the Bible, that is. “It is a swarming compost of a book, an Irish stew of poetry and
propaganda, law and legalism, myth and murk, history and hysteria” (43) — a book in which
“the sublime and the unspeakable are always jostling each other” (42). Buechner mentions Psalm
137, “which starts out ‘By the waters of Babylon, there we sat down and wept’ and ends ‘Happy
shall he be who takes your little ones and dashes them against the rock!’” (42).
Even when translated “as unpoetically as possible” (Brenner 76), the first two stanzas of
Psalm 137 (vv. 16) are indeed sublime:
On the rivers of Babylon
There we sat, and cried
When we remembered Zion
On willows within it we hung up our harps
For there our captors asked us for words of song
And our enemies, for joy
“Sing to us a song of Zion!”
How can we sing Yhwh's song on foreign soil?
If I forget you, Jerusalem, let my right [arm] be forgotten,
Let my tongue stick to my palate if I do not remember you,
If I do not remember Jerusalem first, in my joy. (Psalm 137.16, Brenner’s
translation)
Babylon is a seemingly idyllic land of rivers and lowhanging trees — but it is not Zion, and so
the psalmist and his Judahite companions weep. Babylon no longer bears a threat to them —
there is no hint that their safety or wellbeing are at risk; it is not even clear that their captors
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intend to mock them (Brenner, 78) — but it is not Zion, and so they cannot sing: “How can we
sing Yhwh’s song on foreign soil?”
And yet, precisely because the psalm’s first two stanzas are so sublime, its jarring third
stanza is all the more unspeakable:
Remember, O Lord, against the Edomites
The day of Jerusalem’s fall,
How they said, “Tear it down! Tear it down!
Down to its foundations!”
O daughter Babylon, you devastator!
Happy shall they be who pay you back
What you have done to us!
Happy shall they be who take your little ones
And dash them against the rock! (Psalm 137.79, NRSV)
The psalm’s change of mood from lamentation to imprecation is first alarming, and then
appalling: “The spirit of revenge is overpowering, especially in the chilling final verse, with its
images of innocent babies having their brains smashed out on rocks” (Stowe, 97).
What are we to make of this psalm? And what are we to do with it? It is a sublime song
about not singing, a remembrance of an oath never to forget, and yet also a lament warped into
an unspeakable curse. Some have excised the last three verses from their liturgies and songs
(Brenner, 86; Stowe, 9798), and thus from their memories; the New Oxford Annotated Bible
even suggests that Psalm 137 may be a combination of two separate compositions (OAB, 894).
Whether or not that is the case, however, “[t]he interpreter … has to account for [the] whole
passage,” because there appears to be “no ancient witness … that omits vv. 79 from the biblical
text” (Brenner, 86).
In this essay, I will argue that Psalm 137 is a text which, regardless of its actual date of
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composition, recounts both the grief and the rage of Judahites uprooted and exiled to Babylon
during the sixth century BC. Through the centuries, of course, the psalmist’s Babylon has been
understood as a symbol for Rome (Brenner, 82), Great Britain (Stowe, 100), and many other
empires; in fact, at least one commentator contends that the psalmist himself meant for
“Babylon” (or “Edom”) to be “either symbolic … or else nonspecific, referring to any political
and military oppressor” (Brenner, 86). Its original meaning, however, strikes me as both specific
and nonsymbolic: It is a lament over Jerusalem, a song of love for Zion, and a song also of
hatred for Babylon and Edom, a call for vengeance upon them.
I will argue, furthermore, that Psalm 137 has come down to us today most importantly as
an enduring reminder that “one can be a victim and a perpetrator at the same time” (Brenner, 80);
that the line between the two is often blurred, or even nonexistent. Undoubtedly, Psalm 137 is
also a fruitful resource particularly for the exiled and oppressed. It “is highly adaptable, open to a
variety of interpretations. [...] Its Babylon can stand for any oppressive power or force of
injustice, whether political, cultural, or spiritual” (Stowe, 96). And yet its deeper lesson is
germane for all of us, exiles or not, oppressors or oppressed: “[T]he dialogic condition of being
perpetrator as well as victim is a distinct human condition” (Brenner, 89). One man’s Judah is
another man’s Babylon. The sublime and the unspeakable, though they jostle each other, rarely
stray too far from each other’s side.
As has been noted, Psalm 137 may be divided into three sections: vv. 14, 56, and 79
(Stowe, 96). The first is a communal lament in exile over Jerusalem: “By the rivers of Babylon—
/ There we sat down and there we wept / When we remembered Zion” (Psalm 137.1). The exiled
Judahites hang up their harps (137.2), refusing to sing (or play) when their captors ask them for a
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song (137.34). The second is the psalmist’s personal oath not to forget Jerusalem, or else to
become unable to play or to sing (OAB, 894): “If I forget you, O Jerusalem, / Let my right hand
wither! / Let my tongue cling to the roof of my mouth, / If I do not remember you” (Psalm
137.56). (Stowe perceives the musical and personal nature of the punishment in William
Billings’ adaptation of Psalm 137, but apparently not in the psalm itself; Stowe, 101.) The third
is a communal curse against Edom and Babylon, who tore down and devastated Jerusalem
(137.78): “Happy shall they be who pay you back / What you have done to us! / Happy shall
they be who take your little ones / And dash them against the rock!” (137.89). Psalm 137
therefore seems to be a lament written either by or from the perspective of “[a]n exiled people,
weeping, remembering the homeland and the temple in Jerusalem, destroyed by Babylonians in
587/6 B.C.E.” (Stowe, 97). Its “dominant motifs” of exile, memory, and “verbal revenge” all
accord with such an origin (Brenner, 78).
The description of exile in Psalm 137 does not appear to contradict the historical record
— though, admittedly, “[w]e are not well served … by our Old Testament sources for any
attempt to write … even a historical sketch of the exilic period, whether of conditions in Judah
itself or among the Judaeans deported to Babylonia” (Nicholson, 48; cf. Meyers, 210, 213). The
impact of Babylonian conquest varied throughout Judah; while “the settled area in the environs
of Jerusalem … was decimated,” Benjamin seems to have been left mostly “untouched”
(Meyers, 210211); in fact, the town of Mizpah in Benjamin served as “an active administrative
city during the neoBabylonian period” (212).
Those Judahites who did not remain in Judah but were exiled to Babylon “quickly
integrated themselves into the Babylonian economy” (214; cf. Nicholson, 4344) and made no
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plans to return home soon (Nicholson, 44) — as both biblical evidence (such as Jeremiah 29) and
extrabiblical evidence (such as sixthcentury neoBabylonian texts referring to a City of Judah
in Babylon) suggest (Meyers, 213214; Nicholson, 4243). There is “little indication” that the
Babylonians enslaved the Judahites or “greatly interfere[d] with their cultural autonomy”
(Meyers, 216). On the contrary, many of the Judahites participated in “legal, commercial, and
administrative matters … engaging in various occupations and even, it seems, holding minor
local administrative office” (Nicholson, 43). Nevertheless, they also “felt the loss of their
homeland deeply” (Meyers, 214), as well as the difficulty of “retain[ing] and sustain[ing] their
own national, cultural, and religious identity among the ethnically and culturally mixed populace
of Babylonia” (Nicholson, 47).
Psalm 137’s poetic portrayal appears to match this depiction of life in exile. The “dire,
visceral imagery” (Meyers, 210) of Lamentations’ account of life in vanquished Jerusalem is
wholly absent from the psalm; in keeping with the documented prosperity of the Judahite exiles
in comparison with the Jerusalemites, it records no physical or economic distress, but only the
“devastating loss” of displacement from home (216). (Indeed, Psalm 137 is the “classic
statement” of this loss; Meyers, 214). Moreover, the psalmist’s fear of forgetting Jerusalem
seems entirely reasonable given that “the exiles deported to Babylonia in the early sixth century
were destined to live out their lives there” (Nicholson, 41). Consequently, it also seems
reasonable to date the setting and composition to the exilic or early postexilic period, as most
biblical scholars in fact do (Brenner, 81).
Despite this correspondence, Athalya Brenner has proposed that Psalm 137 postdates the
exilic and early postexilic periods and is “historically nonspecific” (Brenner, 86), written not
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with the Babylonian exile in view but rather “any exile situation” (86). She lists several
arguments in defense of this proposal. First, Psalm 137 uses qatal rather than wayyiqtol verbal
forms, which are chronologically vague and “[indicate] a later composition date” (8182).
Second, Babylon and Edom both sometimes serve as symbols for other empires (especially
Rome) in Jewish and Christian texts (8284). In addition, there is no evidence that of “specific
firsthand suffering” on the part of the psalmist (84) — no evidence that he himself “participated
personally in the Babylonian exile” (85) — and also no evidence that any enemy of Israel or
Judah ever crushed their children against rocks (86). As a result, Brenner asserts not only that
Psalm 137 was written long after the Babylonian exile but also that it does not specifically
address that exile (86).
Brenner’s arguments for this second position strike me as unconvincing. It is true that
both Jewish and Christian texts sometimes use Babylon as a symbol of Rome and other empires.
However, this symbolic usage does not seem to have developed until the rise of the Roman
Empire, centuries after even the latest parts of the Hebrew Bible — when all the texts which
Brenner cites in support of her argument (Revelation, 2 Baruch, 2 Esdras, the Sibylline Oracles,
and so on) were written. It is telling, after all, that she mentions no other examples from the
Hebrew Bible of such a symbolic usage of “Babylon.”
Brenner also claims that “the introduction of Edom alongside Babylon is problematic”
(Brenner, 83), presumably because the exiles were brought to Babylon and not to Edom. But
Brenner herself offers an explanation for the reference to the Edomites when she mentions their
“historical behavior during the destruction of Jerusalem” (83). If the Edomites assisted Babylon
in Jerusalem’s destruction, then their appearance in Psalm 137 is hardly grounds for its historical
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nonspecificity — even if symbolic usage of “Edom” “harks back to biblical times” (84).
Finally, neither the supposed lack of evidence in Psalm 137 of the psalmist’s own
suffering nor the lack of evidence of the smashing of Judahite children compels us to interpret
the psalm as Brenner does. Again, Brenner herself notes “evidence of suffering and being away
from one’s own territory” in the psalm (Brenner, 84), as well as its reference to murdered
children not unlike the children mourned in Lamentations (84). It is therefore unclear what
further evidences of the psalmist’s suffering Brenner requires — particularly in light of the
Babylonians’ tolerable treatment of the Judahite exiles. Of course, Brenner’s remark that there is
no evidence of the smashing of Judahite children is correct. But the reference to such smashing
can still be explained easily enough as poetical hyperbole on the psalmist’s part, without the
further supposition of historical nonspecificity. Brenner’s purported similarities between Psalm
137 and Jeremiah 51 do not seem nearly overt enough to demonstrate “conscious literary
borrowing” rather than personal suffering on the part of the psalmist (84).
Thus, I maintain the belief that Psalm 137 specifically concerns the Babylonian exile. I
also am not yet persuaded to reject an exilic or early postexilic dating of the psalm. I do not
doubt that “its language is probably later than that of the exilic or early postexilic period”
(Brenner, 86). However, I find it unlikely that such a passionate psalm about the Babylonian
exile would have been written centuries after that exile. Babylon’s rule over Judah was followed
by Persia’s, when Cyrus conquered Babylon in 539 BC. But Cyrus allowed the exiles to return
and dealt with the Judahites well enough to “[fulfill] the quasimessianic hopes of
DeuteroIsaiah” (Meyers, 218). Why would a Judahite compose a psalm lamenting over
Jerusalem and cursing Babylon long after being permitted to return to Jerusalem and witnessing
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Babylon’s defeat? (As Brenner concedes, “the vehemence of the last stanza … still has to be
accounted for” even if we accept her interpretation; Brenner, 86.) Perhaps, then, the language of
Psalm 137 shows only that it was revised or edited after its original composition, such that its
present form dates to well after the early postexilic period. At the very least, I am not yet
compelled to reject an exilic or early postexilic dating of the psalm.
In any case, regardless of the circumstances of its original setting and composition, Psalm
137 has persisted in the memories of different exiled and oppressed peoples for over two
millennia. After the Titus’ destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70, for instance, some Jews identified
the psalm’s Babylon and Edom with Rome (Brenner, 82). But it is in the New World that Psalm
137 has flourished; according to David Stowe, “[n]o song text has exerted a more sustained pull
on the political imagination of Americans than Psalm 137” (Stowe, 95). Psalm 137 “[appears] in
the first Englishlanguage book published in North America” (95) and was set by several Puritan
psalmists (9899). William Billings, “America’s first significant homegrown composer” (99),
adapted it memorably in his anthem “Lamentation Over Boston” (100); Frederick Douglass
quoted it verbatim in his famous speech “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?”, noting the
resemblance of the Babylonian captors’ request to the demands made of enslaved Africans in the
United States to perform their songs (103). It resurfaced a hundred years later “in a completely
new musical guise, the protoreggae version first recorded in 1969 by the Melodians” (96). Since
then, it “has been covered numerous times by groups representing a variety of musical styles:
gospel, disco, country rock, alternative, hip hop” (96). Its theme of “cultural dispossession and
exile” has resonated with “large numbers of people over the course of American history. It offers
a memorable image of uprooted people languishing beside a river, called to make music but
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unsure how to proceed” (96).
Nevertheless, as Stowe also observes, Psalm 137’s message is ambiguous (Stowe, 105).
Stowe notices ambiguity in Frederick Douglass’ use of the psalm — “[I]s [Douglass] comparing
the [United States] to Babylon, that signifier of oppressive evil? Or is Douglass drawing an
analogy between white Americans and the preExilic Jews whose sin brought on the destruction
of Jerusalem?” (104) — and traces that ambiguity back to the psalm itself. In so doing, he agrees
with Brenner in her claim that the psalm reveals to us the ambiguous and “dialogic condition of
being perpetrator as well as victim” (Brenner, 89). Brenner, in fact, reads Psalm 137 alongside
Jan T. Gross’ book Neighbors, which recounts the “total annihilation of a Jewish community” in
the Polish town of Jedwabne at the hands of its Catholic neighbors in 1941 (78). The Catholic
Poles of Jedwabne, Brenner writes, were both victims and perpetrators (88): victims of both
Russian and German invaders (79), and perpetrators of a genocide within their own town. Their
grief at the devastation of their homeland led them to round up their Jewish neighbors, force
them to sing, and murder their children (7879). If these Poles — educated, civilized, modern —
can become both victims and perpetrators, Brenner argues, then “everyone can function as both
simultaneously or successively” (88).
The sublime and the unspeakable, then, jostle each other in Psalm 137, in Jedwabne, and
in all of us. Stowe and other commentators are mistaken to detect an “intense contrast between
the reverent spirit of the first six verses [of the psalm] and the unbridled malice of the last three”
(Stowe, 97) — for the sublime and the unspeakable go hand in hand, in Psalm 137 as almost
anywhere else. The sublime grief of the first six verses brings about the unspeakable rage of the
last three; Psalm 137 is in every respect “an integrated whole” (Brenner, 86).
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This, of course, is why Psalm 137 and the rest of the Bible are worth reading. The Bible
teaches us about ancient Israel, but it teaches us no less about ourselves:
[J]ust because it is a book about both the sublime and the unspeakable, it
is a book also about life the way it really is. It is a book about people who
at one and the same time can be both believing and unbelieving, innocent
and guilty, crusaders and crooks, full of hope and full of despair. In other
words, it is a book about us (Buechner, 43).
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Works Cited
Brenner, Athalya. “‘On the Rivers of Babylon’ (Psalm 137), Or Between Victim and
Perpetrator.” Sanctified Aggression: Legacies of Biblical and Post Biblical Vocabularies of
Violence. Ed. Jonneke Bekkenkamp and Yvonne Sherwood. London: T&T Clark
International, 2003.
Buechner, Frederick. Beyond Words: Daily Readings in the ABC's of Faith. New York:
HarperSanFrancisco, 2004.
Coogan, Michael David, Marc Z. Brettler, Carol A. Newsom, and Pheme Perkins, eds. The New
Oxford Annotated Bible. New York: Oxford UP, 2010.
Meyers, Eric M., and Sean Burt. “Exile and Return: From the Babylonian Destruction to the
Beginnings of Hellenism.” Ancient Israel: From Abraham to the Roman Destruction of the
Temple. Ed. Hershel Shanks. Washington: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1999.
Nicholson, Ernest W. Deuteronomy and the Judaean Diaspora. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2014.
Stowe, David W. “Babylon Revisited: Psalm 137 as American Protest Song.” Black Music
Research Journal 32.1 (Spring 2012): 95112.
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