Fengshi Wu
The University of New South Wales, School of Social Sciences, Faculty Member
- Nanyang Technological University, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Faculty MemberUniversity of Melbourne, Asia Institute, Faculty Memberadd
- Fengshi Wu (BA from Beijing University, PhD from University of Maryland), is Associate Professor of Political Science... moreFengshi Wu (BA from Beijing University, PhD from University of Maryland), is Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations in the School of Social Sciences, UNSW, Sydney. She previously worked at the Asia Institute, Faculty of Arts, the University of Melbourne in 2018. From 2014 to March 2018, she was Associate Professor at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Her research focuses include environmental politics, Chinese politics and global governance. Before joining RSIS, she was assistant and associate professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong (2005-2013) and visiting fellow at the Harvard-Yenching Institute (2008-09). She was among the inaugural class of the Graduate Fellows of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences (2004). She is a leading expert on China’s environmental politics and social activism, and her recent publications have appeared in the International Studies Quarterly, China Journal, VOLUMTAS (International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations), Issues and Studies, Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, China Perspectives, Journal of Contemporary China, and Journal of Chinese Political Science.edit
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This article examines political criticism and oppositional discourses on China’s Internet from 2012, near the end of Hu Jintao’s era, up through the current Xi Jinping administration. We focus on two main types of Internet activity in... more
This article examines political criticism and oppositional discourses on China’s Internet from 2012, near the end of Hu Jintao’s era, up through the current Xi Jinping administration. We focus on two main types of Internet activity in which criticism and discourses emerge—online mass incidents and defiant enclaves—and compare their discursive elements. The core messages and critiques by leading activists and dissidents and their followers in the latter have become more multilayered, radical, and antiregime. Both types of political dissent are alive and persist, but the potential for them to connect various social grievances has declined in recent years, as state control over the Internet and digital spaces has significantly tightened.
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This chapter examines the rise and impact of environmental activism and protests in East Asia with evidence from Japan, South Korea and mainland China. It endeavors to compare and explain the relationship between environmental activism... more
This chapter examines the rise and impact of environmental activism and protests in East Asia with evidence from Japan, South Korea and mainland China. It endeavors to compare and explain the relationship between environmental activism and its effects on public awareness and policy outcomes. The impact of environmental activism is heavily modified by domestic political context, particularly the level of integration of mass-based protests and policy advocacy NGOs. Hinted by the history of neighboring Japan and South Korea, the possible convergence of NGOs and anti-pollution protests will have significant implications for Chinese environmental politics in the coming years.
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Contestation and mutual influence between the state and civil society goes beyond formal institutional realms, and extends into the ideational spheres of social labelling, public speech, and collective consciousness building. Based on... more
Contestation and mutual influence between the state and civil society goes beyond formal institutional realms, and extends into the ideational spheres of social labelling, public speech, and collective consciousness building. Based on data from a three-year research project, this article analyzes Chinese activists and non-governmental organization (NGO) practitioners’ preferences for group identity, and finds “gongyi zuzhi” (public interest organization) to be the most popular social label. The article thus argues that if there exists a collective sense of belonging among activists and NGO practitioners in China’s civil society, the discursive contour of this sense of belonging is most likely to be “for public interest”. The article further maps out possible associations between one’s NGO-related work experience and reflections on group identity. “Gongyi” as a shared social label may not be politically inspiring to some, but it carries a straightforward message of “working for the p...
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In 2012, a series of public protests against industrial pollution and its resulting environmental health problems became the focus of attention in China. These collective actions were carried out in two modes. In the first mode, victims... more
In 2012, a series of public protests against industrial pollution and its resulting environmental health problems became the focus of attention in China. These collective actions were carried out in two modes. In the first mode, victims of pollution and other stakeholders played a leading role in action aimed at protecting environmental rights. Actions carried out in this mode are similar to "not in my back yard" (NIMBY) movements in the West. In the second mode, participants are better organized and have more knowledge about the environment. Environmental mass incidents in the cities of Shifang, Qidong, and Ningbo, are typical cases of the first mode. The year 2012 saw some important changes in the aforementioned collective actions. On the one hand, such actions became more violent and saw more severe clashes between the government and the public. On the other, local governments responded faster. Keywords: China; collective action; environmental rights; Shifang
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This article examines political criticism and oppositional discourses on China’s Internet from 2012, near the end of Hu Jintao’s era, up through the current Xi Jinping administration. We focus on two main types of Internet activity in... more
This article examines political criticism and oppositional discourses on China’s Internet from 2012, near the end of Hu Jintao’s era, up through the current Xi Jinping administration. We focus on two main types of Internet activity in which criticism and discourses emerge—online mass incidents and defiant enclaves—and compare their discursive elements. The core messages and critiques by leading activists and dissidents and their followers in the latter have become more multilayered, radical, and antiregime. Both types of political dissent are alive and persist, but the potential for them to connect various social grievances has declined in recent years, as state control over the Internet and digital spaces has significantly tightened.
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Contention over transboundary water resources has emerged as a main area of non-traditional security concern for both China and its neighbouring countries. The increasing nexus among water, food and energy demands in China further... more
Contention over transboundary water resources has emerged as a main area of non-traditional security concern for both China and its neighbouring countries. The increasing nexus among water, food and energy demands in China further complicates the transnational policy making process to secure an ecologically sustainable future. In this chapter, the authors examine different kinds of challenges arising in transboundary watercourses faced by China, and argue that, besides geopolitical factors, inadequate domestic water regulation and low participation in global water governance also account for the lack of a major breakthrough in China’s management of transboundary water resources.
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Contemporary China is undergoing a three-fold environmental degradation: Firstly, common ecological stress for an overpopulated and fast developing underdeveloped society, such as land and water shortage, deforestation, and... more
Contemporary China is undergoing a three-fold environmental degradation: Firstly, common ecological stress for an overpopulated and fast developing underdeveloped society, such as land and water shortage, deforestation, and desertification; secondly, complex pollution problems due to the establishment of modern industrial sectors and the widespread of urbanization; and, lastly, various new environmental problems such as climate change, marine pollution and toxic waste treatment as a result of a gigantic and increasingly globalized national economy.
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The essay reviews scholarly debates on civil society in contemporary China and points out the assumptions and the lack of empirical knowledge about normative orientations and collective identity among Chinese social activists and NGO... more
The essay reviews scholarly debates on civil society in contemporary China and points out the assumptions and the lack of empirical knowledge about normative orientations and collective identity among Chinese social activists and NGO leaders. It attempts to investigate the level of collectiveness within the civil-society sector by examining the political orientations among activists and their alliances with intellectuals who clearly hold competing principles and ideologies. The main findings suggest a Chinese-style developmental trajectory of civil society that is different from the Eastern-Central European experience prior to the 1990s.
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Th is special volume attempts to enhance the understanding of a seemingly paradoxical pair of patterns in contemporary Chinese politics, namely, the resilience of the Communist regime and the robustness of social autonomy. Th e papers,... more
Th is special volume attempts to enhance the understanding of a seemingly paradoxical pair of patterns in contemporary Chinese politics, namely, the resilience of the Communist regime and the robustness of social autonomy. Th e papers, while contributing to the central theme from different sectors/subfields, converge on the aspect where the agencies of the Chinese state and the society interact and exert infl uence on each other. Instead of simply giving away summaries and revealing intricate findings, this introduction focuses on the overall scope and shared analytical perspective of all the papers included, and the interlinkages across them in order to facilitate the reading of the whole volume. Over 25 years aft er the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the heralding of “the end of history,” China has nevertheless emerged as a regional Th e China Review, Vol. 17, No. 2 (June 2017), 1–6
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The central inquiry of this chapter is the relationship between political liberalization and the rise and development of environmental movement. The selection of the eight cases (China, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Singapore,... more
The central inquiry of this chapter is the relationship between political liberalization and the rise and development of environmental movement. The selection of the eight cases (China, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Singapore, South Korea, and Vietnam) is guided by both the call for broad coverage of Asia and the logic of comparative politics so that this research will be able to generate a level of theoretical discussion, in addition to empirically mapping out environmental movements in Asia.In addition to outlining the main patterns of the environmental-political dual transformation, this research also discusses possible reasons for the initial synergy between political liberalization and environmental movement to fade away and the challenges of environmental protection for both young democracies and authoritarian regimes.
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Contestation and mutual influence between the state and civil society go beyond formal institutional realms, and extend into the ideational spheres of social labeling, public speech, and collective consciousness building. Based on data... more
Contestation and mutual influence between the state and civil society go beyond formal institutional realms, and extend into the ideational spheres of social labeling, public speech, and collective consciousness building. Based on data from a three-year research project, this article analyzes Chinese activists and nongovernmental organization (NGO) practitioners' preferences for group identity, and finds "gongyi zuzhi" (public interest organization) to be the most popular social label. The article thus argues that if there exists a collective sense of belonging among activists and NGO practitioners in China's civil society, the discursive contour of this sense of belonging is most likely to be "for public interest." The article further maps out possible associations between one's NGO-related work experience and reflections on group identity. "Gongyi" as a shared social label may not be politically inspiring to some, but it carries a straight...
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Environmental activism and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are not limited to major cities, but have gradually taken root in provincial and local politics in China. This paper compares the development and characteristics of... more
Environmental activism and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are not limited to major cities, but have gradually taken root in provincial and local politics in China. This paper compares the development and characteristics of environmental activism in Guangdong province and Guangxi autonomous region, with the aim of shedding light on the causes of regional disparities in this field. With extensive and strong ties to peer organizations across issue areas within the province, grassroots environmental groups in Guangdong have grown as an integral part of local civil society. They have survived, through mutual-support, on a larger scale than those in Guangxi. Also, with a higher level of networking and capacity, environmental NGOs in Guangdong are more able to utilize the new opportunities offered by recent institutional reforms in social management and environmental protection in the province. The paper, thus, challenges the argument that over-emphasizes the domination of the state and points out that inter-organizational partnerships and the overall maturity of the civil society sector contribute most to the uneven development of grassroots environmental activism.
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Research Interests: Political Science, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Public Health Policy, Biology, China, and 11 moreTransnational Advocacy Networks, Chinese Politics, Medicine, HIV, Humans, Organizations, Cell, Clinical Sciences, Internationality, Biochemistry and cell biology, and Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome
RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S.... more
RSIS Commentary is a platform to provide timely and, where appropriate, policy-relevant commentary and analysis of topical and contemporary issues. The authors’ views are their own and do not represent the official position of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU. These commentaries may be reproduced with prior permission from RSIS and due recognition to the author(s) and RSIS. Please email to Mr Yang Razali Kassim, Editor RSIS Commentary at RSISPublications@ntu.edu.sg.
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Networking is the lifeblood of nongovernmental organizations around the world, for building strong partnerships among various social groups can strengthen the capacity of NGOs and thereby increase their impact. It was apparent from the... more
Networking is the lifeblood of nongovernmental organizations around the world, for building strong partnerships among various social groups can strengthen the capacity of NGOs and thereby increase their impact. It was apparent from the talks by Plato Yip, Wei Chieh Lae, and Chen Qing that environmental NGOs in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China are aware of the need to create strong partnerships with government, business, and other NGOs in the society. It can be a challenging task, however, for NGOs to maintain a close relationship with government or businesses without losing their independence. One key point raised in discussion was the importance for NGOs to avoid overstretching their capacity, for if groups overemphasize networking they could waste valuable financial and human resources. Each NGO should carefully evaluate the extent of their networks and make full use of existing partnerships. Below are some observations on the characteristic of networking in Hong Kong, Taiwan...
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Change and Resilience in Melanesian SocietiesAlchemy in the Rain Forest: Politics, Ecology, and Resilience in a New Guinea Mining Area. Jacka, Jerry K. 2015. Durham: Duke University Press.Kastom, Property and Ideology: Land Transformations in Melanesia. McDonnell, Siobhan, Matthew G. Allen, and C...more
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This research examines China’s official perspectives on, and interpretation of, U.S.-China-India relations by surveying official, quasi-official, and some most relevant scholarly publications. China’s official line has always emphasized... more
This research examines China’s official perspectives on, and interpretation of, U.S.-China-India relations by surveying official, quasi-official, and some most relevant scholarly publications. China’s official line has always emphasized the bilateral nature of the relationship between China and India fending off any third-party interference, including that from the United States. Neither Chinese leaders nor the regime’s official media outlets would speak of China-India relationship with a triangular framework (with a rare exception of the Russia-India-China triangle). In the context of the rapid evolvement of U.S.-India military cooperation, the Chinese official line remains unforthcoming about whether such developments have direct implication for China’s security or national interests. Chinese core official media has in fact minimized the popularization of the idea that containing China is the driving force behind any cooperation between India and the United States.
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This paper explores the emergence of a highly networked and capable non-governmental organization (NGO) community in disaster relief in China. It provides a review of the growth of non-governmental actors in the relief field since the... more
This paper explores the emergence of a highly networked and capable non-governmental organization (NGO) community in disaster relief in China. It provides a review of the growth of non-governmental actors in the relief field since the 2000s and examines the most important platforms and networks in the field, focusing on their strategies of maintaining a broad-based partnership, developing their own capacity, and enhancing overall inter-organizational connectivity. With an in-depth look at a successful joint non-governmental relief operation in Lushan in 2013, the paper also explicates how NGOs can break the state monopoly over disaster information management, public donations and relief operations. This research finds that during crisis times, non-governmental actors carry out relief missions effectively in parallel with state agencies. The rise of non-governmental disaster relief sheds light on one of many trajectories of civil society development in China where social autonomy is ...
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This paper first examines two most significant structural shifts in China's marine fishery sector in the past decades, namely, expanding outward and going after high market value species. It then explains how domestic policies and... more
This paper first examines two most significant structural shifts in China's marine fishery sector in the past decades, namely, expanding outward and going after high market value species. It then explains how domestic policies and development strategies have shaped the trajectory of China's marine fishery sector, and analyzes the obstacles rooted in both domestic socio-political settings and global governance that have impeded policy reform and effective enforcement in China to ensure marine sustainability and international cooperation. Lastly, the paper explores possible options for transnational advocacy actors that are concerned with the global impact of China's growing fisheries.
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The article examines China's evolving role in global governance by three steps. Firstly, it develops a basic typology of state relationship with global institutions. Secondly, it applies the typology to systematically examine the... more
The article examines China's evolving role in global governance by three steps. Firstly, it develops a basic typology of state relationship with global institutions. Secondly, it applies the typology to systematically examine the case of China, using evidence from the fields of economic development, security, human rights, environmental protection, and energy. By doing so, it provides a more detailed intellectual map of China's partial and uneven inclusion in global governing regimes. Thirdly, and most importantly, the article identifies four pathways of China's ascent in global governance as a result of the variant patterns of her current relations with various global institutions and regimes. Beneath seemingly similar assertive actions by China, there is diversity. It is only in the fields where China has achieved most in adopting and internalizing global principles and practices, the state has taken bold steps to pursue leading roles in relevant global governing bodies. And, even in these cases, there are few real signs that China will revolt the existing ways of managing global public affairs and replace them with completely new ones. In fact, what China will be more concerned about in the near future is rather to get her foot in the door in some important policy areas such as oil and gas where she has not been a full member in the institutional building processes at the global-level yet.
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[Available online: http://link.springer.com/journal/11266; Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations] This article examines civic and political engagement in contemporary China by three recent cases where... more
[Available online: http://link.springer.com/journal/11266; Voluntas: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations] This article examines civic and political engagement in contemporary China by three recent cases where activists and citizens take full advantage of interactive information technologies and Web 2.0 tools to overcome obstacles and mobilize for public goods. The cases show how activists act strategically to mobilize mass-based support and use various technologies to ensure monetary transaction, resource allocation, public monitoring and large-scale inter-organizational coordination. In addition, they also demonstrate how ordinary Chinese citizens take part in innovative civic initiatives, act upon their own decisions and eventually contribute to the change of a failed policy and the solution to a public problem. Different forms of online mass political engagement have introduced new dynamism to public affairs in China, enhanced social autonomy and thus can have accumulative impact on the asymmetric power relationship between the authoritarian state and society.
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This paper applies two dimensions, inter-governmental and trans-societal, to discuss US-China environmental relations. It argues that, while official bilateral environmental relations between the two over the past 15 years have not yet... more
This paper applies two dimensions, inter-governmental and trans-societal, to discuss US-China environmental relations. It argues that, while official bilateral environmental relations between the two over the past 15 years have not yet achieved substantial outcomes, trans-societal linkages between American and Chinese NGOs and activists have grown steadily. The scope and volume of their work may not be as visible as that of ODA projects or official initiatives, but their impact may be more sustainable and not easily interrupted by administrative or regime shifts in either country. On the other hand, this paper highlights that US-China relations in regard to climate change will explain the main trends that FENGSHI WU (吳逢時) is an assistant professor in the Department of Government and Public Administration, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and specializes in international and en-vironmental politics. She can be reached at <wufengshi@cuhk.edu.hk>. YUAN XU (徐袁) is an assistant pro...
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... and the academic community. According to Yok-Shiu Lee ([89]: 3839), between 1990 and 2002, at least 28 surveys on public environmental awareness were conducted in China, four of which are nationwide. The Center for ...
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... de-velopment strategy of the township, most local people recognizedand in-deed experienced dailythe ill effects of pollution on their health, on the quality of the agrarian ecosystem, and on their economic livelihoods. CIVIL SOCIETY... more
... de-velopment strategy of the township, most local people recognizedand in-deed experienced dailythe ill effects of pollution on their health, on the quality of the agrarian ecosystem, and on their economic livelihoods. CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE ENVIRONMENT The second ...
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The central inquiry of this chapter is the relationship between political liberalization and the rise and development of environmental movements. The selection of the eight cases (China, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Singapore,... more
The central inquiry of this chapter is the relationship between political liberalization and the rise and development of environmental movements. The selection of the eight cases (China, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Singapore, South Korea, and Vietnam) is guided by both the call for broad coverage of Asia and the logic of comparative politics so that this research will be able to generate a level of theoretical discussion, in addition to empirically mapping out environmental movements in Asia.
In addition to outlining the main patterns of the environmental-political dual transformation, this research also discusses possible reasons for the initial synergy between political liberalization and environmental movement to fade away and the challenges of environmental protection for both young democracies and authoritarian regimes
In addition to outlining the main patterns of the environmental-political dual transformation, this research also discusses possible reasons for the initial synergy between political liberalization and environmental movement to fade away and the challenges of environmental protection for both young democracies and authoritarian regimes
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The full implementation and revision of the new law will take time, and the process will not be smooth. There is a lot of learning activities to be taken by all sides, including the authorities, law enforcement agencies and the... more
The full implementation and revision of the new law will take time, and the process will not be smooth. There is a lot of learning activities to be taken by all sides, including the authorities, law enforcement agencies and the international NGO communities.
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Despite ups and downs in climate diplomacy, China has been consistent in reforming energy related sectors and implementing climate-related policies at home in the past two decades. This explains why China shows no hesitation in moving... more
Despite ups and downs in climate diplomacy, China has been consistent in reforming energy related sectors and implementing climate-related policies at home in the past two decades. This explains why China shows no hesitation in moving along with the Paris Agreement regardless of US participation.
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This paper reviews the support for development of civil society organizations (CSOs) under the Governance for Equitable Development (GED) Project (GED's CSO Component), sponsored by the European Union (EU) and the United Nations... more
This paper reviews the support for development of civil society organizations (CSOs) under the
Governance for Equitable Development (GED) Project (GED's CSO Component), sponsored by
the European Union (EU) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) from 2007 to
2012. The paper finds that GED's CSO Component has reached all the goals set down at the
beginning and accomplished principal outcomes the following areas: (1) research, knowledge
accumulation and sharing, and policy recommendations; (2) review of laws and regulations; (3)
pilot projects on CSO registration; (4) establishing a government/CSO association; and (5) training
for CSOs in a variety of different skills.
Governance for Equitable Development (GED) Project (GED's CSO Component), sponsored by
the European Union (EU) and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) from 2007 to
2012. The paper finds that GED's CSO Component has reached all the goals set down at the
beginning and accomplished principal outcomes the following areas: (1) research, knowledge
accumulation and sharing, and policy recommendations; (2) review of laws and regulations; (3)
pilot projects on CSO registration; (4) establishing a government/CSO association; and (5) training
for CSOs in a variety of different skills.
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This chapter explores the key mechanisms at work that have enabled the civil society actors and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to not only sustain themselves but also continue to be relevant in environmental protection and social... more
This chapter explores the key mechanisms at work that have enabled the civil society actors and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to not only sustain themselves but also continue to be relevant in environmental protection and social justice building in the unsettling political environment of Kazakhstan. Focusing on nature conservation, this research has found that NGOs have been able to retain their organizational autonomy and policy impact by both working with the existing institutional opportunities and mobilizing resistance outside the state system. Moreover, a decent level of autonomy and self-capacity of local NGOs and civil society group is the prerequisite, not the outcome, of having effective support from international organizations, particularly United Nations agencies and well-established global environmental NGOs, in the authoritarian context.
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The central inquiry of this chapter is the relationship between political liberalization and the rise and development of environmental movement. The selection of the eight cases (China, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Singapore,... more
The central inquiry of this chapter is the relationship between political liberalization and the rise and development of environmental movement. The selection of the eight cases (China, Kazakhstan, Indonesia, Japan, Mongolia, Singapore, South Korea, and Vietnam) is guided by both the call for broad coverage of Asia and the logic of comparative politics so that this research will be able to generate a level of theoretical discussion, in addition to empirically mapping out environmental movements in Asia.
In addition to outlining the main patterns of the environmental-political dual transformation, this research also discusses possible reasons for the initial synergy between political liberalization and environmental movement to fade away and the challenges of environmental protection for both young democracies and authoritarian regimes.
In addition to outlining the main patterns of the environmental-political dual transformation, this research also discusses possible reasons for the initial synergy between political liberalization and environmental movement to fade away and the challenges of environmental protection for both young democracies and authoritarian regimes.
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Contemporary China is undergoing a three-folded environmental degradation: Firstly, common ecological stress for an overpopulated and fast developing underdeveloped society, such as land and water shortage, deforestation, and... more
Contemporary China is undergoing a three-folded environmental degradation: Firstly, common ecological stress for an overpopulated and fast developing underdeveloped society, such as land and water shortage, deforestation, and desertification; secondly, complex pollution problems due to the establishment of modern industrial sectors and the widespread of urbanization; and, lastly, various new environmental problems such as climate change, marine pollution and toxic waste treatment as a result of a gigantic and increasingly globalized national economy.