farid hafez
Williams College, Global Studies, Faculty Member
- Political Theory, Comparative Politics, Race and Racism, Islam in Europe, Islamophobia, Islamic Studies, and 14 morePolitical Islam, Islamic Political Thought, Popular Music, Youth Studies, Social Movements, Orientalism, Muslim Minorities, Political Science, Antisemitism (Prejudice), Extreme and Far Right, Race and Ethnicity, Islam, Racism, and Critical Thinkingedit
While fun is the ostensible object of hip hop music, the politically conscious aspect of hip hop culture was part of Austrian hip hop from the very beginning. Against a dominant view that Austrian hip hop was an apolitical genre carried... more
While fun is the ostensible object of hip hop music, the politically conscious aspect of hip hop culture was part of Austrian hip hop from the very beginning. Against a dominant view that Austrian hip hop was an apolitical genre carried by White Austrian middle-class artists only, this article explores the political messages in the early stages of German-speaking Austrian hip hop music. Although only few hip hop artists—especially marginalized youth and people of color—explicitly connected issues of racism in Austria with the African American experience, many Austrian rappers conveyed a political message that related to their immediate environment. U.S.-American hip hop introduced rappers to a more global perspective on politics and was thus an educational cultural project. At the same time, most hip hop groups targeted the political far-right. And racism in a unique Austrian context had even supported political movements.
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Islamophobic mobilization has become a crucial aspect of right-wing populist mobilization. Hafez’s article focuses on the case of the Visegrád Four countries: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. Based on reportedly widespread... more
Islamophobic mobilization has become a crucial aspect of right-wing populist mobilization. Hafez’s article focuses on the case of the Visegrád Four countries: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. Based on reportedly widespread hostility against Muslims among the population in this region, one would assume a large potential for street-level activism analogous to the German Pegida. Yet, attempts to organize grassroots Islamophobic movements have not been particularly successful in the Visegrád Four. Using social movement theory, Hafez explains this by the fact that the issue of Muslim migration has been appropriated by the ruling parties, leaving little opportunity for independent grassroots mobilization.
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This paper seeks to explain Austria's Islam-related politics by first suggesting that it can be best understood in terms of neo-institutionalist path-dependency and consociationalist policy-making. This is due to the fact that Austria... more
This paper seeks to explain Austria's Islam-related politics by first suggesting that it can be best understood in terms of neo-institutionalist path-dependency and consociationalist policy-making. This is due to the fact that Austria gave Islam full legal recognition in 1912. Important institutional patterns and policies grew out of this law in the Second Republic, whose persistence we want to examine. The Islamic Religious Community constituted itself under public law as a neo-corporatist interest group for Muslims in Austria in 1979. More recently, the government's approach toward Islam has shifted. This change can be best accounted for by party competition in which the far-right Freedom Party of Austria has sought to monopolize this issue. Consequently, this paper explores the contradictions between, on the one hand, the long-established principle of state neutrality and evenhandedness when dealing with various legally recognized religious communities and, on the other hand, discriminatory Islam-related politics.
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Today, a number of European states' policies on religion aim at creating a nationalized Islam. In many Western European countries, the Ministries of the Interior have institutionalized 'dialogue platforms' to discuss issues of Islam,... more
Today, a number of European states' policies on religion aim at creating a nationalized Islam. In many Western European countries, the Ministries of the Interior have institutionalized 'dialogue platforms' to discuss issues of Islam, society, inclusion and extremism with Muslim actors. This reveals the implicit assumptions of these governments when talking to Mus-lims. The underlying message is that Muslims pose a security threat to the state and society, a perception that is manifested in many countries, and that Muslims are seen simultaneously as a threat and an ally. This article analyzes the Ministry of Interior's attempts to institutionalize Islam in the cases of Austria, Germany, and France and it compares these states in order to investigate different modes of operation, similarities and differences.
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This chapter deals with the impact of one of the main drivers of what has been called the “organized Islamophobia Network” (OIN) in the USA or “Islamophobic elite movements from above”. It is one of the first studies to look at European... more
This chapter deals with the impact of one of the main drivers of what has been called the “organized Islamophobia Network” (OIN) in the USA or “Islamophobic elite movements from above”. It is one of the first studies to look at European based think tanks and their role in defining and excluding Muslim civil society organizations. It specifically looks at how the Brussels-based think tank “European Foundation for Democracy” (EFD), which has a transatlantic relationship, systematically produces knowledge to define vocal and representative actors of the Muslim civil society as potentially radical and Islamist, which then should lead to state and civil society exclusion. The strategy of constructing Muslim Brotherhood-affiliations to the aforementioned actors is analyzed as part of a larger strategy of defamation and delegitimization. Two cases, Austria and Sweden, are analyzed in detail.
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Dieser Artikel untersucht die österreichische Islampolitik zwischen 2011 und 2017 an den Schnittstellen von postkolonial informierter Politikwissenschaft und Religionspolitik. Mithilfe des Foucault’schen Dispositivs wird die... more
Dieser Artikel untersucht die österreichische Islampolitik zwischen 2011 und 2017 an den Schnittstellen von postkolonial informierter Politikwissenschaft und Religionspolitik. Mithilfe des Foucault’schen Dispositivs wird die österreichische Islampolitik mittels einer Analyse von Publikationen, Presseaussendungen, Regierungs- und Parteiprogrammen, sowie Gesetzen herausgearbeitet. Vor dem Hintergrund einer für Österreich identifizierten restriktiven Integrationspolitik, die einer inklusiven Sprechart gegenübersteht, wird nachgezeichnet, dass für die Islampolitik Ähnliches zu verzeichnen ist. Zusätzlich zu einer Ambivalenz von sprachlicher Inklusion und politischer Restriktivität ist eine Kooptierung von rechten Positionen zu erkennen.
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The content of right-wing populism is currently built largely upon Islamophobic mobilization, whereas, before the Second Republic of Austria, anti-Semitism was the principal content of populism in Austria. This article engages in a... more
The content of right-wing populism is currently built largely upon Islamophobic mobilization, whereas, before the Second Republic of Austria, anti-Semitism was the principal content of populism in Austria. This article engages in a comparative discussion of the anti-Semitic propaganda deployed by political parties before the rise of the Austrofascist state and National Socialist rule in Austria and Islamophobic propaganda in present-day Austria. Specifically, the article compares the anti-Semitic discourse of “Jewification” that circulated between 1876 and 1934 with the current Islamophobic discourse of “Islamization,” which is used by political parties such as the right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) and the Christian democratic Austrian People's Party (ÖVP), which together currently form the coalition government in the Republic of Austria. This article comparatively investigates anti-Semitic and Islamophobic topoi to consider what continuities and shifts have occurred within the imagining of the (Oriental) Jewish and Muslim “other.”
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In this commentary, I deal with how the governing conservative Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) managed successfully to fundamentally reshape the state’s politics towards Muslim communities by introducing the terminology of ‘political Islam’... more
In this commentary, I deal with how the governing conservative Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) managed successfully to fundamentally reshape the state’s politics towards Muslim communities by introducing the terminology of ‘political Islam’ in the public discourse. I show how this affected the political discourse, how the governing ÖVP has been using institutions to produce knowledge in order to criminalize Muslimness, and how this also affected the work of the domestic intelligence agency and subsequently police operations. I argue that by introducing the notion of ‘political Islam’ came a criminalization of vocal and/or organized Muslims as well as anti-racist actors.
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In the European public discourse on Islamophobia, comparisons of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia have provoked heated debates. This article analyses a debate, which occurred after Wolfgang Benz, then Director of the Berlin Center for... more
In the European public discourse on Islamophobia, comparisons of anti-Semitism and Islamophobia have provoked heated debates. This article analyses a debate, which occurred after Wolfgang Benz, then Director of the Berlin Center for Research on Antisemitism, published an op-ed in a daily newspaper in 2010. This paper examines the public debate around Benz's comparison of Islamophobia and anti-Semitism in Germany. It thus explores not only fringe right-wing media, but ›mainstream‹ media. The author shows that anti-Semitism is largely not regarded as a form of racism, but rather as a unique phenomenon, thereby hindering a critical analysis of the state of racism in Germany. Also, the analysis reveals the reproduction of Germany as an imagined postracial nation, free from all forms of racism. In keeping with much of the research on German »colour blindness«, racism – and Islamophobia as a form of racism – is widely neglected or even contested in this debate.
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The following article discusses the establishment of centers of Islamic Studies (Islamische Theologie) in Germany. While many authors have discussed different theories which shape the accommodation of Islam in Western European nation... more
The following article discusses the establishment of centers of Islamic Studies (Islamische Theologie) in Germany. While many authors have discussed different theories which shape the accommodation of Islam in Western European nation states, I suggest that the security dispositif (Foucault) has a strong impact on the way the state and religious communities interact with each other. I argue that against the backdrop of a hegemonic Islamophobic discourse and a securitization of Islam, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungsschutz) as the main actor in charge of domestic security issues within the Ministry of Interior, shapes the construction of the German ‘Muslim subject’ to discipline and govern Germany's Muslims. The Verfassungsschutz becomes a defining power in the attempt to locate Islam in the German religio-political landscape by influencing the politics of several state agencies. This is due to broadening the notion of security which affects the ‘integration policy’ of several state agencies and makes the integration issue a priority in other policy areas. A hegemonic Islamophobic discourse, in which Islam has become a security threat, seems to foster such a policy. I will elaborate the securitization of Islam through the Verfassungsschutz by tracing its role in the institutionalization of Islamic Studies at state universities.
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This article analyses the two national parliamentary debates on the new Islam law of 2015 using a Viennese School of Critical Discourse Analysis. It asks how the new Islam law was framed from the perspectives of the political parties in... more
This article analyses the two national parliamentary debates on the new Islam law of 2015 using a Viennese School of Critical Discourse Analysis. It asks how the new Islam law was framed from the perspectives of the political parties in power and of those in opposition. It also shows in detail which arguments were raised to defend, alter or support the proposed law by identifying the list of topoi used. It asks especially how racist arguments were debated between on one side a comparably tolerant Austrian system of laws on religion, and on the other, the dominant rightwing populist Freedom Party of Austria, which aimed to foster Islamophobia.
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The article discusses why Islamophobia constitutes a major racist discourse today and illustrates how we can make sense of this global relevance of Islamophobia. The author explains the centrality of the 'religion line' in the current... more
The article discusses why Islamophobia constitutes a major racist discourse today and illustrates how we can make sense of this global relevance of Islamophobia. The author explains the centrality of the 'religion line' in the current global world system by drawing on the post-Cold War era. Through a decolonial reading of Islamophobia, three empirical cases are chosen to discuss differences and commonalities between various forms of Islamophobia in the Xingjiang/China, Egypt, and the USA exploring the effects of this global phenomenon on the discursive construction of identities, citizenship rights, and governance.
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This article examinesthe relevance of religioninthe Austrian political science-landscape.Based on research conducted by political scientistsKennethD. Wald &ClydeWilcox(2006) and Steven Kettell (2012),who see an underexposedposition of... more
This article examinesthe relevance of religioninthe Austrian political science-landscape.Based on research conducted by political scientistsKennethD. Wald &ClydeWilcox(2006) and Steven Kettell (2012),who see an underexposedposition of religioninUS-political science,this article raises the questionofthe relevanceofreligion in theJournalof AustrianPolitical Science.Acontent analysis will be conductedfor all volumes pub-lishedbetween 2000and2015.Thisanalysiswillbecomparedtofindingsfromananalysisof theAustrianJournal of Sociology.Findings show that compared to the USA, as well asto theAustrianJournal of Sociology, religionisaddressed significantly more oftenin theJournal ofAustrianPolitical Science. This is explained by:1.especially engaged politicalscientists in the research on religion,and:2.acomparably small size of political sciencelandscape inAustria.
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The Islamophobia Studies Yearbook is a bi-lingual periodical that offers articles in German and English since 2010. The double blind peer reviewed journal guarantees interdisciplinary approaches to understanding the phenomenon of... more
The Islamophobia Studies Yearbook is a bi-lingual periodical that offers articles in German and English since 2010. The double blind peer reviewed journal guarantees interdisciplinary approaches to understanding the phenomenon of anti-Muslim racism.
Case studies and analyses of contemporary incidents from the realm of media, politics, law, and discrimination are as much welcomed as theoretical reflections.
The Yearbook presents newest insights into a growing phenomenon from different theoretical approaches, be it prejudice studies, racism-studies, postcolonial as well as decolonial studies among others.
Farid Hafez/Sindyan Qasem: Muslims under general suspicion: Perspectives on the prevention of so-called Islamist extremism
Sindyan Qasem: Präventives Handeln gegen Islamismus in Deutschland
Aïcha Bounaga: Family,friends, be watchful
Annemarie van de Weert/Quirine Eijkman: Justice and risk assessment of Muslim youth
Sindyan Qasem: Islamismusprävention und Palästinadiskurs
Armin Langer: German Jews and Muslims under suspicion
Ramzi Ghandour: Islamismus, präventive Vernunft und islamisches Weltbild
Philippe André Marquardt: Junge MuslimInnen als fragile Subjekte?
Das Jahrbuch Islamophobie-Studien ist eine zweisprachige Zeitschrift, die seit 2010 Artikel in deutscher und englischer Sprache anbietet. Die Doppelblindgutachten der Zeitschrift garantieren interdisziplinäre Ansätze zum Verständnis des Phänomens des antimuslimischen Rassismus.
Fallstudien und Analysen zeitgenössischer Vorfälle aus dem Bereich der Medien, der Politik, der Justiz und der Diskriminierung sind ebenso willkommen wie theoretische Reflexionen.
Das Jahrbuch präsentiert neueste Erkenntnisse über ein zunehmendes Phänomen aus verschiedenen theoretischen Blickwinkeln, seien es Vorurteilsforschung, Rassismus-Studien, postkoloniale sowie dekoloniale Studien u.a.
Case studies and analyses of contemporary incidents from the realm of media, politics, law, and discrimination are as much welcomed as theoretical reflections.
The Yearbook presents newest insights into a growing phenomenon from different theoretical approaches, be it prejudice studies, racism-studies, postcolonial as well as decolonial studies among others.
Farid Hafez/Sindyan Qasem: Muslims under general suspicion: Perspectives on the prevention of so-called Islamist extremism
Sindyan Qasem: Präventives Handeln gegen Islamismus in Deutschland
Aïcha Bounaga: Family,friends, be watchful
Annemarie van de Weert/Quirine Eijkman: Justice and risk assessment of Muslim youth
Sindyan Qasem: Islamismusprävention und Palästinadiskurs
Armin Langer: German Jews and Muslims under suspicion
Ramzi Ghandour: Islamismus, präventive Vernunft und islamisches Weltbild
Philippe André Marquardt: Junge MuslimInnen als fragile Subjekte?
Das Jahrbuch Islamophobie-Studien ist eine zweisprachige Zeitschrift, die seit 2010 Artikel in deutscher und englischer Sprache anbietet. Die Doppelblindgutachten der Zeitschrift garantieren interdisziplinäre Ansätze zum Verständnis des Phänomens des antimuslimischen Rassismus.
Fallstudien und Analysen zeitgenössischer Vorfälle aus dem Bereich der Medien, der Politik, der Justiz und der Diskriminierung sind ebenso willkommen wie theoretische Reflexionen.
Das Jahrbuch präsentiert neueste Erkenntnisse über ein zunehmendes Phänomen aus verschiedenen theoretischen Blickwinkeln, seien es Vorurteilsforschung, Rassismus-Studien, postkoloniale sowie dekoloniale Studien u.a.
Research Interests:
Today, a number of European states' policies on religion aim at creating a nationalized Islam. In many Western European countries, the Ministries of the Interior have institutionalized 'dialogue platforms' to discuss issues of Islam,... more
Today, a number of European states' policies on religion aim at creating a nationalized Islam. In many Western European countries, the Ministries of the Interior have institutionalized 'dialogue platforms' to discuss issues of Islam, society, inclusion and extremism with Muslim actors. This reveals the implicit assumptions of these governments when talking to Mus-lims. The underlying message is that Muslims pose a security threat to the state and society, a perception that is manifested in many countries, and that Muslims are seen simultaneously as a threat and an ally. This article analyzes the Ministry of Interior's attempts to institutionalize Islam in the cases
Research Interests:
This article analyzes how hip-hop as a social movement influenced youth with a Muslim religious background in Austria. The study examines the influence of African American activist Malcolm X, a central figure in hip-hop culture, on... more
This article analyzes how hip-hop as a social movement influenced youth with a Muslim religious background in Austria. The study examines the influence of African American activist Malcolm X, a central figure in hip-hop culture, on young people in Austria in the 1990s, and specifically his influence on the Islamic Group of Upper Austria (IG OÖ), a social-movement organization founded in 1995. The article also explores what meaning hip-hop and Malcolm X had in the genesis of this group, focusing on syncretic identity construction and how youth from different contexts utilized hip-hop and Malcolm X's legacy to give meaning and mobility to their lives. The fusion of religion and youth culture created an alternative culture as an expression of protest against a hegemonic lifestyle and is interpreted as a struggle for recognition. Seven narrative interviews help analyze this never-before-documented history.
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Dieser Artikel untersucht die österreichische Islampolitik zwischen 2011 und 2017 an den Schnittstellen von postkolonial informierter Politikwissenschaft und Religionspolitik. Mithilfe des Foucault’schen Dispositivs wird die... more
Dieser Artikel untersucht die österreichische Islampolitik zwischen 2011 und 2017 an den Schnittstellen von postkolonial informierter Politikwissenschaft und Religionspolitik. Mithilfe des Foucault’schen Dispositivs wird die österreichische Islampolitik mittels einer Analyse von Publikationen, Presseaussendungen, Regierungs- und Parteiprogrammen, sowie Gesetzen herausgearbeitet. Vor dem Hintergrund einer für Österreich identifizierten restriktiven Integrationspolitik, die einer inklusiven Sprechart gegenübersteht, wird nachgezeichnet, dass für die Islampolitik Ähnliches zu verzeichnen ist. Zusätzlich zu einer Ambivalenz von sprachlicher Inklusion und politischer Restriktivität ist eine Kooptierung von rechten Positionen zu erkennen.
Research Interests:
Der anti-muslimische Rassismus bzw. Islamophobie stellen nicht nur Phänomene dar, sondern haben sich immer mehr zu einem Forschungsfeld verdichtet, das seit mehreren Jahren mit dem Namen Islamophobiefor-schung/Islamophobia Studies in... more
Der anti-muslimische Rassismus bzw. Islamophobie stellen nicht nur Phänomene dar, sondern haben sich immer mehr zu einem Forschungsfeld verdichtet, das seit mehreren Jahren mit dem Namen Islamophobiefor-schung/Islamophobia Studies in regelmäßig stattfindenden Konferenzen und Periodika beackert wird. Dieser Artikel diskutiert unterschiedliche prominente Zugänge zum Begriff der Islamophobie bzw. des antimuslimi-schen Rassismus in der Literatur. Abseits von Gemeinsamkeiten werden die in der Debatte anzufindenden unterschiedlichen theoretischen Stränge in-nerhalb der Islamophobieforschung identifiziert. Dabei kann von unter-schiedlichen Schulen gesprochen werden: Eine, die die Islamophobiefor-schung im Zusammenhang mit Vorurteilsforschung betreibt, eine zweite, die diese in einer postkolonialen rassismustheoretischen Tradition betreibt und eine dritte, die Islamophobie im Zusammenhang mit dekolonialem Denken sieht.
Schlüsselbegriffe: Islamophobie, Antimuslimischer Rassismus, Vorur-teilsforschung, dekoloniales Denken Einleitung
Schlüsselbegriffe: Islamophobie, Antimuslimischer Rassismus, Vorur-teilsforschung, dekoloniales Denken Einleitung
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Zusammenfassung Österreich ist als eines der wenigen westeuropäischen Länder bekannt für seine korporatistische Hereinnahme des Islams. Die ‚liberale' Islampolitik spiegelt sich etwa in der Tatsache wider, dass es in Österreich im... more
Zusammenfassung Österreich ist als eines der wenigen westeuropäischen Länder bekannt für seine korporatistische Hereinnahme des Islams. Die ‚liberale' Islampolitik spiegelt sich etwa in der Tatsache wider, dass es in Österreich im Unterschied zu Deutschland, Belgien oder Frankreich zu keinem Kopftuchverbot gekommen ist. Bei der Begründung dieser ‚liberalen' Politik wird in der rechtswissenschaftlichen und politikwissenschaftlichen Literatur meist auf die gesetzliche Anerkennung des Islams im his-torischen Islamgesetz von 1912 verwiesen. Dieser Artikel testet zwei Theorien, warum es 1979 zu einer Genehmigung der Islamischen Glaubensgemeinschaft in Österreich als Körperschaft öffentlichen Rechts neben heute 15 anderen Kirchen und Religionsgesellschaften gekommen ist. Neben dem historischen Institutionalismus, der aufgrund der spezifisch historisch gewachsenen Staat-Kirche-Beziehungen im Zusammenhang mit dem Islam von Bedeutung zu sein scheint, wird die Theorie Politischer Möglichkeitsstrukturen zur Erklärung herangezogen. Der Artikel argumentiert, dass die Theorie der Politischen Möglichkeitsstrukturen erklärt, warum es 1979 zu einer Anerkennung kam, während die Theorie des historischen Instituti-onalismus erklärt, welcher Form diese Anerkennung war. Abstract Austria is one of the very few Western European countries that has incorporated Islam in its polity. This laid the basis for a 'li-beral Islam-Politics' as can be seen with the fact that there are no bans for the hijab such as is the case in Germany, Belgium or France. In political science and legal studies literature, this is mainly explained by referring to the legal recognition of Islam by the 1912 Islam bill. The assumption that path dependency explains the nature of incorporation of Islam into the political system of Austria, is standing to reason. This article shows that the theory of historical institutionalism cannot explain why the Islamic Council was recognized in 1979 as a corporate body, representing today one of 16 legally recognized churches and religious communities. I argue that the theory of political opportunity structures helps explaining, why the Islamic Council was recognized in 1979.
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In the face of Europe’s biggest refugee crisis since WWII, many right wing and centrist politicians are using Islamophobia as a way to leverage policy-making in the West, to the detriment of human rights. The refugee crisis is just that... more
In the face of Europe’s biggest refugee crisis since WWII,
many right wing and centrist politicians are using Islamophobia
as a way to leverage policy-making in the West, to the detriment
of human rights. The refugee crisis is just that –not an attempt
by Muslims to ‘take over’ or ‘take down’ the West, but a crisis
of people –of all religious and ethnic backgrounds– to flee from
terror. At the same time, it reflects a crisis within Europe, which
fights with itself how to define Europe in terms of openness and
closeness to refugees knocking at the doors of Europe.
many right wing and centrist politicians are using Islamophobia
as a way to leverage policy-making in the West, to the detriment
of human rights. The refugee crisis is just that –not an attempt
by Muslims to ‘take over’ or ‘take down’ the West, but a crisis
of people –of all religious and ethnic backgrounds– to flee from
terror. At the same time, it reflects a crisis within Europe, which
fights with itself how to define Europe in terms of openness and
closeness to refugees knocking at the doors of Europe.
Research Interests:
This article examines the relevance of religion in the Austrian political science-landscape. Based on research conducted by political scientists Kenneth D. Wald & Clyde Wilcox (2006) and Steven Kettell (2012), who see an underexposed... more
This article examines the relevance of religion in the Austrian political science-landscape. Based on research conducted by political scientists Kenneth D. Wald & Clyde Wilcox (2006) and Steven Kettell (2012), who see an underexposed position of religion in USpolitical science, this article raises the question of the relevance of religion in the Journal of Austrian Political Science. A content analysis will be conducted for all volumes published between 2000 and 2015. This analysis will be compared to findings from an analysis of the Austrian Journal of Sociology. Findings show that compared to the USA, as well as to the Austrian Journal of Sociology, religion is addressed significantly more often in the Journal of Austrian Political Science. This is explained by: 1. especially engaged political scientists in the research on religion, and: 2. a comparably small size of political science landscape in Austria.
Research Interests:
In the European public discourse on Islamophobia, comparisons of anti- Semitism and Islamophobia have provoked heated debates. The academic discourse has also touched on this issue, an example being the works of Edward Said, where he... more
In the European public discourse on Islamophobia, comparisons of anti-
Semitism and Islamophobia have provoked heated debates. The academic discourse has also
touched on this issue, an example being the works of Edward Said, where he alludes to
connections between anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. Following the 2003 publication of
the Islamophobia report produced by the EU Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), which
discusses the similarities between Islamophobia and anti-Semitism, scholars in various fields
began a debate that compares and contrasts anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. Participants in
this debate include Matti Bunzl, Brian Klug, Sabine Schiffer, Nasar Meer, Wolfgang Benz,
and many others. To some degree, the academias of the German- and English-speaking
worlds have conducted this discourse separately.
This paper surveys, to a degree, the state of the field of the comparative approach to
studying Islamophobia and anti-Semitism as a pair, and also presents some central topoi and
associated questions. It aims to highlight primary insights that have been gained from such a
comparison, including how this comparison has been discussed and criticized, and what
similarities and differences have been identified on which levels. It questions which epistemological
assumptions were made in taking such a comparative approach, and which
political discourses—especially regarding the Holocaust and the conflict in Israel/Palestine
(which are not part of this discussion)—have shaped this debate in many forums, including
academia. Furthermore, this paper discusses which possible aspects of comparative research
on anti-Semitism and Islamophobia have not yet been explored, and where there could
perhaps lay more possibilities for further investigation.
Semitism and Islamophobia have provoked heated debates. The academic discourse has also
touched on this issue, an example being the works of Edward Said, where he alludes to
connections between anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. Following the 2003 publication of
the Islamophobia report produced by the EU Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA), which
discusses the similarities between Islamophobia and anti-Semitism, scholars in various fields
began a debate that compares and contrasts anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. Participants in
this debate include Matti Bunzl, Brian Klug, Sabine Schiffer, Nasar Meer, Wolfgang Benz,
and many others. To some degree, the academias of the German- and English-speaking
worlds have conducted this discourse separately.
This paper surveys, to a degree, the state of the field of the comparative approach to
studying Islamophobia and anti-Semitism as a pair, and also presents some central topoi and
associated questions. It aims to highlight primary insights that have been gained from such a
comparison, including how this comparison has been discussed and criticized, and what
similarities and differences have been identified on which levels. It questions which epistemological
assumptions were made in taking such a comparative approach, and which
political discourses—especially regarding the Holocaust and the conflict in Israel/Palestine
(which are not part of this discussion)—have shaped this debate in many forums, including
academia. Furthermore, this paper discusses which possible aspects of comparative research
on anti-Semitism and Islamophobia have not yet been explored, and where there could
perhaps lay more possibilities for further investigation.
Research Interests:
This article explains the failure of Pegida Austria as a social movement organization by testing three prominent theories of social movement theory: political opportunity structures, ideology, and resource mobilization. The failure of... more
This article explains the failure of Pegida Austria as a social movement organization by testing three prominent theories of social movement theory: political opportunity structures, ideology, and resource mobilization. The failure of Pegida to play a role in Austrian politics is ascribed to the dominant role the Freedom Party (FPÖ) already plays in the Austrian parliament, the FPÖ’s issue dominance on anti-immigration and Islamophobia in public discourse, and the relative scarcity of individuals capable of mass mobilization outside the spectrum of political parties. The analysis is based on a crucial-case study that does a comparative content analysis of the FPÖ and Pegida platforms to assess the ideology argument. The political opportunity and human resource arguments are analyzed with process tracing. The findings reveal that all three theories jointly help to explain the failure of Pegida Austria.
Research Interests:
The following article discusses the establishment of centers of Islamic Studies (Islamische Theologie) in Germany. While many authors have discussed different theories which shape the accommodation of Islam in Western European nation... more
The following article discusses the establishment of centers of Islamic Studies
(Islamische Theologie) in Germany. While many authors have discussed different theories which
shape the accommodation of Islam in Western European nation states, I suggest that the security
dispositif (Foucault) has a strong impact on the way the state and religious communities interact
with each other. I argue that against the backdrop of a hegemonic Islamophobic discourse and a
securitization of Islam, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution
(Verfassungsschutz) as the main actor in charge of domestic security issues within the Ministry of
Interior, shapes the construction of the German ‘Muslim subject’ to discipline and govern
Germany’s Muslims. The Verfassungsschutz becomes a defining power in the attempt to locate
Islam in the German religio-political landscape by influencing the politics of several state
agencies. This is due to broadening the notion of security which affects the ‘integration policy’ of
several state agencies and makes the integration issue a priority in other policy areas. A
hegemonic Islamophobic discourse, in which Islam has become a security threat, seems to foster
such a policy. I will elaborate the securitization of Islam through the Verfassungsschutz by
tracing its role in the institutionalization of Islamic Studies at state universities.
Keywords: Islamic Studies, Germany, Islamophobia, securitization, discipline, subject
(Islamische Theologie) in Germany. While many authors have discussed different theories which
shape the accommodation of Islam in Western European nation states, I suggest that the security
dispositif (Foucault) has a strong impact on the way the state and religious communities interact
with each other. I argue that against the backdrop of a hegemonic Islamophobic discourse and a
securitization of Islam, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution
(Verfassungsschutz) as the main actor in charge of domestic security issues within the Ministry of
Interior, shapes the construction of the German ‘Muslim subject’ to discipline and govern
Germany’s Muslims. The Verfassungsschutz becomes a defining power in the attempt to locate
Islam in the German religio-political landscape by influencing the politics of several state
agencies. This is due to broadening the notion of security which affects the ‘integration policy’ of
several state agencies and makes the integration issue a priority in other policy areas. A
hegemonic Islamophobic discourse, in which Islam has become a security threat, seems to foster
such a policy. I will elaborate the securitization of Islam through the Verfassungsschutz by
tracing its role in the institutionalization of Islamic Studies at state universities.
Keywords: Islamic Studies, Germany, Islamophobia, securitization, discipline, subject
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In recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of... more
In recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of racism. It is not only the new incarnations of right-wing populist parties that are making use of Islamophobic populism, but also right-wing extremist parties, whose traditions hark back to fascist or Nazi parties. This development appears unsurprising, as Islamophobia has somehow become a kind of ‘accepted racism’, found not only on the margins of European societies but also at the centre. Another interesting concomitant shift is the attempt by such parties to gain wider acceptance in mainstream societies by distancing themselves from a former antisemitic profile. While the main focus on an exclusive identity politics in the frame of nation-states previously divided the far right and complicated transnational cooperation, a shared Islamophobia has the potential to be a common ground for strengthening the transnational links of right-wing parties. This shift from antisemitism to Islamophobia goes beyond European borders and enables Europe's far right to connect to Israeli parties and the far right in the United States. Hafez's article explores this thesis by analysing the European Alliance for Freedom, a pan-European alliance of far-right members of the European parliament that has brought various formerly antagonistic parties together through a common anti-Muslim programme, and is trying to become a formal European parliamentary fraction in the wake of its victory in the European elections in May 2014.
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2019 ist ein symbolträchtiges Gedenkjahr für die MuslimInnen Österreichs. Dieser Band beleuchtet verschiedene wichtige Stationen in der Entwicklung der muslimischen Gemeinschaft über das gängige Narrativ von 1979 bzw. 1912 hinaus. Der... more
2019 ist ein symbolträchtiges Gedenkjahr für die MuslimInnen Österreichs. Dieser Band beleuchtet verschiedene wichtige Stationen in der Entwicklung der muslimischen Gemeinschaft über das gängige Narrativ von 1979 bzw. 1912 hinaus. Der Sammelband „Die Islamische Glaubensgemeinschaft in Österreich. 1909-1979-2019“ versucht in seinen Beiträgen die Bedeutung der Jahre 1909 und 1979 für die Islamische Glaubensgemeinschaft und einige weniger bekannte Aspekte ihrer Frühgeschichte zu beleuchten. Dabei führen die Beiträge die Suche nach den historischen wie rechtlichen Ursprüngen der Islamischen Glaubensgemeinschaft in die Vergangenheit bis zum bisher im Zusammenhang mit der Islamischen Glaubensgemeinschaft wenig beachteten Schlüsseljahr 1909. In diesem hat sich mit der Annexion Bosnien und Herzegowinas sowohl für die dortigen MuslimInnen wie auch jene in Österreich ein jahrelanger Streit um islamische Religionsautonomie entschieden. Ebenso wurden entscheidende Weichen für die Islamische Glaubensgemeinschaft gestellt. Das dabei entstandene Verhältnis der MuslimInnen des Wechsels aus Spannungen und Kooperation mit dem Staat sollte die Geschichte der Islamischen Glaubensgemeinschaft in Österreich durch das gesamte 20. Jahrhundert bis in unsere Gegenwart prägen. Beiträge dieses interdisziplinären Sammelbandes gehen infolge auf beide Aspekte dieses Verhältnisses nicht nur in historischer, juristischer sondern auch in sozialwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht ein, vom islamischen Religionsunterricht bis hin zum Protest gegen das Islamgesetz im Jahre 2015 und umspannen damit einen Zeitraum von mehr als 110 Jahren.
Research Interests: History, Ottoman History, Social Sciences, International Law, Law and Religion, and 15 moreIslam in Europe, Islamic Studies, Islam, Islamophobia, Austrian History, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Geschichte, Austria, Austria-Hungary, Österreich, Post-World War II history, Muslim Community, Religionsunterricht, Staatskirchenrecht, and Seelsorge
In ganz unterschiedlichen Beiträgen – von interdisziplinär erstellten Ausätzen bis zu subjektiven Stimmungsbildern – werden Themen behandelt wie Heimat, Frauenbild, Einbettung der MJÖ in globale Jugendkulturen, Mehrsprachigkeit, Umgang... more
In ganz unterschiedlichen Beiträgen – von interdisziplinär erstellten Ausätzen bis zu subjektiven Stimmungsbildern – werden Themen behandelt wie Heimat, Frauenbild, Einbettung der MJÖ in globale Jugendkulturen, Mehrsprachigkeit, Umgang mit Ethnizität und Religion, Musik und Kunst, Fragen der politischen Beteiligung wie auch die mediale und politische Arbeit behandelt.
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Eine breitere Öffentlichkeit erhielten Verschwörungstheorien rund um die MJÖ erst mit dem Aufbegehren dieser Jugendorganisation gegen das neue Islamgesetz der rot-schwarzen Koalition, welches im Oktober 2014 der Öffentlichkeit präsentiert... more
Eine breitere Öffentlichkeit erhielten Verschwörungstheorien rund um die MJÖ erst mit dem Aufbegehren dieser Jugendorganisation gegen das neue Islamgesetz der rot-schwarzen Koalition, welches im Oktober 2014 der Öffentlichkeit präsentiert und im März 2015 im Nationalrat verabschiedet wurde. Im Zuge der Oppositionspolitik wurde behauptet, die MJÖ stünde in einem Naheverhältnis zu Personen, die wiederum der Muslimbruderschaft nahe stünden. Erzeugt wurde der Eindruck, die MJÖ stünde der Muslimbruderschaft nahe. Dieser Artikel zeichnet diese Verschwörungstheorie über die MJÖ nach.
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The Islamophobia Studies Yearbook is a bi-lingual periodical that started as a German language journal and has now been offering articles in German and English since 2010. The journal uses double blind peer review and provides a forum for... more
The Islamophobia Studies Yearbook is a bi-lingual periodical that started as a German language journal and has now been offering articles in German and English since 2010. The journal uses double blind peer review and provides a forum for interdisciplinary approaches to understanding the phenomenon of Islamophobia. Case studies and analyses of contemporary incidents from the realm of media, politics, law, and discrimination are as much welcome as are theoretical reflections. The Yearbook intends to present the most current perspectives on a growing phenomenon that needs severe attention.
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The dissertation „Islamophobic Populism“ (2009) aims at conceptualizing the term Islamophobia (understood as a multidimensional phenomena, referring to the researches on anti-Semitism). It aims at operationalizing the term for political... more
The dissertation „Islamophobic Populism“ (2009) aims at conceptualizing the term Islamophobia (understood as a multidimensional phenomena, referring to the researches on anti-Semitism). It aims at operationalizing the term for political science by synthesizing the term with the notion of populism. The topic of research consists of two discourses in two Austrian federals states, the state of Carinthia and the state of Vorarlberg, where a ban of mosques and minarets were discussed. In Carinthia, the discourse started to develop and nearly rise to a national level. Starting from Carinthia, two discourses are studied, the discourse consisting of press releases and two debates in the Landtag of Carinthia and one Landtag-debate in Vorarlberg. Before that, the programmes of the very same politicial parties are analyzed in respect to their stances towards migration, integration and anti-Discrimination. The main research question is, how Austrian parties in parliament act in the discourse on a ban of mosques and minarets. Three hypotheses are to be proofed: The first hypothesis states, that islamophobic populismus is normalized so much under the influence of right-wing parties, that also non-right parties make use of Islamophobic populism. The second hypothesis says, that Islamophobic populism is used despite of programmatic positions, that denounce discrimination, racism or any other kind of exclusion and thus reproduces Islamophobic populism. The thirs hypothesis states, that a party like the Conservatives (ÖVP), that has a self-image of being Christian is much more under pressure than other political parties when right-wing parties stress “religion” by construing a dichotomy between “Islam” and “Chrsitianity”. The method used for analyzing the “texts“ in a wider sence is the Vienna School of the discourse-historical approach of the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).
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Research Interests: Racism and Islamophobia
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Im Jahrbuch für Islamophobieforschung 2011 – Deutschland, Österreich, Schweiz – werden aktuelle Vorfälle wie der Wiener Gemeinderatswahlkampf, die Ablehnung des Zivilcourage-Preises des Berliner Christopher Street Days durch Judith Butler... more
Im Jahrbuch für Islamophobieforschung 2011 – Deutschland, Österreich, Schweiz – werden aktuelle Vorfälle wie der Wiener Gemeinderatswahlkampf, die Ablehnung des Zivilcourage-Preises des Berliner Christopher Street Days durch Judith Butler und ein Lied aus der österreichischen Popkultur, "Supertürke" von der Ersten Allgemeinen Verunsicherung (EAV), analysiert.
Zudem bietet das Jahrbuch 2011 Medienanalysen deutscher und
österreichischer Zeitungen und Zeitschriften und rechter Periodika.
Im Zentrum dieser interdisziplinären Publikation stehen sachlich fundierte und wissenschaftlich systematische Analysen islamophober Geschehnisse in den drei deutschsprachigen Ländern Deutschland, Österreich und Schweiz. Dabei werden theoretische Reflexionen sowie Fallstudien mit aktuellem Bezug zum Jahresgeschehen aus den unterschiedlichsten Bereichen wie Medien, Politik, Recht und Alltagsdiskriminierung geboten.
Mit Beiträgen von:
Amani Abuzahra, Doris Angst, Phillip Becher, Farid Hafez, Petra Klug, Abdel-Hafiez Massud, Astrid Mattes, Martin Meyrath und Kevser Muratovic.
Zudem bietet das Jahrbuch 2011 Medienanalysen deutscher und
österreichischer Zeitungen und Zeitschriften und rechter Periodika.
Im Zentrum dieser interdisziplinären Publikation stehen sachlich fundierte und wissenschaftlich systematische Analysen islamophober Geschehnisse in den drei deutschsprachigen Ländern Deutschland, Österreich und Schweiz. Dabei werden theoretische Reflexionen sowie Fallstudien mit aktuellem Bezug zum Jahresgeschehen aus den unterschiedlichsten Bereichen wie Medien, Politik, Recht und Alltagsdiskriminierung geboten.
Mit Beiträgen von:
Amani Abuzahra, Doris Angst, Phillip Becher, Farid Hafez, Petra Klug, Abdel-Hafiez Massud, Astrid Mattes, Martin Meyrath und Kevser Muratovic.
Research Interests: Racism and Islamophobia
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year’s report revolves around the intimate entanglements between race, class and empire and will tease out links between European border regimes, social welfare politics, and Islamophobia in a 2018 Germany. Against... more
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
This year’s report revolves around the intimate entanglements between race, class and empire and will tease out links between European border regimes, social welfare politics, and Islamophobia in a 2018 Germany. Against the latter’s backdrop, the topic of migration is the prime prism through which elaborations on racialized exclusions took place. In the context of how racialized exclusions affect different groups, it is noteworthy that experiences of being Black and of being Muslim/Arab have come to resemble each other in Germany – whether that is in contemporary discussions around anti-Semitism mirroring black U.S. American experiences; sudden incarceration politics with possible life-threatening consequences; precarious labor conditions up to the point of total exploitation; border politics that close off Europe against Africa and the Middle East; or simply in the cultural politics of rap music and sports. The year 2018 has furthermore shown that “migration” and “asylum politics” have become the predominant sites where a deathly trinity of migration, asylum and race come together when people chanted “[Refugees] Drown! Drown! Drown!” at a public AfD event.
Islamophobic discourse over the past 70 years in Germany conceptually changed its naming practice from “guest worker”, to “foreigner”, to “Muslim”, to today’s “economic migrant” and/or “refugee” and, finally, to physical (Islamist) “threat.” This development exposes an underlying racial economy, which continuously de-values and re-defines the Other: today, the contributions of national reconstruction of former guest workers are discursively de-valued and linked to those of “Muslims”, “Terrorists”, “Refugees” generally. Today, all those groups fill this racialized vessel with changing name-tags, whilst being charged of being on the spectrum between economic “free riders” and/or existential “threats”.
Although official state statistics of physical violence against German Muslims, refugees, and migrants have gone down, it is the political and economic professionalization, the social media presence, up to military training and music events of the so-called conservative revolutionaries of the new and old right that leave elaborate space for concern.
The forms of political violence we witnessed in 2018 are characterized by mob manhunts coordinated via the Internet, such as in Chemnitz, with (white) Western victims of globalization chasing the victims of Western imperialism and war. In 2018, Islamophobia was still a dangerously successful policy in Germany, with a growing tendency to mob-like street violence.
Download here: http://www.islamophobiaeurope.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/EIR_2018.pdf?fbclid=IwAR2M8X2bWOaERh34QNcwEPDqV_NUTgm3nNZJgkppUhID_3UfJS-0JuEpHWk
This year’s report revolves around the intimate entanglements between race, class and empire and will tease out links between European border regimes, social welfare politics, and Islamophobia in a 2018 Germany. Against the latter’s backdrop, the topic of migration is the prime prism through which elaborations on racialized exclusions took place. In the context of how racialized exclusions affect different groups, it is noteworthy that experiences of being Black and of being Muslim/Arab have come to resemble each other in Germany – whether that is in contemporary discussions around anti-Semitism mirroring black U.S. American experiences; sudden incarceration politics with possible life-threatening consequences; precarious labor conditions up to the point of total exploitation; border politics that close off Europe against Africa and the Middle East; or simply in the cultural politics of rap music and sports. The year 2018 has furthermore shown that “migration” and “asylum politics” have become the predominant sites where a deathly trinity of migration, asylum and race come together when people chanted “[Refugees] Drown! Drown! Drown!” at a public AfD event.
Islamophobic discourse over the past 70 years in Germany conceptually changed its naming practice from “guest worker”, to “foreigner”, to “Muslim”, to today’s “economic migrant” and/or “refugee” and, finally, to physical (Islamist) “threat.” This development exposes an underlying racial economy, which continuously de-values and re-defines the Other: today, the contributions of national reconstruction of former guest workers are discursively de-valued and linked to those of “Muslims”, “Terrorists”, “Refugees” generally. Today, all those groups fill this racialized vessel with changing name-tags, whilst being charged of being on the spectrum between economic “free riders” and/or existential “threats”.
Although official state statistics of physical violence against German Muslims, refugees, and migrants have gone down, it is the political and economic professionalization, the social media presence, up to military training and music events of the so-called conservative revolutionaries of the new and old right that leave elaborate space for concern.
The forms of political violence we witnessed in 2018 are characterized by mob manhunts coordinated via the Internet, such as in Chemnitz, with (white) Western victims of globalization chasing the victims of Western imperialism and war. In 2018, Islamophobia was still a dangerously successful policy in Germany, with a growing tendency to mob-like street violence.
Download here: http://www.islamophobiaeurope.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/EIR_2018.pdf?fbclid=IwAR2M8X2bWOaERh34QNcwEPDqV_NUTgm3nNZJgkppUhID_3UfJS-0JuEpHWk
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This is the third issue of the annual European Islamophobia Report (EIR) consisting of an overall evaluation of Islamophobia in Europe in the year 2017, as well as 33 country reports which include almost all EU member states and... more
This is the third issue of the annual European Islamophobia Report (EIR) consisting of an overall evaluation of Islamophobia in Europe in the year 2017, as well as 33 country reports which include almost all EU member states and additional countries such as Russia and Norway. This year’s EIR represents the work of 40 prominent scholars and civil society activists from various European countries.
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By gathering 35 local scholars, experts, and civil society activists specialized in racism and human rights, the fifth edition of the European Islamophobia Report addresses a still timely and politically important issue. All 32 country... more
By gathering 35 local scholars, experts, and civil society activists specialized in racism and human rights, the fifth edition of the European Islamophobia Report addresses a still timely and politically important issue. All 32 country reports included in this book follow a unique structure that is convenient, first, for comparing countries and, second, for selected readings on a particular topic such as politics, employment, or education with regard to Islamophobia across Europe. The present report investigates in detail the underlying dynamics that directly or indirectly support the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Europe. This extends from Islamophobic statements spread in national media to laws and policies that restrain the fundamental rights of European Muslim citizens and threaten the whole of society. As a result, the European Islamophobia Report 2019 discusses the impact of anti-Muslim racism on human rights, multiculturalism, and the state of law in Europe. This fifth edition of our report highlights how European societies are progressively overwhelmed by the Islamophobic discourse of the “Great Replacement” and other far-right conspiracy theories. The 32 country reports demonstrate how governments and mainstream media participate in reproducing such discourses that put the fundamental rights of millions of European citizens in jeopardy and how one can counteract these developments. This compendium of useful insights and data aims to provide European policy-makers, institutions, and NGOs with recommendations on how to tackle anti-Muslim racism in Europe seriously.
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The theme for the second International Conference on Islamophobia is “From Orientalism to Islamophobia?”. It covers both historical and contemporary issues surrounding Orientalism and Islamophobia. We are interested in the various facets... more
The theme for the second International Conference on Islamophobia is “From Orientalism to Islamophobia?”. It covers both historical and contemporary issues surrounding Orientalism and Islamophobia. We are interested in the various facets of the Orientalist perspective and observing continuities and breaches within it. While some authors argue that contemporary Islamophobia should be seen as a continuation of Orientalism, others emphasize that the two phenomena should be considered and conceived separately from each other. Moreover, looking at Islamophobia through a postcolonial lens raises pertinent questions about the persistence, peculiarity and analogy of Orientalism and Islamophobia. This is particularly reflected in recent publications, which include concepts of power and governance in their definition of Islamophobia.
Case studies as well as theoretical, conceptual and methodological reflections are welcome. We are especially interested in contributions that address the relationship between Orientalism, Postcolonialism and Islamophobia. Proposals for a presentation including a title, an abstract (max. 300 words) and a short biography should be sent to dirk.fischer@unifr.ch before January 1, 2016. Accommodation and subsistence expenses will be covered by the convenors; the participants will need to take of their own travel costs. The conference languages are English and German.
The 2nd International Conference on Islamophobia is organised by the Department of Historical Sciences, Contemporary History, University of Fribourg (Switzerland) in cooperation with the Department of Political Science, Salzburg University (Austria).
Case studies as well as theoretical, conceptual and methodological reflections are welcome. We are especially interested in contributions that address the relationship between Orientalism, Postcolonialism and Islamophobia. Proposals for a presentation including a title, an abstract (max. 300 words) and a short biography should be sent to dirk.fischer@unifr.ch before January 1, 2016. Accommodation and subsistence expenses will be covered by the convenors; the participants will need to take of their own travel costs. The conference languages are English and German.
The 2nd International Conference on Islamophobia is organised by the Department of Historical Sciences, Contemporary History, University of Fribourg (Switzerland) in cooperation with the Department of Political Science, Salzburg University (Austria).
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This interdisciplinary conference aims at discussing the relationship between ‘democracy’ and ‘Islam’. The choice of participants reflects this multidisciplinarity and thus welcomes participants from all social sciences and the field of... more
This interdisciplinary conference aims at discussing the relationship between ‘democracy’ and ‘Islam’. The choice of participants reflects this multidisciplinarity and thus welcomes participants from all social sciences and the field of legal studies. Whereas theoretical work is considered important, the Working Group is especially interested in sound analytical and empirical scholarship and the application of qualitative or quantitative methodology commensurate with, and appropriate for the discipline in which the work originates. It should be understood that the goal of the conference is to draw comparative conclusions and develop a general understanding of the matters at hand.
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This conference aims at discussing the relationship between ‘Islam’ and ‘democracy’. Islam has become a political issue after the Islamic Revolution in Iran and even more so after Huntington’s theory of the Clash of Civilizations. At the... more
This conference aims at discussing the relationship between ‘Islam’ and ‘democracy’. Islam has become a political issue after the Islamic Revolution in Iran and even more so after Huntington’s theory of the Clash of Civilizations. At the latest since 9/11 and following attacks by so called homegrown terrorist groups in Europe and the US, Islam has also become an issue in domestic politics in many Western countries. State authorities and political representatives in the realm of security, education, youth and culture have had to react to the various Islam-discourses by engaging in the debate itself and/or by implementing new policies and laws. On the other hand, Muslim actors have appeared on the political stage, publically stating their interests and voicing their concerns and grievances. These developments have had important consequences for democratic processes. How are democratic narratives, frames, and/or principles challenged by the rise of exclusionary politics and ethnocratic arguments? How do state authorities incorporate Muslim civic organizations in the political system? What are the implications of politics of resistance and opposition to, or support for the practices of the democratic state on the part of Muslim actors? Questions of this nature will addressed at the conference.
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Comparative Approaches in Islamophobia Studies
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Comparative approaches to studying Islamophobia While in the Anglo-Saxon world, Islamophobia has been studied mostly in a comparative setting with racism, and Islamophobia in the United States has often been analyzed by looking at... more
Comparative approaches to studying Islamophobia
While in the Anglo-Saxon world, Islamophobia has been studied mostly in a comparative setting with racism, and Islamophobia in the United States has often been analyzed by looking at experiences of anti-Catholicism, anti-Communism, and Orientalism, many authors in
central Europe and especially in German speaking countries
put their focus of a comparison with insights from
anti-Semitism-studies. All of these comparative approaches to
investigating Islamophobia entailed not only serious questions of the possibilities and borders of comparing these phenomena, but also heavy reactions in public debates linked to the collective memory of the Holocaust, modern anti-Semitism and the history of slavery and
colonialism.
This conference not only reflects these public debates and their inherent implications, but also brings together divergent approaches to the study of Islamophobia as well as to a comparative approach in Islamophobia Studies. Case studies as well as theoretical reflections will be presented by more than 20 presenters.
While in the Anglo-Saxon world, Islamophobia has been studied mostly in a comparative setting with racism, and Islamophobia in the United States has often been analyzed by looking at experiences of anti-Catholicism, anti-Communism, and Orientalism, many authors in
central Europe and especially in German speaking countries
put their focus of a comparison with insights from
anti-Semitism-studies. All of these comparative approaches to
investigating Islamophobia entailed not only serious questions of the possibilities and borders of comparing these phenomena, but also heavy reactions in public debates linked to the collective memory of the Holocaust, modern anti-Semitism and the history of slavery and
colonialism.
This conference not only reflects these public debates and their inherent implications, but also brings together divergent approaches to the study of Islamophobia as well as to a comparative approach in Islamophobia Studies. Case studies as well as theoretical reflections will be presented by more than 20 presenters.
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Read here: https://www.themaydan.com/2018/03/islam-politics-new-german-coalition-government-program/
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Österreich hat wieder einmal eine Islam-Debatte. Nachdem in regelmäßigen Abständen über Kopftuch und Minarett debattiert wurde und auch das neue Islamgesetz, welches Anfang des Jahres beschlossen wurde, für viel Diskussionsstoff sorgte,... more
Österreich hat wieder einmal eine Islam-Debatte. Nachdem in regelmäßigen Abständen über Kopftuch und Minarett debattiert wurde und auch das neue Islamgesetz, welches Anfang des Jahres beschlossen wurde, für viel Diskussionsstoff sorgte, geht es dieses Mal um muslimische Kindergärten. In diesen - so heißt es zumindest - werden Kinder mit religiösen Dogmen indoktriniert und regelrecht für eine Parallelgesellschaft herangezogen.
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Für das muslimische Subjekt von heute ist es nicht mehr denkbar, sich abseits der verbreiteten Vorstellungen, die den Islam mit Diskursen über Terror und Gewalt in Verbindung setzen, zu denken und in letzter Folge frei zu sein von all... more
Für das muslimische Subjekt von heute ist es nicht mehr denkbar, sich abseits der verbreiteten Vorstellungen, die den Islam mit Diskursen über Terror und Gewalt in Verbindung setzen, zu denken und in letzter Folge frei zu sein von all dem, was ständig auf das muslimische Subjekt projiziert wird.
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Muslims today can no longer think, or ultimately exist, outside the widespread lore about Islam, which links them to discussions about terror, violence and the separation of religion and society. They can never be free of the neverending... more
Muslims today can no longer think, or ultimately exist, outside the widespread lore about Islam, which links them to discussions about terror, violence and the separation of religion and society. They can never be free of the neverending stream of projections about Islam.
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Situationsbericht zur Lage der Islamophobie in Österreich im Kalenderjahr 2016
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27 country reports on the state and development of Islamophobia/anti-Muslim racism by 31 scholars
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Since many EU and OSCE Member States do not properly record and report racially motivated crimes, the ‘European Islamophobia Report’ (EIR) was launched to counteract under-reporting anti-Muslim hate crimes and initiatives. Since... more
Since many EU and OSCE Member States do not properly record and report racially motivated crimes, the ‘European Islamophobia Report’ (EIR) was launched to counteract under-reporting anti-Muslim hate crimes and initiatives. Since Islamophobia or anti-Muslim racism has become a growing threat in European societies, there was an urgent need to address this problem. The EIR is an annual report, which is presented for the first time this year. It currently comprises 25 national reports regarding each state and the tendencies of Islamophobia in each respective country. The current report features the work of 37 extraordinary scholars on nearly 600 pages.
The EIR looks at the employment sector, education, politics, media, internet, the justice system, and networks. Islamophobia works without Muslims, as can be shown by the fact that Islamophobia played a role in the politics of many European countries, which has only a very small Muslim population. This trend was especially strengthened by the so called ‘refugee crisis’. Both attacks in Paris, which happened in 2015, became a discursive event that shaped the debates on Islam and Muslims throughout Europe.
The EIR looks at the employment sector, education, politics, media, internet, the justice system, and networks. Islamophobia works without Muslims, as can be shown by the fact that Islamophobia played a role in the politics of many European countries, which has only a very small Muslim population. This trend was especially strengthened by the so called ‘refugee crisis’. Both attacks in Paris, which happened in 2015, became a discursive event that shaped the debates on Islam and Muslims throughout Europe.
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As in many other countries, the news of the terrorist attacks in Paris (Charlie Hebdo) as well as the ones later in November shaped the public debate on the place of Islam in Europe. In addition to this, the Austrian government issued a... more
As in many other countries, the news of the terrorist attacks in Paris (Charlie Hebdo) as well as the ones later in November shaped the public debate on the place of Islam in Europe. In addition to this, the Austrian government issued a new law regarding Islam, which regulates the relation between the Austrian Republic and the legally recognised Islamic Councils. The law has been criticised as discriminatory by many scholars of religious law, NGOs, as well as churches and religious communities. The ongoing terrorist attacks of Daesh as well as the subsequent refugees fleeing from Syria and Iraq to Europe have had deep political implications on Austrian politics. The public climate is becoming more aggressive towards Muslims. The recorded number of harassments on the streets and violations against Muslims is increasing, which may have only to do with a heightened consciousness on the side of Muslims who seem to have become more active in talking about these discriminations since autumn 2014, after which the debate on Daesh has become omnipresent. While a number of NGOs and activists speak out against these developments, right-wing parties, which spread stereotypes of Muslims, are getting stronger. The FPÖ has used offensive Islamophobic campaigning in three regional elections. While media reports more and more about Islamophobic incidents, a biased coverage of Islam and Muslims can be observed, especially in a great number of fabricated tabloid press stories. Authoritative Muslim public figures, which play the role of native informants, often support and thus legitimise this discourse.
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Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı diğer dini cemaatlere tanınan hakları Müslümanlar için de garanti ediyor mu? Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı ile Yahudi cemaatine dair yeni çıkan kanun arasındane tür farklılıklar mevcuttur? - Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı... more
Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı diğer dini cemaatlere tanınan hakları Müslümanlar için de garanti ediyor mu?
Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı ile Yahudi cemaatine dair yeni çıkan kanun arasındane tür farklılıklar mevcuttur?
- Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı ile Protestan Kilisesi’nin tanınmasına dair kanun arasındane tür farklılıklar mevcuttur?
Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı ile Yahudi cemaatine dair yeni çıkan kanun arasındane tür farklılıklar mevcuttur?
- Yeni İslam Kanunu taslağı ile Protestan Kilisesi’nin tanınmasına dair kanun arasındane tür farklılıklar mevcuttur?
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Is this draft guaranteeing Muslims the same rights as other legally recognized churches and public religious bodies?
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Program of the workshop convened by Ivan Kalmar at the University of Toronto, November 18 and 19, 2017.
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Small, international workshop on an important issue much discussed by the general public but not so much by scholars. Organized in the hope of creating a network for further research and perhaps the foundation for a book.
Research Interests:
Conference Schedule 8th Annual Islamophobia Conference Islamophobia and the end of liberalism? Register for Livestream https://irdproject.com/islamophobiaconf/islamophobiaconf-rsvp/ Annual Islamophobia Conference Attend in person or... more
Conference Schedule
8th Annual Islamophobia Conference
Islamophobia and the end of liberalism?
Register for Livestream
https://irdproject.com/islamophobiaconf/islamophobiaconf-rsvp/
Annual Islamophobia Conference
Attend in person or join online via livestream
Center for Race and Gender’s Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project, University of California, Berkeley
Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies
University of Leeds, UK
Zaytuna College, Berkeley
GTU’s Center for Islamic Studies
Islamophobia Studies Journal & Re-Orient
Conference Dates: April 21-23, 2017
Location: Booth Auditorium, Boalt Hall, Berkeley School of Law, UC Berkeley
8th Annual Islamophobia Conference
Islamophobia and the end of liberalism?
Register for Livestream
https://irdproject.com/islamophobiaconf/islamophobiaconf-rsvp/
Annual Islamophobia Conference
Attend in person or join online via livestream
Center for Race and Gender’s Islamophobia Research and Documentation Project, University of California, Berkeley
Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies
University of Leeds, UK
Zaytuna College, Berkeley
GTU’s Center for Islamic Studies
Islamophobia Studies Journal & Re-Orient
Conference Dates: April 21-23, 2017
Location: Booth Auditorium, Boalt Hall, Berkeley School of Law, UC Berkeley
Research Interests:
inamo WINTER 2017 ANTISEMITISMUSDISKURSE Demos gegen Trumps Jerusalem-Entscheidung, Politiker und Medien, die Muslimen anschließend pauschal Judenhass vorwerfen und immer häufigere Raumverbote für kritische Veranstaltungen zu... more
inamo WINTER 2017
ANTISEMITISMUSDISKURSE
Demos gegen Trumps Jerusalem-Entscheidung, Politiker und Medien, die Muslimen anschließend pauschal Judenhass vorwerfen und immer häufigere Raumverbote für kritische Veranstaltungen zu Israel/Palästina zeigen, dass die letzten zwölf Monaten eine besondere Zuspitzung von Antisemitismus-Diskursen erfahren haben.
Im aktuellen inamo-Heft gehen wir in unserem Schwerpunkt verschiedenen Formen und Aspekten dieser Diskurse in Europa und Nordamerika nach. Dabei beleuchten wir insbesondere, wie der Antisemitismus-Vorwurf als politische Waffe eingesetzt wird, um „dissidente“ politische Einstellungen an Universitäten, in der Politik und im öffentlichen Raum zu diffamieren. Ein weiterer auffälliger Diskursstrang ist der, wie Antisemitismus als gesellschaftliches Problem seit den 2000ern gezielt Muslimen zugeschrieben wird. Die Figur des Muslims dient hier als neuer Sündenbock für ein altes Problem.
Kuratiert von Anna-Esther Younes (Einleitung) beinhaltet unsere Ausgabe Beiträge von Jackie Walker (UK), Peter Moskovitz (USA), Fatima El-Tayeb (USA/BRD), Mariam Puvogel Chakib und Sindyan Qasem (BRD), Ahmed Abed (BRD), Farid Hafez (AT), Sheryl Nestel (CA).
Wer Lust auf mehr bekommen hat, kann das Heft unter www.inamo.de/ bestellen. Oder einfach via eMail vorbestellen unter: redaktion[at]inamo.de.
INAMO – Berichte und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen und Mittleren Ostens wird herausgegeben vom Informationsprojekt Naher und Mittlerer Osten e.V.
ANTISEMITISMUSDISKURSE
Demos gegen Trumps Jerusalem-Entscheidung, Politiker und Medien, die Muslimen anschließend pauschal Judenhass vorwerfen und immer häufigere Raumverbote für kritische Veranstaltungen zu Israel/Palästina zeigen, dass die letzten zwölf Monaten eine besondere Zuspitzung von Antisemitismus-Diskursen erfahren haben.
Im aktuellen inamo-Heft gehen wir in unserem Schwerpunkt verschiedenen Formen und Aspekten dieser Diskurse in Europa und Nordamerika nach. Dabei beleuchten wir insbesondere, wie der Antisemitismus-Vorwurf als politische Waffe eingesetzt wird, um „dissidente“ politische Einstellungen an Universitäten, in der Politik und im öffentlichen Raum zu diffamieren. Ein weiterer auffälliger Diskursstrang ist der, wie Antisemitismus als gesellschaftliches Problem seit den 2000ern gezielt Muslimen zugeschrieben wird. Die Figur des Muslims dient hier als neuer Sündenbock für ein altes Problem.
Kuratiert von Anna-Esther Younes (Einleitung) beinhaltet unsere Ausgabe Beiträge von Jackie Walker (UK), Peter Moskovitz (USA), Fatima El-Tayeb (USA/BRD), Mariam Puvogel Chakib und Sindyan Qasem (BRD), Ahmed Abed (BRD), Farid Hafez (AT), Sheryl Nestel (CA).
Wer Lust auf mehr bekommen hat, kann das Heft unter www.inamo.de/ bestellen. Oder einfach via eMail vorbestellen unter: redaktion[at]inamo.de.
INAMO – Berichte und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft des Nahen und Mittleren Ostens wird herausgegeben vom Informationsprojekt Naher und Mittlerer Osten e.V.
Research Interests:
About the Book: In the last decade Islamophobia in Western societies where Muslims constitute the minority has been studied extensively. At the same time, Islamophobia is not only a Western phenomenon but a global one. It affects Muslim... more
About the Book:
In the last decade Islamophobia in Western societies where Muslims constitute the minority has been studied extensively. At the same time, Islamophobia is not only a Western phenomenon but a global one. It affects Muslim societies as much due to various historical, political and social reasons. Yet, there is little research, which has been done in this field. The main objective of this book is to analyse the understudied phenomenon of Islamophobia in Muslim majority societies.
Islamophobia here is defined as anti-Muslim racism. It is about a dominant group of people aiming at seizing, stabilizing and widening their power by means of defining a scapegoat – real or invented – and excluding this scapegoat from the resources/rights/definition of a constructed ‘we’. Islamophobia operates by constructing a static ‘Muslim’ identity, which is attributed in negative terms and generalized for all Muslims. At the same time, Islamophobic images are fluid and vary in different contexts, because Islamophobia tells us more about the Islamophobe than it tells us about the Muslims/Islam. Islamophobia can also be understood as a way of regulating and disciplining Muslims. Islamophobia as a form of racialized governmentality aims at undermining a distinct Muslim identity.
In the last decade Islamophobia in Western societies where Muslims constitute the minority has been studied extensively. At the same time, Islamophobia is not only a Western phenomenon but a global one. It affects Muslim societies as much due to various historical, political and social reasons. Yet, there is little research, which has been done in this field. The main objective of this book is to analyse the understudied phenomenon of Islamophobia in Muslim majority societies.
Islamophobia here is defined as anti-Muslim racism. It is about a dominant group of people aiming at seizing, stabilizing and widening their power by means of defining a scapegoat – real or invented – and excluding this scapegoat from the resources/rights/definition of a constructed ‘we’. Islamophobia operates by constructing a static ‘Muslim’ identity, which is attributed in negative terms and generalized for all Muslims. At the same time, Islamophobic images are fluid and vary in different contexts, because Islamophobia tells us more about the Islamophobe than it tells us about the Muslims/Islam. Islamophobia can also be understood as a way of regulating and disciplining Muslims. Islamophobia as a form of racialized governmentality aims at undermining a distinct Muslim identity.
