Ali Huseyinoglu
Trakya University, Balkan Araştırma Enstitüsü, Faculty Member
- Minority Studies, Ethnic minorities, Greek-Turkish relations, political participation, minority rights, Turkish Greek Relations, Globalisation And Minority Rights, Muslims in Greece, and 8 moreMuslim Turkish Minority of Western Thrace, Nationalism, Balkan Studies, Muslim Minorities, Minority Rights, Yunanistan, Islamophobia, and Turkish minority in Bulgariaedit
- Ali Huseyinoglu (Chousein Oglou) was born in Komotini, Greece. After completing primary education at the bilingual (T... moreAli Huseyinoglu (Chousein Oglou) was born in Komotini, Greece. After completing primary education at the bilingual (Turkish and Greek) school in his hometown, he went to Istanbul where he finished secondary and high school education. Huseyinoglu received his BA and MSc from the Department of International Relations, Middle East Technical University (METU) in Ankara. His Master’s thesis, awarded as the best thesis of 2005 at METU, was about continuities and changes of the Greek minority policy in Western Thrace in the post-Cold War era. After a year of compulsory military service in the Greek army, Huseyinoglu started doctoral studies in 2007 at the Department of International Relations, University of Sussex, UK, which he completed in 2012. His doctoral thesis was about the historical development of the educational regime of the Muslim Turkish Minority of Western Thrace in Greece after the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Since 2013, Ali Huseyinoglu has been working at the Balkan Research Institute, Trakya University in Edirne/Turkey. He currently works as Associate Prof. of International Relations at the same institute. Minority rights, Turkish-Greek relations, the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace, the Rum minority in Turkey, religious pluralism, Islam, Islamophobia and the religious rights of Muslims in Europe are among his main research interests.edit
The visibility of women and their freedoms in the French public sphere is envisaged in this article on the basis of laïcité and gender equality. Within the debate about the rights and limitations of Muslim women, French feminist ideology... more
The visibility of women and their freedoms in the French public sphere is envisaged in this article on the basis of laïcité and gender equality. Within the debate about the rights and limitations of Muslim women, French feminist ideology seems to be torn between two totally contradictory positions. Anti-veil and anti-burqa laws are on the one hand defended in the name of laïcité and the emancipation of women. On the other hand, the laws are severely criticized because they marginalize Muslim women from the majority of French society. The main aim of this research is to analyze anti-veil and anti-burqa laws in France by focusing on their historical and social foundations from a feminist perspective. Next, this study argues that the visibility of Muslim women in the French public space, which is banned in the name of republican and laic values, is actually valued by some feminist groups who cast an exclusionary and othering glance at the clothing of Muslim women, such as the headscarf or the burqa.
Research Interests:
The situation with regard to Islamophobia in Greece in 2020 did not change significantly compared to the previous years based on all the existing findings. Islamophobia is primarily found on the discursive level while physical attacks... more
The situation with regard to Islamophobia in Greece in 2020 did not change significantly compared to the previous years based on all the existing findings. Islamophobia is primarily found on the discursive level while physical attacks with religious motivation targeting mosques, cemeteries, Muslim migrants or refugees, which
are actually difficult to record, remain fewer compared to other European countries.
Politics, religion, media, and the Internet are the four primary realms that continued
to play a significant role in the reproduction of Islamophobia in the public domain
throughout 2020 without major differentiations from previous years Islamophobia
in Greece was expressed by political parties and politicians of the right and extreme
right, (self-proclaimed) neoliberals, figures of the Orthodox Church of Greece,
printed and electronic media, and journalists including their posts on social media.
The main issues that contributed to the reproduction of Islamophobia in 2020 were
the so-called immigration/refugee problem, the conflictual situation which emerged
at the Greek-Turkish borders in February-March, the negative attitudes toward refugees
who reside in Athens and some of the Aegean islands, and the discussions and
decisions on the transfer of migrants and refugees from the islands to the mainland.
Another issue that gave spark to anti-Islamic reactions at various levels was the decision
of the Turkish government to alter the use of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul from a
museum to a mosque. This led to another wave of not only anti-Turkish views and
attitudes, but of openly Islamophobic content. Finally, the opening of the ‘official’
Mosque of Athens in November a few days after the deadly terrorist attacks in Paris,
Nice (October 2020) and Vienna (November 2020) sparked a series of Islamophobic
narratives.
are actually difficult to record, remain fewer compared to other European countries.
Politics, religion, media, and the Internet are the four primary realms that continued
to play a significant role in the reproduction of Islamophobia in the public domain
throughout 2020 without major differentiations from previous years Islamophobia
in Greece was expressed by political parties and politicians of the right and extreme
right, (self-proclaimed) neoliberals, figures of the Orthodox Church of Greece,
printed and electronic media, and journalists including their posts on social media.
The main issues that contributed to the reproduction of Islamophobia in 2020 were
the so-called immigration/refugee problem, the conflictual situation which emerged
at the Greek-Turkish borders in February-March, the negative attitudes toward refugees
who reside in Athens and some of the Aegean islands, and the discussions and
decisions on the transfer of migrants and refugees from the islands to the mainland.
Another issue that gave spark to anti-Islamic reactions at various levels was the decision
of the Turkish government to alter the use of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul from a
museum to a mosque. This led to another wave of not only anti-Turkish views and
attitudes, but of openly Islamophobic content. Finally, the opening of the ‘official’
Mosque of Athens in November a few days after the deadly terrorist attacks in Paris,
Nice (October 2020) and Vienna (November 2020) sparked a series of Islamophobic
narratives.
Research Interests:
In late February 2020, Turkish authorities declared that they would not avoid refugees who wanted to exit to Europe as a result of which Edirne faced another, this time massive, refugee movement in its history. Eventually, the flocking of... more
In late February 2020, Turkish authorities declared that they would not avoid refugees who wanted to exit to Europe as a result of which Edirne faced another, this time massive, refugee movement in its history. Eventually, the flocking of hundreds and thousands of desperate people for the purpose of crossing to the European Union (EU) turned into a situation in which Turkey, Greece as well as the European Union involved. This paper investigates the Pazarkule case by analysing foreign policy concerns of both Greece and Turkey. It holds this foreign policy-migration nexus behind Turkey's as well as Greece's policy responses and introduces a comparative study by analysing both Greek and Turkish official discourse and sources. This research argues that although Turkey's and Greece's refugee policy responses seem to be quite different, they actually have similar aims. That is, both countries use their strategic relations with the EU for their own foreign policy concerns by underlining their foremost importance for the Union in terms refugees trying to make their way to Europe.
Research Interests:
There has been a growing academic literature about Islam in the West since 9/11 while Islam per se is actually an old phenomenon in the continent of Europe. Even if Muslims enjoy a variety of religious rights, Islamophobia is on rise all... more
There has been a growing academic literature about Islam in the West since 9/11 while Islam per se is actually an old phenomenon in the continent of Europe. Even if Muslims enjoy a variety of religious rights, Islamophobia is on rise all over Europe. In this respect, this study takes Greece as a case study and analyzes to what extent Islam has been incorporated in Greece. While doing so, it dwells both on historical and new Muslim groups so as to find answers to two primary questions. First, to what extent does Greece respect rights of Muslims residing in different parts of the country? Second, what does Islamophobia mean in the context of Greece? Doing so, this study argues that Greece has never allowed enjoyment of Muslims’ freedoms in full terms since its establishment as of this day. Rather, it has chosen to penetrate in their internal affairs via different ways, gradually limit their religious liberties and finally have the ultimate control over fundamental issues of Islam and Muslims living across the country. Moreover, Greece never applied for an establishment of an effective mechanism aiming to fight against anti-Muslim behavior depicted overtly or covertly by those belonging to different segments of the Greek society.
Research Interests: Religious Pluralism, Hate Speech, Hate Crimes, Islamic Studies, Modern Greece, and 11 moreIslam, Islamophobia, Racial and ethnic discrimination, Muslim Turkish Minority of Western Thrace, Greece, Religious Studies, Religious Minorities, Muslims, Theology and Religious Studies, Islamophobia In Europe, and Contemporary Muslim society
Balkanların azınlıklarından olan Bulgaristan Türkleri, Bulgaristan’ın bağımsızlığından günümüze bölgedeki diğer Müslüman toplumlarına nazaran farklı evrelerden geçmiştir. Komünist rejimin, Türkçe isimlerin zorla değiştirilmesi gibi en... more
Balkanların azınlıklarından olan Bulgaristan Türkleri, Bulgaristan’ın bağımsızlığından günümüze bölgedeki diğer Müslüman toplumlarına nazaran farklı evrelerden geçmiştir. Komünist rejimin, Türkçe isimlerin zorla değiştirilmesi gibi en temel insan hak ihlalleriyle gündelik hayatın güçlüklerini tecrübe etmiştir. Bu çalışma, Bulgaristan Türklerinin dinî hak ve özgürlüklerini, komünizm sonrasından günümüze kadar bölgesel, ulusal ve uluslararası yönleriyle derinlemesine bir analizdir. Çalışmanın temel argümanı şudur: Her ne kadar Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde Müslüman azınlığın dinî özgürlükleri artmaya devam ediyor olsa da Bulgaristan, 2007’deki AB üyeliğinden günümüze Müslümanların dinî hürriyetlerini tam anlamıyla sağlamamakta; insan ve azınlık haklarıyla ilgili AB normlarını vatandaşları arasında eşit bir şekilde uygulamamaktadır.
Bulgarian Turks, one of the minorities of the Balkans have gone through different phases from Bulgaria’s independence to the present day compared to other Muslim societies in the region. This community experienced the hardships of daily life through the most basic human rights violations of the communist regime, such as the forced change of Turkish names. This study is an in-depth analysis of the religious rights and freedoms of Bulgarian Turks with their regional, national and international aspects from the post-communist process to present day. The main argument of the study is as follows: Although the religious freedom of the Muslim minority has continued to develop in the post-Cold War period, Bulgaria has not fully ensured the religious freedom of Muslims since its EU membership in 2007 and does not apply EU norms regarding human and minority rights equally among its citizens.
Bulgarian Turks, one of the minorities of the Balkans have gone through different phases from Bulgaria’s independence to the present day compared to other Muslim societies in the region. This community experienced the hardships of daily life through the most basic human rights violations of the communist regime, such as the forced change of Turkish names. This study is an in-depth analysis of the religious rights and freedoms of Bulgarian Turks with their regional, national and international aspects from the post-communist process to present day. The main argument of the study is as follows: Although the religious freedom of the Muslim minority has continued to develop in the post-Cold War period, Bulgaria has not fully ensured the religious freedom of Muslims since its EU membership in 2007 and does not apply EU norms regarding human and minority rights equally among its citizens.
Research Interests:
İnsan ticareti, uluslararası hukukun ve ülkelerin iç hukuk mekanizmalarının önlem almaya çalıştığı, daha çok suç olarak görülen fakat mağdurlarının çoğu zaman tam manasıyla ihlal edilen haklarını geri alamadığı bir olgudur. Herhangi bir... more
İnsan ticareti, uluslararası hukukun ve ülkelerin iç hukuk mekanizmalarının
önlem almaya çalıştığı, daha çok suç olarak görülen fakat mağdurlarının çoğu
zaman tam manasıyla ihlal edilen haklarını geri alamadığı bir olgudur. Herhangi
bir ayrım gözetilmeden her insanın bu suçun mağduru olabileceği gerçeğinin
üzerine inşa edilen bu suç, bölgesel talepleri karşılamak için mağdurların
belirlenmesinde taleplere yönelik arz oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Balkan
coğrafyası bağlamında insan ticareti suçu değerlendirilerek bölgesel talepler
ortaya konmuş ve dünyanın en aktif göç rotalarından biri olan Batı Balkan Rotası
incelenmiştir. Özelde ise hem coğrafi konumu nedeniyle hem de ülke içerisindeki
organize suç faaliyetlerinin giderek artması nedeniyle insan ticareti suçuna
katılımın dikkat çektiği Arnavutluk incelenmiştir. Bu incelemede, Arnavutluk’un
insan ticaretine karşı atmış olduğu hukuki ve politik adımlar değerlendirilmiştir.
Hukuki sistemdeki eksiklikler, mağdur sığınma evlerinin ekonomik sorunları,
insan ticaretine karşı yürütülen politikaların mağdurları korumaktan ziyade
konunun kriminal boyutuna odaklanması gibi eksikliklerin normatif değişimi ve
bunların ulusal hukuka yansıtılması analiz edilmiş ve çözüme dair Avrupa
Birliği’nin ve Birleşik Devletlerin yayınladığı raporlar incelenmiştir.
önlem almaya çalıştığı, daha çok suç olarak görülen fakat mağdurlarının çoğu
zaman tam manasıyla ihlal edilen haklarını geri alamadığı bir olgudur. Herhangi
bir ayrım gözetilmeden her insanın bu suçun mağduru olabileceği gerçeğinin
üzerine inşa edilen bu suç, bölgesel talepleri karşılamak için mağdurların
belirlenmesinde taleplere yönelik arz oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Balkan
coğrafyası bağlamında insan ticareti suçu değerlendirilerek bölgesel talepler
ortaya konmuş ve dünyanın en aktif göç rotalarından biri olan Batı Balkan Rotası
incelenmiştir. Özelde ise hem coğrafi konumu nedeniyle hem de ülke içerisindeki
organize suç faaliyetlerinin giderek artması nedeniyle insan ticareti suçuna
katılımın dikkat çektiği Arnavutluk incelenmiştir. Bu incelemede, Arnavutluk’un
insan ticaretine karşı atmış olduğu hukuki ve politik adımlar değerlendirilmiştir.
Hukuki sistemdeki eksiklikler, mağdur sığınma evlerinin ekonomik sorunları,
insan ticaretine karşı yürütülen politikaların mağdurları korumaktan ziyade
konunun kriminal boyutuna odaklanması gibi eksikliklerin normatif değişimi ve
bunların ulusal hukuka yansıtılması analiz edilmiş ve çözüme dair Avrupa
Birliği’nin ve Birleşik Devletlerin yayınladığı raporlar incelenmiştir.
Research Interests:
Romanlara yönelik ırkçılık, ayrımcılık ve gündelik yaşamlarında karşılaştıkları temel insan hak ihlalleri, dünyanın ve Avrupa'nın farklı yerlerinde artarak devam etmektedir. Bu çalışma 1981 yılında Avrupa Topluluğu üyesi olmuş... more
Romanlara yönelik ırkçılık, ayrımcılık ve gündelik yaşamlarında karşılaştıkları temel insan hak ihlalleri, dünyanın ve Avrupa'nın farklı yerlerinde artarak devam etmektedir. Bu çalışma 1981 yılında Avrupa Topluluğu üyesi olmuş Yunanistan'ın Romanlara yönelik uyguladığı politikalardaki süreklilik ve değişimleri sebep ve sonuçları ile analiz etmektedir. Bu bağlamda Roman kimliğinin devamlılığını sağlayan sosyo-ekonomik yaşam, eğitim, barınma, sağlık, örgütlenme ve negatif algılar parametreleri ekseninde Romanlara yönelik uygulamalar sorgulanmakta ve eski-yeni sorunlar ekseninde hak ihlallerinin ne derece son bulduğuna cevap aranmaktadır. Çalışmanın temel amacı, Romanlara yönelik Yunanistan'ın izlemiş olduğu politikalar ve atmış olduğu somut adımlarda Avrupa Birliği (AB) normlarının ve Avrupa'nın normatif gücünün etkisini analiz etmektir. Bu bağlamda, Ian Manners'in 2002 yılında ortaya koyduğu olduğu "normatif güç kavramı" ışığında, Yunanistan'ın 1981 yılından günümüze Romanların hakların sağlanması ve yaşam koşullarının iyileştirilmesi ile ilgili somut adımlarda AB'nin dönüştürücü etkisi tartışılmaktadır. Bu eksende çalışmanın temel argümanı, Yunanistan'ın Romanların temel hak ihlallerinin son bulmasına yönelik attığı neredeyse tüm uygulamaların temelinde, Avrupa normlarının etkisi ve AB tarafından sağlanan maddi yardım ve fonlarla desteklenen normatif gücü bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada da ortaya konduğu üzere, özellikle 2014-2020 Kalkınma Çerçevesi için Ortaklık Anlaşması kapsamında Romanların yaşam koşullarının iyileştirilmesine yönelik atılmış birçok somut adım ve hayata geçirilmiş düzenlemelere rağmen, Romanların temel insan haklardan faydalanmaları yönündeki eksiklikler 2019 itibarıyla devam etmektedir. Bu da Yunanistan'daki Romanların çoğunluk toplum ile entegre olmalarını daha da geciktirmekte, onları kendi gettolarında kendi sorunlarıyla mücadele etmelerine devam ettirmektedir.
Research Interests:
This is a commentary of mine interpreting the name dispute between Greece and North Macedonia from a Greek perspective for those Turkish readers interested in this issue.
Research Interests:
Since the end of the Cold War era, there have been an increasing number of scientific studies about Muslims in Europe. Particularly in recent years, religious freedoms of Muslims living in non-Muslim countries started to attract more... more
Since the end of the Cold War era, there have been an increasing number of scientific
studies about Muslims in Europe. Particularly in recent years, religious
freedoms of Muslims living in non-Muslim countries started to attract more attention
of scholars so as to understand how and to what extent Islam is incorporated
within the majority culture. In this respect, this paper examines rights and restrictions
of Muslims in Greece by exploring both legal and institutional framework
of Islam as well as provision of rights in practise. It shows that Greece treats
those Muslims living on its soil differently; the ones living inside Western Thrace
have more religious liberties than their coreligionists residing anywhere outside
of the region. This paper argues that Muslims in Greece have never enjoyed full
autonomy in the realm of religious freedoms emanating from either international
or Greek Law. Rather, Greece prefers to have the absolute state control over different
issues of Islam across the country, thus limiting Muslims involvement in
their own religious affairs.
studies about Muslims in Europe. Particularly in recent years, religious
freedoms of Muslims living in non-Muslim countries started to attract more attention
of scholars so as to understand how and to what extent Islam is incorporated
within the majority culture. In this respect, this paper examines rights and restrictions
of Muslims in Greece by exploring both legal and institutional framework
of Islam as well as provision of rights in practise. It shows that Greece treats
those Muslims living on its soil differently; the ones living inside Western Thrace
have more religious liberties than their coreligionists residing anywhere outside
of the region. This paper argues that Muslims in Greece have never enjoyed full
autonomy in the realm of religious freedoms emanating from either international
or Greek Law. Rather, Greece prefers to have the absolute state control over different
issues of Islam across the country, thus limiting Muslims involvement in
their own religious affairs.
Research Interests:
Makalenin temel amacı, son yıllarda Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı'nın dini özgürlükleri bağlamında sıklıkla tartışılan ve toplumda "240 İmam Yasası" olarak bilinen ilgili düzenlemenin ilan edildiği 2007'den 2017'ye, ilk on yılını,... more
Makalenin temel amacı, son yıllarda Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı'nın dini özgürlükleri bağlamında sıklıkla tartışılan ve toplumda "240 İmam Yasası" olarak bilinen ilgili düzenlemenin ilan edildiği 2007'den 2017'ye, ilk on yılını, analiz etmektedir.
Research Interests: Religion, Islamic Law, International Relations, Minority Studies, Islamic Studies, and 11 moreEthnic minorities, Muslim Minorities, Modern Greece, Muslims in Europe, Minority Rights, Muslim Turkish Minority of Western Thrace, Greece, Religious Studies, Thrace, Religious Freedom, and Contemporary Muslim society
Research Interests:
In the beginning of the 20th century, the dissolution of great empires in Europe resulted in formation of new nation states. Millions of people were forced to move from one place to another while others remained on their own historic... more
In the beginning of the 20th century, the dissolution of great empires in Europe resulted in formation of new nation states. Millions of people were forced to move from one place to another while others remained on their own historic lands. As the Ottoman Millet system collapsed together with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, ethnic and religious differentiation among communities throughout the former Ottoman lands started to be promoted by new nation states of the post-World War. In this respect, those belonging to the core nation were given an advantaged position compared to the ‘minorities’ living in the same nation state who used to enjoy being members of the Müslim Millet under the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the Muslims across the Balkan Peninsula, regardless of their ethnic origins, became one of the main groups who suffered from the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire.
The case of the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace in Greece seems to be one of the significant case studies that would help to understand how reflections of the transition process from Ottoman to the Republic of Turkey affected the gradual transformation of a conservative Islamic community into a minority members of whom identify themselves with ethnic Turkish identity and Islam promoted by the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs, Diyanet.
In this framework, this paper seeks to shed light on the first decade of transition after 1923 analyzing issues of religious, educational, administrative autonomy of the Minority enshrined in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. In particular, it aims to show how this process was interpreted by Konstantinos Stilianopoulos, the Inspector of Minorities - the highest Greek authority responsible for minorities in the Interwar Greece. By analyzing the two comprehensive official reports prepared by Stilianopoulos after paying two visits to the region in late 1920s in order to observe continuities and changes in lives of the Turkish Minority in Western Thrace, this study provides an official Greek viewpoint for the establishment of the minority regime in the north-eastern periphery of Greece after 1923.
Key words: Greeee, Western Thrace, Muslim Turkish Minority, Stilianopoulos Reports, Tradinionalists vs. Modernists.
The case of the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace in Greece seems to be one of the significant case studies that would help to understand how reflections of the transition process from Ottoman to the Republic of Turkey affected the gradual transformation of a conservative Islamic community into a minority members of whom identify themselves with ethnic Turkish identity and Islam promoted by the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs, Diyanet.
In this framework, this paper seeks to shed light on the first decade of transition after 1923 analyzing issues of religious, educational, administrative autonomy of the Minority enshrined in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. In particular, it aims to show how this process was interpreted by Konstantinos Stilianopoulos, the Inspector of Minorities - the highest Greek authority responsible for minorities in the Interwar Greece. By analyzing the two comprehensive official reports prepared by Stilianopoulos after paying two visits to the region in late 1920s in order to observe continuities and changes in lives of the Turkish Minority in Western Thrace, this study provides an official Greek viewpoint for the establishment of the minority regime in the north-eastern periphery of Greece after 1923.
Key words: Greeee, Western Thrace, Muslim Turkish Minority, Stilianopoulos Reports, Tradinionalists vs. Modernists.
Research Interests: International Relations, International Relations, Multiculturalism, International Law, Human Rights, and 23 moreBalkan Studies, International organizations, Conflict, Security, Security, Nationalism, Minority Studies, Diplomacy, Turkey, Ethnicity, Minority Rights, EU, Peace, Greece, Greeks, Thrace, Minority, OSCE, Freedom, Muslims, Ethnic, Turks, and Triadic
Türkçenin kullanımı ve eğitimi ile ilgili farklı zorluk ve engellerle karşılaşılmasına rağmen Balkanların birçok noktasında gündelik hayatta Türkçe konuşan Türk gruplarına rastlamak mümkündür. Batı Trakya‟nın 1923 yılında Yunanistan‟a... more
Türkçenin kullanımı ve eğitimi ile ilgili farklı zorluk ve engellerle karşılaşılmasına rağmen Balkanların birçok noktasında gündelik hayatta Türkçe konuşan Türk gruplarına rastlamak mümkündür. Batı Trakya‟nın 1923 yılında Yunanistan‟a dâhil olması sonucu bu bölgede yaĢayan
Türkler Yunan vatandaĢı olmuĢ ve aynı yıl imzalanan Lozan Barış Antlaşması ile birlikte resmi azınlık statüsüne kavuşmuştur. 1923‟ten günümüze Yunan hükümetleri Türk azınlığa yönelik farklı politikalar izlemiĢler ve Türk azınlığa yönelik ayrımcı ve baskıcı bir tutum içerisinde olmuĢlardır.
Türk kültürünün yanında Türkçe‟nin bölge genelinde yaĢatılması bu uygulamalardan olumsuz yönde etkilenmiĢtir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, 1923‟ten günümüze Yunanistan‟ın Batı Trakya Türklerine yönelik uygulaya geldiği politikalar bağlamında Türkçenin varlığı üzerindeki etkisini ortaya koymaktır. Bu çerçevede öne sürülen temel gerekçeye göre, Türkçe ile ilgili temel sorunlar Türk dilinin korunmasına yönelik Yunanistan‟ın imzalamıĢ olduğu tüm ikili ve uluslararası metinlere rağmen Batı Trakya‟nın her üç ilinde devam etmektedir.
Türkler Yunan vatandaĢı olmuĢ ve aynı yıl imzalanan Lozan Barış Antlaşması ile birlikte resmi azınlık statüsüne kavuşmuştur. 1923‟ten günümüze Yunan hükümetleri Türk azınlığa yönelik farklı politikalar izlemiĢler ve Türk azınlığa yönelik ayrımcı ve baskıcı bir tutum içerisinde olmuĢlardır.
Türk kültürünün yanında Türkçe‟nin bölge genelinde yaĢatılması bu uygulamalardan olumsuz yönde etkilenmiĢtir. Bu çalışmanın amacı, 1923‟ten günümüze Yunanistan‟ın Batı Trakya Türklerine yönelik uygulaya geldiği politikalar bağlamında Türkçenin varlığı üzerindeki etkisini ortaya koymaktır. Bu çerçevede öne sürülen temel gerekçeye göre, Türkçe ile ilgili temel sorunlar Türk dilinin korunmasına yönelik Yunanistan‟ın imzalamıĢ olduğu tüm ikili ve uluslararası metinlere rağmen Batı Trakya‟nın her üç ilinde devam etmektedir.
Research Interests:
Benim için bu yazının sembolik değeri oldukça önemlidir. 2000'lerle birlikte bilimsel anlamda çalışmaya başladığım ve hala büyük bir zevkle çalıştığım alan olan Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı üzerine yayınlanan İLK makalemdir. 2004... more
Benim için bu yazının sembolik değeri oldukça önemlidir. 2000'lerle birlikte bilimsel anlamda çalışmaya başladığım ve hala büyük bir zevkle çalıştığım alan olan Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı üzerine yayınlanan İLK makalemdir. 2004 yılında, o dönemin en prestijli dergilerinin başında gelen Stratejik Analiz'de (ASAM) yayınlanmıştı.
Research Interests:
People who belong to the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace and reside in Greece constitute the only officially-recognized minority in Greece. Along with the Greek Constitution, both individual and group-based collective rights of... more
People who belong to the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace and reside in Greece constitute the only officially-recognized minority in Greece. Along with the Greek Constitution, both individual and group-based collective rights of this community are under the protection of different bilateral and international agreements to which Greece is a party. Since the incorporation of Western Thrace into Greek national territories in the 1920s, subsequent Greek governments followed similar policies while dealing with Minority-related issues, including education of the minority students from nursery to tertiary education. The Modern European Minority Policy (MEMP) introduced under the Kostas Karamanlis government between 2004 and 2009 constitutes an exemption to this trend since it was a policy dedicated to members of the Western Thracian minority. The main purpose of this study is to emphasize the main principles of the MEMP, to what extent it differed from policies of previous Greek governments, and to what extent it achieved to solve fundamental problems in the realm of minority education in Western Thrace.
Research Interests:
1920’lerle birlikte Batı Trakya bölgesinin Yunanistan’ın sınırlarına dâhil olması sonucu Yunanistan vatandaşı olan Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı, sırf etnik Türk kimliğine sahip olma, kimi zaman da Müslüman olmalarından kaynaklanan... more
1920’lerle birlikte Batı Trakya bölgesinin Yunanistan’ın
sınırlarına dâhil olması sonucu Yunanistan
vatandaşı olan Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı,
sırf etnik Türk kimliğine sahip olma, kimi zaman
da Müslüman olmalarından kaynaklanan sebeplerle,
özellikle 1960’lardan 1990’lara olan süreçte birçok
temel hak ve özgürlüklerinin ellerinden alınmasına
tanıklık etmişlerdir. Türklerin bölgeden temelli göç
etmesine dayanak oluşturan baskı ve sindirme politikaları
zaman zaman gündelik yaşamlarını dayanılmaz
kılmıştır. Kendi asırlık topraklarında yaşamlarına
Yunanistan vatandaşı olarak devam eden Türkleri,
Yunan toplumu içerisinde ikinci sınıf vatandaş olarak
muamele edilen bir kolektivite haline dönüştürmüştür.
Bahse konu ihlallere, 1980’li yılların ortalarında
Azınlığın etnik Türk kimliğinin reddedilmesi eklenmiştir.
Böylelikle, 1920’lerden o günlere Yunan
yönetimleri ile herhangi ciddi bir sorun yaşamadan
faaliyetlerine aralıksız devam eden adında ‘Türk’ ibaresi
geçen azınlık derneklerin kapatılmasının Yunan
Yargıtay’ı tarafından kararlaştırılması, Türk azınlık
toplumunda olağanüstü bir tepkiye sebebiyet vermiştir.
29 Ocak 1988 tarihinde ilk kez 10.000 kişiyi aşkın
Türk; kadın, erkek, genç veya yaşlısıyla Batı Trakya’nın
en ücra köşelerinden akın akın Gümülcine’deki
mitinge iştirak ederek bir nevi ‘Biz buradayız, hiçbir
yere gitmiyoruz, uzun süredir gasp edilen haklarımızın
iadesinden başka herhangi bir talepte de bulunmuyoruz’
mesajını sadece Yunanistan’a değil, tüm dünyaya
haykırmıştır. Bu sebeple Batı Trakya Türkleri
için 29 Ocak tarihi ayrı bir anlam ve öneme sahiptir.
29 Ocak 1988’in ikinci yıl dönümünde yaşanan
ve Yunanlı fanatik gruplar tarafından özellikle Gümülcine’deki Türklere ait işletmeleri hedef alan vandalizm
ve şiddet olayları Batı Trakya’da zaten yüksek
olan tansiyonu daha da arttırmıştır. Bu çalışmada
bahse konu Türklerin hak arama sürecinde Doktor
Sadık Ahmet’in yadsınamaz derecede önemli bir rolü
vardır. Türk azınlık toplumu mensubu diğer ileri gelenlerin
ve özellikle de Türk toplumunun desteğini
arkasına alan Sadık Ahmet, özellikle 1985 tarihinden
itibaren uzun süredir Türklerin haklarının gasp
edilmesi konusunda önemli inisiyatiflere imza atmış,
Türk toplumunun söylemeye dahi çekindiği birçok
hususu en üst perdeden, kendine olan cesaret ve özgüveni
ile bölgesel, ulusal ve uluslararası platformlarda
çekinmeden dile getirmiştir. Kendisini mensubu
olduğu Müslüman Türk toplumunun hak arama mücadelesine
adamış oluşu ve bu uğurda attığı adımlar,
elim bir trafik kazası sonrası 1995 yılında vefatından
sonra unutulmayıp her yıl Gümülcine’deki kabri başında
anma törenleri düzenlenmeye devam edilmektedir.
sınırlarına dâhil olması sonucu Yunanistan
vatandaşı olan Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı,
sırf etnik Türk kimliğine sahip olma, kimi zaman
da Müslüman olmalarından kaynaklanan sebeplerle,
özellikle 1960’lardan 1990’lara olan süreçte birçok
temel hak ve özgürlüklerinin ellerinden alınmasına
tanıklık etmişlerdir. Türklerin bölgeden temelli göç
etmesine dayanak oluşturan baskı ve sindirme politikaları
zaman zaman gündelik yaşamlarını dayanılmaz
kılmıştır. Kendi asırlık topraklarında yaşamlarına
Yunanistan vatandaşı olarak devam eden Türkleri,
Yunan toplumu içerisinde ikinci sınıf vatandaş olarak
muamele edilen bir kolektivite haline dönüştürmüştür.
Bahse konu ihlallere, 1980’li yılların ortalarında
Azınlığın etnik Türk kimliğinin reddedilmesi eklenmiştir.
Böylelikle, 1920’lerden o günlere Yunan
yönetimleri ile herhangi ciddi bir sorun yaşamadan
faaliyetlerine aralıksız devam eden adında ‘Türk’ ibaresi
geçen azınlık derneklerin kapatılmasının Yunan
Yargıtay’ı tarafından kararlaştırılması, Türk azınlık
toplumunda olağanüstü bir tepkiye sebebiyet vermiştir.
29 Ocak 1988 tarihinde ilk kez 10.000 kişiyi aşkın
Türk; kadın, erkek, genç veya yaşlısıyla Batı Trakya’nın
en ücra köşelerinden akın akın Gümülcine’deki
mitinge iştirak ederek bir nevi ‘Biz buradayız, hiçbir
yere gitmiyoruz, uzun süredir gasp edilen haklarımızın
iadesinden başka herhangi bir talepte de bulunmuyoruz’
mesajını sadece Yunanistan’a değil, tüm dünyaya
haykırmıştır. Bu sebeple Batı Trakya Türkleri
için 29 Ocak tarihi ayrı bir anlam ve öneme sahiptir.
29 Ocak 1988’in ikinci yıl dönümünde yaşanan
ve Yunanlı fanatik gruplar tarafından özellikle Gümülcine’deki Türklere ait işletmeleri hedef alan vandalizm
ve şiddet olayları Batı Trakya’da zaten yüksek
olan tansiyonu daha da arttırmıştır. Bu çalışmada
bahse konu Türklerin hak arama sürecinde Doktor
Sadık Ahmet’in yadsınamaz derecede önemli bir rolü
vardır. Türk azınlık toplumu mensubu diğer ileri gelenlerin
ve özellikle de Türk toplumunun desteğini
arkasına alan Sadık Ahmet, özellikle 1985 tarihinden
itibaren uzun süredir Türklerin haklarının gasp
edilmesi konusunda önemli inisiyatiflere imza atmış,
Türk toplumunun söylemeye dahi çekindiği birçok
hususu en üst perdeden, kendine olan cesaret ve özgüveni
ile bölgesel, ulusal ve uluslararası platformlarda
çekinmeden dile getirmiştir. Kendisini mensubu
olduğu Müslüman Türk toplumunun hak arama mücadelesine
adamış oluşu ve bu uğurda attığı adımlar,
elim bir trafik kazası sonrası 1995 yılında vefatından
sonra unutulmayıp her yıl Gümülcine’deki kabri başında
anma törenleri düzenlenmeye devam edilmektedir.
Research Interests:
Based on all the existing findings the situation regarding Islamophobia in Greece did not change significantly in 2022 compared to the previous years. Islamophobia is primarily found on the discursive level. Physical attacks with... more
Based on all the existing findings the situation regarding Islamophobia in Greece did
not change significantly in 2022 compared to the previous years. Islamophobia is primarily
found on the discursive level. Physical attacks with religious motivation such
as targeting Islamic sacred places, e.g., mosques and cemeteries, or Muslim people,
particularly immigrants or refugees, remain fewer compared to other European countries.
Restrictions based on Covid-19 contributed to the lower number of hate-motivated
physical attacks. However, violent attacks targeting Muslim individuals or Islamic
sacred places were recorded in 2022. Some Muslims in Athens and Xanthi were
physically beaten based on their religious and racial identity while the old, abandoned
Islamic cemetery of a village located near Xanthi was completely demolished resulting
in the loss of historical tombstones. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that after
a long time, no anti-Muslim incident was recorded at schools attended by Muslim
children, especially schools in urban areas.
Politics, religion, media (both printed and online), and the internet continued
to be the main four realms playing a crucial role in the reproduction of Islamophobia
in the Greek public domain throughout 2022. As was the case for previous years,
Islamophobia in Greece was expressed primarily by certain political parties and politicians
of the right and extreme right, (self-proclaimed) neoliberals, some figures of
the Orthodox Church of Greece, printed and electronic media, and journalists including
their posts and comments on social media. The main issues that contributed
to the reproduction of Islamophobia in 2022 were the public statement of an MP of
the right-wing ruling party of Nea Dimocratia stigmatising Muslim Turks living in
the Western Thrace region of the country; the demolition of the old and dilapidated
Islamic cemetery of Petinos located near Xanthi; expressions both online and offline
for the so-called Islamisation of Greece; and the debate over the state regulation prohibiting
halal and kosher procedures of slaughtering animals without anaesthesia.
not change significantly in 2022 compared to the previous years. Islamophobia is primarily
found on the discursive level. Physical attacks with religious motivation such
as targeting Islamic sacred places, e.g., mosques and cemeteries, or Muslim people,
particularly immigrants or refugees, remain fewer compared to other European countries.
Restrictions based on Covid-19 contributed to the lower number of hate-motivated
physical attacks. However, violent attacks targeting Muslim individuals or Islamic
sacred places were recorded in 2022. Some Muslims in Athens and Xanthi were
physically beaten based on their religious and racial identity while the old, abandoned
Islamic cemetery of a village located near Xanthi was completely demolished resulting
in the loss of historical tombstones. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that after
a long time, no anti-Muslim incident was recorded at schools attended by Muslim
children, especially schools in urban areas.
Politics, religion, media (both printed and online), and the internet continued
to be the main four realms playing a crucial role in the reproduction of Islamophobia
in the Greek public domain throughout 2022. As was the case for previous years,
Islamophobia in Greece was expressed primarily by certain political parties and politicians
of the right and extreme right, (self-proclaimed) neoliberals, some figures of
the Orthodox Church of Greece, printed and electronic media, and journalists including
their posts and comments on social media. The main issues that contributed
to the reproduction of Islamophobia in 2022 were the public statement of an MP of
the right-wing ruling party of Nea Dimocratia stigmatising Muslim Turks living in
the Western Thrace region of the country; the demolition of the old and dilapidated
Islamic cemetery of Petinos located near Xanthi; expressions both online and offline
for the so-called Islamisation of Greece; and the debate over the state regulation prohibiting
halal and kosher procedures of slaughtering animals without anaesthesia.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Toplumların bugünü belirlediği kadar geleceğini de belirleyen önemli unsurların başında eğitim gelmektedir. Ana dilinde eğitim ve/veya ana dilinin öğretimi, azınlık topluluklarının çoğunluk toplumları içinde asimile olmadan tarihsel... more
Toplumların bugünü belirlediği kadar geleceğini de belirleyen önemli unsurların başında eğitim gelmektedir. Ana dilinde eğitim ve/veya ana dilinin öğretimi, azınlık topluluklarının çoğunluk toplumları içinde asimile olmadan tarihsel varlıklarını devam ettirmeleri adına hayati önem taşımaktadır. Yunanistan’da Türkçenin varlığını gerek Yunanca gerekse Türkçe kaynaklar kullanarak detaylı bir şekilde inceleyen bu çalışmada, Yunanistan Cumhuriyeti’nin kurulduğu 1830 sonrası dönem ele alınmış, Osmanlı dönemi boyutu kapsam dışı bırakılmıştır. 1923 Lozan Barış Antlaşması sonrası yaklaşık yarım milyon Türk’ün bugünkü Yunanistan coğrafyasını terk etmesi, Yunanistan’da Türkçe ekseninde oldukça olumsuz sonuçlar doğurmuştur. Fakat onun öncesinde Batı Trakya bölgesinin ve 1947’de On İki Ada’nın Yunanistan’a dahil olmasıyla birlikte Yunanistan’da Türkçe konuşanların sayısında önemli bir artış yaşanmıştır. Yunanistan’da Türkçe dendiğinde akla her ne kadar Batı Trakya Türkleri geliyor olsa da, bu bağlamda diğer farklı ve önemli aktörler de bu çalışmada derinlemesine analiz edilmektedir. Bu minvalde, geçmişten günümüze Türkçenin Yunanistan’da öğretilmesi ve öğrenilmesine yönelik gerek Batı Trakya içinde gerekse dışında farklı gelişmeler ön plana çıkmaktadır. İrdelenen temel hususlarla ilgili olarak Türk-Yunan ilişkilerinin gidişatından önemli derecede etkilendiğinin altı çizilmektedir. Metodolojik olarak tarihsel gelişim çerçevesinde incelenen ve Türkçenin Yunanistan’daki tarihsel varlığının analiz edildiği bu araştırmanın temel argümanı şudur: 1990 sonrası yabancı dil olarak Türkçeyi öğrenen Yunanların sayısındaki artışa karşın, Batı Trakya bölgesi dahilinde Türkçe ana dili eğitiminin sağlandığı ve müfredatın yarısının Türk dilinde işlendiği iki dilli azınlık okullarıyla ilgili eski ve yeni sorunlar, 2020 itibariyle büyük oranda hala devam etmektedir. 1950’lerden günümüze Yunan devlet birimlerinin Müslüman Türk azınlık ile efektif bir diyaloğa girmeden tek taraflı adımlar atmaya devam ediyor olması ve Rodos ile İstanköy adalarında Türkçe eğitim kapsamında yarım asırdır önemli herhangi bir adımın atılmamış oluşu, Yunanistan’da Türkçenin tarihi varlığını ilgilendiren birçok konunun yakın gelecekte tartışılmaya devam edileceği yönündeki öngörü ve argümanları kuvvetlendirmektedir.
Research Interests:
This report examines Islamophobia in Greece in 2018 taking all local, national and international developments into account. The main outcome of this year’s report is that Islamophobia continues to exist in different realms across Greece.... more
This report examines Islamophobia in Greece in 2018 taking all local, national and international developments into account. The main outcome of this year’s report is that Islamophobia continues to exist in different realms across Greece. Even if Islamophobia remains manifested mainly on the discursive level as anti-Muslim hate
speech, physical violence towards Muslims and sacred places of Islam continued at a lesser extent. In this respect, attacks targeting some immigrants and refugees as well as their NGOs based in central Athens took place in 2018. Moreover, the exterior of a mosque located in Western Thrace was defamed with anti-Turkish slogans while Golden Dawn continued protesting against the mosque of Athens. Furthermore,
a demonstration was organised by theologians, Orthodox Church figures and some religious groups in Syntagma Square against the new religious school textbooks which included more information about religions other than Orthodox Christianity,
including Islam. Meanwhile, a few national and international initiatives were also launched in Athens seeking to fight racism, discrimination, and Islamophobia at different levels of Greek society. Based on the report’s existing findings, Islamophobia is primarily manifested in Greek politics, printed and electronic media, and among some Orthodox Church
figures, while it is relatively limited in the education and justice system. Also, the Greek law does not seem to be powerful enough in fighting anti-Muslim hatred inside Greek society in a way that the vast majority of perpetrator(s) of Islamophobic attacks remain unidentified in general. That is to say, even some politicians and clerics
of the Greek Church who keep repeating their Islamophobic discourses overtly in their written or oral statements are never penalised for their hate-motivated behaviour. With the exception of a few state and NGO initiatives, almost no progress has been achieved in effectively fighting Islamophobia across Greece. For the purpose of addressing this vacuum, an official observatory mechanism, which needs to fully
cooperate with Muslims, should be formed urgently and start monitoring any type of Islamophobic behaviour and incidents occurring in different parts of the country. Also, a series of training seminars particularly for civil servants and journalists could be organised so as to develop their knowledge about Muslims and Islam in Greece.
speech, physical violence towards Muslims and sacred places of Islam continued at a lesser extent. In this respect, attacks targeting some immigrants and refugees as well as their NGOs based in central Athens took place in 2018. Moreover, the exterior of a mosque located in Western Thrace was defamed with anti-Turkish slogans while Golden Dawn continued protesting against the mosque of Athens. Furthermore,
a demonstration was organised by theologians, Orthodox Church figures and some religious groups in Syntagma Square against the new religious school textbooks which included more information about religions other than Orthodox Christianity,
including Islam. Meanwhile, a few national and international initiatives were also launched in Athens seeking to fight racism, discrimination, and Islamophobia at different levels of Greek society. Based on the report’s existing findings, Islamophobia is primarily manifested in Greek politics, printed and electronic media, and among some Orthodox Church
figures, while it is relatively limited in the education and justice system. Also, the Greek law does not seem to be powerful enough in fighting anti-Muslim hatred inside Greek society in a way that the vast majority of perpetrator(s) of Islamophobic attacks remain unidentified in general. That is to say, even some politicians and clerics
of the Greek Church who keep repeating their Islamophobic discourses overtly in their written or oral statements are never penalised for their hate-motivated behaviour. With the exception of a few state and NGO initiatives, almost no progress has been achieved in effectively fighting Islamophobia across Greece. For the purpose of addressing this vacuum, an official observatory mechanism, which needs to fully
cooperate with Muslims, should be formed urgently and start monitoring any type of Islamophobic behaviour and incidents occurring in different parts of the country. Also, a series of training seminars particularly for civil servants and journalists could be organised so as to develop their knowledge about Muslims and Islam in Greece.
Research Interests:
Ali Hüseyinoğlu (2016), Yunanistan’da (Batı Trakya) Türk Azınlığı ve Türkçe, Fahri Türk, ed., Balkanlarda Yaşayan Türk Azınlıkları ve Türkçeye Yönelik Dil Politikaları (Ankara: Astana Yayınları), ss.103-127.
Research Interests:
Ali Huseyinoglu (2018), Muslim Turks of Western Thrace in Greece: Ethnicity, Religion, Education, Mustafa Kaymakçı & Cihan Özgün (eds.), The Forgotten Turkish Identity of the Aegean Island: The Turkish Identity in Rhodes and Kos (Konya:... more
Ali Huseyinoglu (2018), Muslim Turks of Western Thrace in Greece: Ethnicity, Religion, Education, Mustafa Kaymakçı & Cihan Özgün (eds.), The Forgotten Turkish Identity of the Aegean Island: The Turkish Identity in Rhodes and Kos (Konya: Eğitim Yayınevi), pp.85-95.
Research Interests:
Ali Huseyinoglu (2016), Islam and Religious Liberties in Western Thrace, Greece, Muhammet Savaş Kafkasyalı (ed.), Islam in the Balkans: Unexpired Hope (Vol.4: From Times of Glory to Times of Humility (Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Türk... more
Ali Huseyinoglu (2016), Islam and Religious Liberties in Western Thrace, Greece, Muhammet Savaş Kafkasyalı (ed.), Islam in the Balkans: Unexpired Hope (Vol.4: From Times of Glory to Times of Humility (Ankara: T.C. Başbakanlık Türk İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı (TIKA), ss. 141-158.
Research Interests:
Since 9/11, there has been a growing academic literature about Islam across the world. Islamophobia is a relatively newer concept that needs further focus and analyses of researchers in various realms of social sciences. In the context of... more
Since 9/11, there has been a growing academic literature about Islam across the world. Islamophobia is a relatively newer concept that needs further focus and analyses of researchers in various realms of social sciences. In the context of Europe, Islam per se is actually an old phenomenon. Until the early 1920s, the concept of peaceful coexistence and cohabitation of Islam with other religions had actually been promoted and strengthened particularly under the Ottoman administration all over the Balkan Peninsula for centuries. With the newly-drawn map of Europe, minorities and their rights came to the forefront under various mechanisms of the League of Nations. After the end of the Cold War epoch during which positive discrimination measures for minorities had been kept at the minimum level, religious freedoms of Muslims living in non-Muslim countries started to attract more attention of scholars seeking to find out how and to what extent Islam is incorporated within the majority societies.
In this respect, this study takes Greece as a case study and analyzes to what extent Islam has been incorporated in Greece. While doing so, it dwells both on historical and new Muslim groups so as to find answers to two primary questions. To what extent does Greece respect rights of Muslims residing inside and outside of Western Thrace? What does Islamophobia mean in the context of Greece? Doing so, this study argues that since its establishment until this day, Greece has never allowed full enjoyment of Muslims’ freedoms across the country. It ratheraimed to limit their religious liberties, penetrate in their internal affairs via different ways and finally have the ultimate control over fundamental issues of Islam, which actually keeps triggering various interpretations of Islamophobia towards Muslims within the Greek society.
In this respect, this study takes Greece as a case study and analyzes to what extent Islam has been incorporated in Greece. While doing so, it dwells both on historical and new Muslim groups so as to find answers to two primary questions. To what extent does Greece respect rights of Muslims residing inside and outside of Western Thrace? What does Islamophobia mean in the context of Greece? Doing so, this study argues that since its establishment until this day, Greece has never allowed full enjoyment of Muslims’ freedoms across the country. It ratheraimed to limit their religious liberties, penetrate in their internal affairs via different ways and finally have the ultimate control over fundamental issues of Islam, which actually keeps triggering various interpretations of Islamophobia towards Muslims within the Greek society.
Research Interests:
Executive Summary This report examines Islamophobia in Greece in 2017 taking all local, national and international developments into consideration. The primary outcome of this year’s report is that Islamophobia continues to exist in... more
Executive Summary
This report examines Islamophobia in Greece in 2017 taking all local, national and international developments into consideration. The primary outcome of this year’s report is that Islamophobia continues to exist in different fields across Greece. Compared to last year’s report, Islamophobia in Greece did not seem to decline in 2017.
It remains manifested primarily on the level of hate speech towards Muslims and to a lesser extent on the level of physical violence. Yet, attacks against a young Muslim immigrant’s house in Athens took place in 2017. Also, three masjids that had been functioning for years were closed down by the Greek police while demonstrations
were also organised so as to prevent the education of refugee children at Greek public schools. Meanwhile, even if it is likely to open in 2018, public discussions and protests against the construction of an official house of prayer for Muslims in central Athens continued throughout 2017. Based on the report’s existing findings, Islamophobia is primarily manifested in Greek politics, printed and electronic media, and among some Orthodox Church officials, while it is relatively marginal in the education and justice system. Also, the Greek law is not robust enough in fighting anti-Muslim hatred inside Greek
society. In general, the vast majority of perpetrator(s) of Islamophobic attacks remain unidentified; even those reproducing Islamophobic discourses, such as certain Metropolitans or politicians, are not penalised for their hate-motivated behaviour. With the exception of a few state and NGO initiatives, almost no progress has been achieved countering Islamophobia across Greece. For the purpose of addressing this vacuum, an observatory mechanism should immediately be formed that will monitor and record any type of Islamophobic incidents. A series of training seminars particularly for civil servants and journalists could be organised to develop their knowledge about Islam in Greece.
This report examines Islamophobia in Greece in 2017 taking all local, national and international developments into consideration. The primary outcome of this year’s report is that Islamophobia continues to exist in different fields across Greece. Compared to last year’s report, Islamophobia in Greece did not seem to decline in 2017.
It remains manifested primarily on the level of hate speech towards Muslims and to a lesser extent on the level of physical violence. Yet, attacks against a young Muslim immigrant’s house in Athens took place in 2017. Also, three masjids that had been functioning for years were closed down by the Greek police while demonstrations
were also organised so as to prevent the education of refugee children at Greek public schools. Meanwhile, even if it is likely to open in 2018, public discussions and protests against the construction of an official house of prayer for Muslims in central Athens continued throughout 2017. Based on the report’s existing findings, Islamophobia is primarily manifested in Greek politics, printed and electronic media, and among some Orthodox Church officials, while it is relatively marginal in the education and justice system. Also, the Greek law is not robust enough in fighting anti-Muslim hatred inside Greek
society. In general, the vast majority of perpetrator(s) of Islamophobic attacks remain unidentified; even those reproducing Islamophobic discourses, such as certain Metropolitans or politicians, are not penalised for their hate-motivated behaviour. With the exception of a few state and NGO initiatives, almost no progress has been achieved countering Islamophobia across Greece. For the purpose of addressing this vacuum, an observatory mechanism should immediately be formed that will monitor and record any type of Islamophobic incidents. A series of training seminars particularly for civil servants and journalists could be organised to develop their knowledge about Islam in Greece.
Research Interests:
Mesut Idriz; Osman Bakar, eds., Islam in Southeast Europe: Past Reflections and Future Prospects (Brunei Darussalam: Universiti Brunei Darussalam [UBD] Press), pp. 171-184.
Research Interests:
Levente Salat;Sergiu Constantin;Alexander Osipov; Istvan Gergo Szekely, (eds.), Autonomy Arrangements Around the World: A Collection of Well and Lesser Known Cases (Cluj-Napoca: Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities,... more
Levente Salat;Sergiu Constantin;Alexander Osipov; Istvan Gergo Szekely, (eds.), Autonomy Arrangements Around the World: A Collection of Well and Lesser Known Cases (Cluj-Napoca: Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities, 2014), pp. 417-442.
Research Interests:
Ali Chouseinoglou, Turkish Muslims in Greece: Identity Construction among Muslim Turks of Western Thrace, Talip Küçükcan; Veyis Güngör (eds.), Turks in Europe: Culture, Identity and Integration, (Den Haag: Turkevi Research Center),... more
Ali Chouseinoglou, Turkish Muslims in Greece: Identity Construction among Muslim Turks of Western Thrace, Talip Küçükcan; Veyis Güngör (eds.), Turks in Europe: Culture, Identity and Integration, (Den Haag: Turkevi Research Center), pp.129-152.
Research Interests:
Yarım asırdır Türk-Yunan ilişkileri alanında en çok tartışılan, en sık gündeme gelen konuların başında şüphesiz Kıbrıs gelmektedir. 1923 sonrası inişli çıkışlı bir grafi k seyreden ikili ilişkilerde 1950’li yıllarla birlikte başlayan ve... more
Yarım asırdır Türk-Yunan ilişkileri alanında en çok tartışılan, en sık gündeme
gelen konuların başında şüphesiz Kıbrıs gelmektedir. 1923 sonrası inişli çıkışlı bir
grafi k seyreden ikili ilişkilerde 1950’li yıllarla birlikte başlayan ve günümüzde hala
güncelliğini korumaya devam eden Kıbrıs Meselesi ile ilgili gerek Türk ve Yunan
gerekse İngilizce akademik literatüründe oldukça fazla bilimsel yayın mevcuttur.
İkili ilişkilerde bir numaralı sorun olarak gösterilen Kıbrıs bağlamlı gelişmeler
genelde jeostrateji, jeopolitik ve güvenlik ekseninde yorumlanmış, insani boyutu
aynı yoğunlukta ele alınmamıştır. Bu çalışmanın Kıbrıs’la ilgili şimdiye kadar
yapılmış diğer çalışmalardan en temel farkı, Kıbrıs Sorununun bilimsel olarak
neredeyse derinlemesine hiç ele alınmamış bir boyutunu, Kıbrıs Meselesinin
Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı üzerindeki etkilerini sorgulamaktadır. Her
ne kadar 1959-1974 arası Kıbrıs’ta yaşanan olayların Batı Trakya Türklerinin
bölgedeki tarihi varlığı üzerindeki olumsuz etkileri olmuş olsa da asıl 1974 Kıbrıs
Barış Harekâtı sonrası dönemde bölgedeki Türk Azınlık toplumunda hâlihazırda
var olan korku, endişe ve geleceğe yönelik umutsuzluk daha da artması bölgeden
temelli göç eden Türklerin sayısında önemli artışa sebebiyet vermiştir.
Bu çalışmanın başlangıç noktasını, bir Batı Trakya Türkü olarak gerek küçüklüğümde
büyüklerimden duyduğum Kıbrıs bağlamlı gerçek yaşanmışlık hikâyeleri gerekse
de doktora çalışmam sırasında Batı Trakya’da sıklıkla karşılaştığım ve hâlihazırda
devam eden temel insan ve azınlık hakları dâhilindeki ihlallere referans verdikleri
1974 tarihi teşkil etmektedir. Çalışmanın metodolojisi ile ilgili, iki konu arasındaki
ilişkinin Yunan ve Türk bilim literatüründe yeterince ele alınmamış olması sebebiyle
gerekli çerçevenin oluşturulması, Batı Trakya’nın her üç vilayetinde yaşanılmış
olaylara ışık tutması ve bu olayların halk arasındaki yansımalarının ele alınması
amaçlı Türk Azınlık üyeleri tarafından çıkan haftalık gazetelerden faydalanma
yoluna gidilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, 1974 yılından Yunanistan’ın Avrupa Birliği üyesi
olduğu 1981 yılına kadar olan dönem, o yıllarda en fazla ön plana çıkmış ve en
çok okunan gazetesi olan Akın’dan taranmış1 ve Kıbrıs eksenli olayların gazetede
ne derece yer bulduğu ve nasıl yorumlandığı çalışmada irdelenmiştir. Bunun
yanında o dönemi yaşamış olan kişilerle yarı yapılandırılmış mülakatlar yapılmış,
onların olaylara bakış açısı ve Akın Gazetesi’ne dahi yansımayan yaşanmışlıkları
çalışmaya ayrı bir zenginlik kazandırmıştır.
Bu çerçevede çalışmanın temel argümanı şudur: 1974 Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı Batı
Trakya Türklerinin bölgeden yurtdışına göçünü tetiklemekle kalmamış, aynı
zamanda Kıbrıs’ta yaşananlar bağlamında Yunanistan’ın Türk Azınlığa yönelik
hak ihlallerinin daha da artmasına sebebiyet vermiştir. Bu bağlamda, Yunanistan
vatandaşı Türk ve Müslüman olan Azınlık mensuplarının Atina’dan çıkan kanun
ve bölgedeki uygulanan baskıcı politikalar gündelik yaşamı daha da zorlaştırmanın
yanında geleceğe yönelik endişe ve korkuları ciddi anlamda tetiklenmiştir.
Böylelikle, haklarının ihlal edilmesinden bunalmış birçok Batı Trakya Türkü,
başta “suyun öbür tarafı” olarak dillendirilen anavatan Türkiye ve bunun yanında
Doğu Almanya gibi Avrupa ülkelerinde kendilerine daha özgür ve yeni bir gelecek
için Batı Trakya’dan temelli göç etmeyi tercih etmiş, bu da Batı Trakya’daki Türk
demografi sini olumsuz yönde etkilemiştir.
gelen konuların başında şüphesiz Kıbrıs gelmektedir. 1923 sonrası inişli çıkışlı bir
grafi k seyreden ikili ilişkilerde 1950’li yıllarla birlikte başlayan ve günümüzde hala
güncelliğini korumaya devam eden Kıbrıs Meselesi ile ilgili gerek Türk ve Yunan
gerekse İngilizce akademik literatüründe oldukça fazla bilimsel yayın mevcuttur.
İkili ilişkilerde bir numaralı sorun olarak gösterilen Kıbrıs bağlamlı gelişmeler
genelde jeostrateji, jeopolitik ve güvenlik ekseninde yorumlanmış, insani boyutu
aynı yoğunlukta ele alınmamıştır. Bu çalışmanın Kıbrıs’la ilgili şimdiye kadar
yapılmış diğer çalışmalardan en temel farkı, Kıbrıs Sorununun bilimsel olarak
neredeyse derinlemesine hiç ele alınmamış bir boyutunu, Kıbrıs Meselesinin
Batı Trakya Müslüman Türk Azınlığı üzerindeki etkilerini sorgulamaktadır. Her
ne kadar 1959-1974 arası Kıbrıs’ta yaşanan olayların Batı Trakya Türklerinin
bölgedeki tarihi varlığı üzerindeki olumsuz etkileri olmuş olsa da asıl 1974 Kıbrıs
Barış Harekâtı sonrası dönemde bölgedeki Türk Azınlık toplumunda hâlihazırda
var olan korku, endişe ve geleceğe yönelik umutsuzluk daha da artması bölgeden
temelli göç eden Türklerin sayısında önemli artışa sebebiyet vermiştir.
Bu çalışmanın başlangıç noktasını, bir Batı Trakya Türkü olarak gerek küçüklüğümde
büyüklerimden duyduğum Kıbrıs bağlamlı gerçek yaşanmışlık hikâyeleri gerekse
de doktora çalışmam sırasında Batı Trakya’da sıklıkla karşılaştığım ve hâlihazırda
devam eden temel insan ve azınlık hakları dâhilindeki ihlallere referans verdikleri
1974 tarihi teşkil etmektedir. Çalışmanın metodolojisi ile ilgili, iki konu arasındaki
ilişkinin Yunan ve Türk bilim literatüründe yeterince ele alınmamış olması sebebiyle
gerekli çerçevenin oluşturulması, Batı Trakya’nın her üç vilayetinde yaşanılmış
olaylara ışık tutması ve bu olayların halk arasındaki yansımalarının ele alınması
amaçlı Türk Azınlık üyeleri tarafından çıkan haftalık gazetelerden faydalanma
yoluna gidilmiştir. Bu bağlamda, 1974 yılından Yunanistan’ın Avrupa Birliği üyesi
olduğu 1981 yılına kadar olan dönem, o yıllarda en fazla ön plana çıkmış ve en
çok okunan gazetesi olan Akın’dan taranmış1 ve Kıbrıs eksenli olayların gazetede
ne derece yer bulduğu ve nasıl yorumlandığı çalışmada irdelenmiştir. Bunun
yanında o dönemi yaşamış olan kişilerle yarı yapılandırılmış mülakatlar yapılmış,
onların olaylara bakış açısı ve Akın Gazetesi’ne dahi yansımayan yaşanmışlıkları
çalışmaya ayrı bir zenginlik kazandırmıştır.
Bu çerçevede çalışmanın temel argümanı şudur: 1974 Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı Batı
Trakya Türklerinin bölgeden yurtdışına göçünü tetiklemekle kalmamış, aynı
zamanda Kıbrıs’ta yaşananlar bağlamında Yunanistan’ın Türk Azınlığa yönelik
hak ihlallerinin daha da artmasına sebebiyet vermiştir. Bu bağlamda, Yunanistan
vatandaşı Türk ve Müslüman olan Azınlık mensuplarının Atina’dan çıkan kanun
ve bölgedeki uygulanan baskıcı politikalar gündelik yaşamı daha da zorlaştırmanın
yanında geleceğe yönelik endişe ve korkuları ciddi anlamda tetiklenmiştir.
Böylelikle, haklarının ihlal edilmesinden bunalmış birçok Batı Trakya Türkü,
başta “suyun öbür tarafı” olarak dillendirilen anavatan Türkiye ve bunun yanında
Doğu Almanya gibi Avrupa ülkelerinde kendilerine daha özgür ve yeni bir gelecek
için Batı Trakya’dan temelli göç etmeyi tercih etmiş, bu da Batı Trakya’daki Türk
demografi sini olumsuz yönde etkilemiştir.
Research Interests:
The phenomenon of coexistence of minority and majority communities is has been a significant phenomenon across the Balkan Peninsula for centuries. This study takes one of those regions in Greece so as to analyze main dynamics and... more
The phenomenon of coexistence of minority and majority communities is has been a significant phenomenon across the Balkan Peninsula for centuries. This study takes one of those regions in Greece so as to analyze main dynamics and perpetrators of Turkish-Greek coexistence in Western Thrace. While doing so it explores to what extent and under what type of conditions the culture of living together has been promoted by Greece since the incorporation of the region into territories of contemporary Greece. Also, it emphasizes main internal-external actors and questions their roles in the promoting the fundamental principle of coexistence across the only borderland land of Greece with Turkey and Bulgaria. This study argues that despite some attempts targeting the isolation and dissimilation of the Minority members, Greece starting from 1991 and onwards has opted for a variety of measures and actions that keeps contributing to diversity and ethnic, religious and cultural pluralism in this part of the Balkan region, thus assisting the principle of coexistence of Turks and Greeks in Western Thrace.
Keywords: coexistence, minority, majority, Western Thrace, Greece
Keywords: coexistence, minority, majority, Western Thrace, Greece
Research Interests:
XII. ULUSLARARASI BALKAN TARİHİ KONGRESİ,
KONGRE BİLDİRİ ÖZETİ KİTAPÇIĞI,
KONGRE BİLDİRİ ÖZETİ KİTAPÇIĞI,
Research Interests:
CONFERENCE PAPER - Ali Hüseyinoglu (2016), Yunanistan Ülke Raporu, İbrahim Hakan Karataş (ed.), II. Uluslararası Öncü Öğretmenler Zirvesi: Kültürlerarası Eğitim ve Eğitimde Çökkültürlülük Deneyimleri-Ülke Raporları, (İstanbul:... more
CONFERENCE PAPER - Ali Hüseyinoglu (2016), Yunanistan Ülke Raporu, İbrahim Hakan Karataş (ed.), II. Uluslararası Öncü Öğretmenler Zirvesi: Kültürlerarası Eğitim ve Eğitimde Çökkültürlülük Deneyimleri-Ülke Raporları, (İstanbul: Uluslararası Öncü Eğitimciler Derneği Yayınları 2, Akademik Yayınlar 2), ss. 129-133.
Research Interests:
CONFERENCE PAPER - Ali Hüseyinoğlu (2014), Türk-Yunan Nüfus Mübadelesi’nin ‘Kalanlar’/ ‘Bırakılanlar’ Boyutu: Yunanistan’daki Batı Trakya Türkleri ve Geçmişten Günümüze Azınlık Eğitimi, Bir Zamanlar Balkanlar: 6. ve 7. Uluslararası Mübadele ve Balkan Türk Kültürü Araştırmaları Kongresi Bildirilerimore
Research Interests:
Ali Hüseyinoğlu (2013), Balkanlardaki Azınlıklar ve Siyasi Katılım: Batı Trakya Türkleri (Yunanistan) Örneği, Burhan Sayılır (ed.), Türk Dünyası Kültürel Değerleri Uluslararası Sempozyumu (4-8 Kasım 2013), Eskişehir (Ankara: Matus... more
Ali Hüseyinoğlu (2013), Balkanlardaki Azınlıklar ve Siyasi Katılım: Batı Trakya Türkleri (Yunanistan) Örneği, Burhan Sayılır (ed.), Türk Dünyası Kültürel Değerleri Uluslararası Sempozyumu (4-8 Kasım 2013), Eskişehir (Ankara: Matus Basımevi, 2013), ss.133-144.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
! Education of minorities has generally been one of the fundamental topics while studying minority regimes within the European context. Since the Interwar epoch, integration and/or assimilation of minorities has generally been clinged to... more
! Education of minorities has generally been one of the fundamental topics while studying minority regimes within the European context. Since the Interwar epoch, integration and/or assimilation of minorities has generally been clinged to the type of education provided for minority groups by their own nation states. Especially from 1980s onwards, inclusion of a third or fourth party to the bilateral relation between the state and minority became a rampant phenomenon and contributed for the promotion of minority rights regimes within the EU context.
Research Interests:
My first published work about Islam in Western Thrace, Greece
Research Interests:
Yayınlanan ilk kongre/sempozyum bildiri metnim
Research Interests:
This study focuses on the Muslim Turkish minority in Greece and the development of its educational rights. It starts with the 1923 Lausanne Treaty that established the minorityhood of the Muslim ummah for the former Ottoman territory and... more
This study focuses on the Muslim Turkish minority in Greece and the development of its educational rights. It starts with the 1923 Lausanne Treaty that established the minorityhood of the Muslim ummah for the former Ottoman territory and explores various aspects of Minority education between then and the end of the 2000s.
While doing so, it treats these rights as individual rights with a collective aspect; some of the individual rights of minorities can only be enjoyed together with others. Also, it draws a direct correlation between the Minority’s education and its rights. That
is, in the case that the education level of the Minority was high, there was less discrimination against members of the Minority, since they had the linguistic skills, educational background and self-confidence to fight against violations of their rights by the host country, Greece. Also, it emphasizes the involvement of external actors in the development of Minority education in Western Thrace. Concerning the development of Minority education, this study argues that minorities’ rights are not only ‘given’ by host states but also ‘claimed’ by members of
minorities through various struggles at the local, national and international level. Also, as well as the Minority and the Greek state, various external agents, such as Turkey and the European Union, are also involved in the struggle between the Minority and the Greek state over the former’s education. The impact of these agents on the survival of the Minority’s educational rights was immense, particularly from the 1980s onwards. It was primarily the inclusion of these external actors that pushed Greece to change its discriminatory policy against the Minority in 1991. This study demonstrates that a number of the individual rights emanating from the Minority’s Greek citizenship have only been recognized since 1991. Nonetheless, I conclude that in spite of some improvements, the Minority’s difficulties in the realm of rights with collective aspects, such as education of Minority students in a bilingual environment, persist.
While doing so, it treats these rights as individual rights with a collective aspect; some of the individual rights of minorities can only be enjoyed together with others. Also, it draws a direct correlation between the Minority’s education and its rights. That
is, in the case that the education level of the Minority was high, there was less discrimination against members of the Minority, since they had the linguistic skills, educational background and self-confidence to fight against violations of their rights by the host country, Greece. Also, it emphasizes the involvement of external actors in the development of Minority education in Western Thrace. Concerning the development of Minority education, this study argues that minorities’ rights are not only ‘given’ by host states but also ‘claimed’ by members of
minorities through various struggles at the local, national and international level. Also, as well as the Minority and the Greek state, various external agents, such as Turkey and the European Union, are also involved in the struggle between the Minority and the Greek state over the former’s education. The impact of these agents on the survival of the Minority’s educational rights was immense, particularly from the 1980s onwards. It was primarily the inclusion of these external actors that pushed Greece to change its discriminatory policy against the Minority in 1991. This study demonstrates that a number of the individual rights emanating from the Minority’s Greek citizenship have only been recognized since 1991. Nonetheless, I conclude that in spite of some improvements, the Minority’s difficulties in the realm of rights with collective aspects, such as education of Minority students in a bilingual environment, persist.
Research Interests:
MSc Thesis, 2005
Middle East Technical University, Ankara-TURKEY
(Awarded with the Best Thesis of the Year 2005 by METU-Mustafa Parlar Foundation)
Middle East Technical University, Ankara-TURKEY
(Awarded with the Best Thesis of the Year 2005 by METU-Mustafa Parlar Foundation)
Research Interests:
Interview by Anadolu Agency about image of Turk and Turkey in Greek media.
Research Interests:
Interview with AA about a recent development in minority education of the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace in Greece
Research Interests:
http://www.economist.com/node/17249634
http://www.economist.com/printedition/2010-10-16 (Print Edition)
I was quoted in the end of this article about Sharia in Western Thrace, Greece.
http://www.economist.com/printedition/2010-10-16 (Print Edition)
I was quoted in the end of this article about Sharia in Western Thrace, Greece.
Research Interests:
CONFERENCE
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Book Review
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
By gathering 35 local scholars, experts, and civil society activists specialized in racism and human rights, the fifth edition of the European Islamophobia Report addresses a still timely and politically important issue. All 32 country... more
By gathering 35 local scholars, experts, and civil society activists specialized in racism and human rights, the fifth edition of the European Islamophobia Report addresses a still timely and politically important issue. All 32 country reports included in this book follow a unique structure that is convenient, first, for comparing countries and, second, for selected readings on a particular topic such as politics, employment, or education with regard to Islamophobia across Europe. The present report investigates in detail the underlying dynamics that directly or indirectly support the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Europe. This extends from Islamophobic statements spread in national media to laws and policies that restrain the fundamental rights of European Muslim citizens and threaten the whole of society. As a result, the European Islamophobia Report 2019 discusses the impact of anti-Muslim racism on human rights, multiculturalism, and the state of law in Europe. This fifth edition of our report highlights how European societies are progressively overwhelmed by the Islamophobic discourse of the “Great Replacement” and other far-right conspiracy theories. The 32 country reports demonstrate how governments and mainstream media participate in reproducing such discourses that put the fundamental rights of millions of European citizens in jeopardy and how one can counteract these developments. This compendium of useful insights and data aims to provide European policy-makers, institutions, and NGOs with recommendations on how to tackle anti-Muslim racism in Europe seriously.
Research Interests:
“Doktor Sadık Ahmet” kitabı, Batı Trakya Türkleri’nin hak arama mücadelesinde en öne çıkan şahsiyet ve yukarıdaki sözlerin sahibi olan Dr. Sadık Ahmet’i yâd etmek ve onun bıraktığı mirası gelecek kuşaklara tanıtmak için yoğun bir emek... more
“Doktor Sadık Ahmet” kitabı, Batı Trakya Türkleri’nin hak arama mücadelesinde en öne çıkan şahsiyet ve yukarıdaki sözlerin sahibi olan Dr. Sadık Ahmet’i yâd etmek ve onun bıraktığı mirası gelecek kuşaklara tanıtmak için yoğun bir emek sonucunda hazırlanmıştır.
Research Interests:
In the beginning of the 20 th century, the dissolution of great empires in Europe resulted in formation of new nation states. Millions of people were forced to move from one place to another while others remained on their own historic... more
In the beginning of the 20 th century, the dissolution of great empires in Europe resulted in formation of new nation states. Millions of people were forced to move from one place to another while others remained on their own historic lands. As the Ottoman Millet system collapsed together with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, ethnic and religious differentiation among communities throughout the former Ottoman lands started to be promoted by new nation states of the post-World War. In this respect, those belonging to the core nation were given an advantaged position compared to the ‘minorities’ living in the same nation state who used to enjoy being members of the Muslim Millet under the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the Muslims across the Balkan Peninsula, regardless of their ethnic origins, became one of the main groups who suffered from the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. The case of the Muslim Turkish minority of Western Thrace in Greece seems to be one of the significant case studies that would help to understand how reflections of the transition process from Ottoman to the Republic of Turkey affected the gradual transformation of a conservative Islamic community into a minority members of whom identify themselves with ethnic Turkish identity and Islam promoted by the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs, Diyanet . In this framework, this paper seeks to shed light on the first decade of transition after 1923 analyzing issues of religious, educational, administrative autonomy of the Minority enshrined in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. In particular, it aims to show how this process was interpreted by Konstantinos Stilianopoulos, the Inspector of Minorities - the highest Greek authority responsible for minorities in the Interwar Greece. By analyzing the two comprehensive official reports prepared by Stilianopoulos after paying two visits to the region in late 1920s in order to observe continuities and changes in lives of the Turkish Minority in Western Thrace, this study provides an official Greek viewpoint for the establishment of the minority regime in the north-eastern periphery of Greece after 1923.
Research Interests:
CONTINUITIES AND CHANGES IN THE MINORITY POLICY OF GREECE: THE CASE OF WESTERN THRACE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ... THE CASE OF WESTERN THRACE ...