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Το βιβλίο παρουσιάζει την ιστορική διαδρομή του Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος της Κύπρου από την πρώτη δημόσια παρουσία του μέσω της εφημερίδας Πυρσός τον Νοέμβριο του 1923 μέχρι και την, άτυπη, διάλυσή του στο 5 ο Συνέδριό του τον Νοέμβριο του... more
Το βιβλίο παρουσιάζει την ιστορική διαδρομή του Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος της
Κύπρου από την πρώτη δημόσια παρουσία του μέσω της εφημερίδας Πυρσός τον
Νοέμβριο του 1923 μέχρι και την, άτυπη, διάλυσή του στο 5 ο Συνέδριό του τον
Νοέμβριο του 1944. Μέσω της χρήσης πληθώρας πρωτογενών πηγών (κομματιοκές
εφημερίδες δημοσιεύματα του Τύπου της εποχής, εσωτερικά κομματικά δελτία,
αρχεία της Γ’ Διεθνούς, γραπτές και προφορικές μαρτυρίες στελεχών του ΚΚΚ,
αρχεία της βρετανικής αποικιακής διοίκησης), η πλειοψηφία των οποίων ήταν
άγνωστη μέχρι τώρα, αναδεικνύονται μια σειρά ζητημάτων που επηρέασαν για
περισσότερες από δύο δεκαετίες των πολιτική ιστορία της Κύπρου:
 Οι κατευθύνσεις και οι αλλαγές της κεντρικής πολιτικής γραμμής του
Κόμματος
 Η παρέμβαση στο εργατικό κίνημα
 Η στάση των κύπριων κομμουνιστών απέναντι στο εθνικό ζήτημα και οι
αλλαγές ανάλογα με τις εξελίξεις της εκάστοτε συγκυρίας
 Οι σχέσεις του ΚΚΚ με τους Τουρκοκύπριους
 Οι εσωκομματικές αντιπαραθέσεις και αντιφάσεις
 Η οργανωτική δομή και οι καταστατικές αλλαγές
 Η απόφαση για τη δημιουργία πλατιού νόμιμου κόμματος που οδήγησε στην
ίδρυση του ΑΚΕΛ
 Η σύνδεση του ΚΚΚ με το διεθνές κομμουνιστικό κίνημα
 Η σχέση ΚΚΚ-ΑΚΕΛ

Η πρωτοτυπία του εγχειρήματος συνίσταται αφενός στην παρακολούθηση των
πολιτικών και οργανωτικών αλλαγών ανάλογα με την εκάστοτε χρονική περίοδο,
αναδεικνυόμενη έτσι η σχέση αιτίου- αποτελέσματος και αφετέρου στο ότι
προβάλλονται με πληρότητα και σαφήνεια γεγονότα που δεν είχαν τύχει της δέουσας
ερευνητικής προσοχής μέχρι τώρα: οι εσωτερικές διαμάχες, οι επαφές με την
Κομιντέρν, η προεργασία για τη δημιουργία του ΑΚΕΛ, η δύσκολη και αντιφατική
σχέση του ΚΚΚ με το ΑΚΕΛ κ.α
Ο Ο υμπέρτο Έκο διατύπωσε με σαφήνεια μια από τις πιο διαδεδομένες πρακτικές ηγεμόνευσης: «Το να έχουμε έναν εχθρό είναι σημαντικό για να ορίσουμε την ταυτότητά μας. Γι’ αυτό όταν ο εχθρός δεν υπάρχει, χρειάζεται να τον κατασκευάσουμε».... more
Ο Ο υμπέρτο Έκο διατύπωσε με σαφήνεια μια από τις πιο διαδεδομένες πρακτικές ηγεμόνευσης: «Το να έχουμε έναν εχθρό είναι σημαντικό για να ορίσουμε την ταυτότητά μας. Γι’ αυτό όταν ο εχθρός δεν υπάρχει, χρειάζεται να τον κατασκευάσουμε».
Πέρα από τις κοινωνικές ταυτότητες που γεννιούνται μέσα από μια διαδικασία
προσδιορισμού και κανονικοποίησης, υπάρχουν λοιπόν και οι ενσυνείδητες κατασκευασμένες ταυτότητες οι οποίες είναι απαραίτητες για την επίτευξη σκοπών και
επιδιώξεων μιας ομάδας, συνήθως της κυρίαρχης που διαθέτει τα μέσα για την κατασκευή και στη συνέχεια την επιβολή της νέας ετερότητας.
Η διεπιστημονικότητα αυτού του συλλογικού τόμου αποτελεί ταυτόχρονα και τη
μεγαλύτερη πρόκληση: το πάντρεμα διαφορετικών προσεγγίσεων για θέματα που
άπτονται της πολιτικής, της ιστορίας, της κοινωνίας και της διεθνούς σκηνής,
εντάσσονται κάτω από την κοινή απόπειρα ανανοηματοδότησης της έννοιας του
«εχθρού».
This book analyzes the events that impacted the structure and competitive processes of the two dominant Cypriot political factions while under the watchful eye of British rule. Based on new archival research, Alecou addresses the social... more
This book analyzes the events that impacted the structure and competitive processes of the two dominant Cypriot political factions while under the watchful eye of British rule. Based on new archival research, Alecou addresses the social and political environment in which the Cypriot Communists and Nationalists fought each other while at the same time had to fight the British Empire. The differences between communists and nationalists brought the two sides to a frontal collision in the wake of the events of the Greek civil war. The class conflict within Cypriot society would at some point inevitably lead, in one way or another, to a clash between the two factions. The civil war in Greece constituted another field of conflict between Left and Right, accelerating the formation of a bipolar party system in which the vertical division of the Greek community in Cyprus eventually expressed itself.
We willingly imagine that the speed of development of events has always remained constant here on earth. This is reflected in the fact that it is generally believed that the rate of natural phenomena is the same today as it has always... more
We willingly imagine that the speed of development of events has always remained constant here on earth. This is reflected in the fact that it is generally believed that the rate of natural phenomena is the same today as it has always been in the past and will remain this way more or less in the future. It is, now, a fact that the speed of progression of events is not constant over time. It was ascertained that since around the beginning of the 20th century the rate has accelerated in various fields, hence the term "acceleration of history" came to describe this phenomenon. This acceleration continues its course today and will even intensify.
Συλλογικός τόμος
Επιμέλεια: Αλέξης Αλέκου
Συγγραφείς:
Ανδρέας Κλ. Σοφοκλέους
Αλέξης Αλέκου
Γιώργος Γεωργής
Χαράλαμπος Χαραλάμπους
Μαρία Χριοστοδούλου
Πέτρος Παπαπολυβίου
Κωνσταντίνος Κουράτος
Δαμιανός Λαμπιδονίτης
Γιώργος Παυλίδης
Research Interests:
Alecou aims to examine the reasons and consequences of the belayed development of far-right in Cyprus in the 1940s, focusing on the appearance and evolution of the “X” organization. While the effects of nationalism on the political life... more
Alecou aims to examine the reasons and consequences of the belayed development of far-right in Cyprus in the 1940s, focusing on the appearance and evolution of the “X” organization. While the effects of nationalism on the political life in Cyprus have been influential throughout its contemporary history, nationalism produced a permanent division among the society of the Greek Cypriot community. The analysis focuses on the evolution and radicalization of extreme right groups in Greece and then attention switches to the relation between the Greek and Cypriot nationalists, and especially the influence of the Greeks on the Greek Cypriots during the Greek civil war.
Up until World War II, the greater part of the island of Cyprus was controlled by the senior clergy, an oligarchy of large landowners, the old notables. This drastically slowed the evolution of Cypriot society to the extent of validating... more
Up until World War II, the greater part of the island of Cyprus was controlled by the senior clergy, an oligarchy of large landowners, the old notables. This drastically slowed the evolution of Cypriot society to the extent of validating the portrayal of its early twentieth century structures as “archaic.” Senior clergy and landowners cooperated, forming the ruling class. A group of merchants—the embryo of the future bourgeoisie—followed, along with a small group of intellectuals, predominantly educators. The vast majority of the populace were farmers and, to a limited degree, craftsmen.1
While the right began to coalesce as a single faction and was led by the ethnarchy, AKEL had to contend with its intraparty issues. Specifically, the party’s stance toward self-government seemed to weaken when a member of the Central... more
While the right began to coalesce as a single faction and was led by the ethnarchy, AKEL had to contend with its intraparty issues. Specifically, the party’s stance toward self-government seemed to weaken when a member of the Central Committee (CC), Nikos Savvidis, on his return from Greece, informed the CC that KKE disagreed with AKEL’s “self-government-enosis” position.1 To clarify the issue, the CC commissioned party G.S. F. Ioannou and Pancyprian Federation of Labor (PEO) G.S. A. Ziartidis to travel to DSE headquarters in the Greek mountains for a meeting with KKE leadership regarding the tack they should take.2
As we have seen, one of the factors that brought the two opposing sides in Cyprus to a fierce clash was the transfer of the civil war climate from Greece to Cyprus. This transfer was aided and welcomed by both factions, left and right; it... more
As we have seen, one of the factors that brought the two opposing sides in Cyprus to a fierce clash was the transfer of the civil war climate from Greece to Cyprus. This transfer was aided and welcomed by both factions, left and right; it also inspired the official policy of the ethnarchy against communism and enabled the official establishment of “X” in Cyprus.
This book analyzes the events that impacted the structure and competitive processes of the two dominant Cypriot political factions while under the watchful eye of British rule. Based on new archival research, Alecou addresses the social... more
This book analyzes the events that impacted the structure and competitive processes of the two dominant Cypriot political factions while under the watchful eye of British rule. Based on new archival research, Alecou addresses the social and political environment in which the Cypriot Communists and Nationalists fought each other while at the same time had to fight the British Empire. The differences between communists and nationalists brought the two sides to a frontal collision in the wake of the events of the Greek civil war. The class conflict within Cypriot society would at some point inevitably lead, in one way or another, to a clash between the two factions. The civil war in Greece constituted another field of conflict between Left and Right, accelerating the formation of a bipolar party system in which the vertical division of the Greek community in Cyprus eventually expressed itself.
This paper seeks to reveal the many ways in which the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) influenced the Cypriot Left (AKEL) during the 1940s. The analysis centres on the main political events of the decade and details the reaction of AKEL,... more
This paper seeks to reveal the many ways in which the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) influenced the Cypriot Left (AKEL) during the 1940s. The analysis centres on the main political events of the decade and details the reaction of AKEL, especially as it was reporting to the KKE. Attention then switches to AKEL's ideology and tactics and how these were developed during and because of the Greek civil war. What this paper brings to the discussion is that the advice and control given by the KKE to AKEL – and at the same time the Cold War, which was a playing field on which a political party had to choose a side – were the main factors that formed the identity and ideological framework practiced for decades by AKEL.
The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and collisions between the two dominant political camps—namely the ‘nationalist’ Right and the ‘communist’ Left—under the influence of the Greek civil war, and the impact of this... more
The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and collisions between the two dominant political camps—namely the ‘nationalist’ Right and the ‘communist’ Left—under the influence of the Greek civil war, and the impact of this conflict on the local Greek-Cypriot community. In the late 1940s, the political climate affected local societies in such terms that specific stereotypes (nationalists VS communists) divided public life at all levels: sports clubs, grocers, cafeterias, etc. were converted into the battlefield of the two conflicting camps. As a result of this division, people had to choose between the ‘left-wing grocer’ and the ‘right-wing grocer’, support the football team of the ‘communists’ or the one of the ‘nationalists’ and so on. What is striking is that the situation described above is still being played out to this day.
The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and the collision of the two dominant political camps -namely the "nationalist" Right and the "communist” Leftunder the influence of the Greek Civil war, and the... more
The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and the collision of the two dominant political camps -namely the "nationalist" Right and the "communist” Leftunder the influence of the Greek Civil war, and the impact of this conflict to the local society of the Greek-Cypriot community. In the late 1940s the political climate had affected local societies in such terms that specific stereotypes (nationalists VS communists) divided public life in all levels: Sports clubs, groceries, cafeterias, etc. had been converted into the battlefield of the two conflictual camps. As a result of this division people had to choose between the “left-wing grocer” and the “right-wing grocer”, support the football team of the “communists” or the other one of the “nationalists” and so on. What is striking is that the situation described above has been carried out within this concept up to our days. Ideological Framework Because of the positive climate that had been created on the ...
The paper first provides an account of the rise by the 1920’s of the Greek-Cypriot cause for enosis (union with Greece) and details the establishment of the Cyprus Communist Party and the British Administration’s response to it. Attention... more
The paper first provides an account of the rise by the 1920’s of the Greek-Cypriot cause for enosis (union with Greece) and details the establishment of the Cyprus Communist Party and the British Administration’s response to it. Attention then focuses on the oppressive measures used by the British in dealing with the communist threat through the 1930’s and 1940’s as the Cypriot communist movement continued to get organised, culminating in the establishment of AKEL (Working People’s Progressive Party) in 1941. The paper then goes on to consider the evolution of and the relationship between the communist party and the nationalist movement against the backdrop of the Greek civil war in the late 1940’s as well as how the British continued to deal with both the Left and the Right as the armed rebellion by the Greek-Cypriot right wing EOKA guerrilla organisation under the leadership of staunch anticommunist Grivas broke out in 1955. Finally, the involvement of the British secret services ...
The history of the Greek far right and the Cypriot far right have not been analyzed adequately as far as these movements concern this region. They are worthy of attention, however, as the Greek/Cypriot far right (see below for an... more
The history of the Greek far right and the Cypriot far right have not been analyzed adequately as far as these movements concern this region. They are worthy of attention, however, as the Greek/Cypriot far right (see below for an explanation of the term) played a significant role in events in the region during the twentieth century. In short, for nearly three quarters of the century, especially from 1920 to 1974, the far right either starred in the political life of Greece and Cyprus or participated in the background. For all its efforts, its greatest failure is it failed to achieve political or ideological unity or to secure a wider legitimacy, even though it employed the dominant vocabulary of nationalism and evoked widespread political sentiment.
By 1913, after centuries of acquisition, more than one hundred separate territories worldwide were under British rule. They displayed almost every variety of human community, and their internal diversity was sometimes extreme. As Darwin... more
By 1913, after centuries of acquisition, more than one hundred separate territories worldwide were under British rule. They displayed almost every variety of human community, and their internal diversity was sometimes extreme. As Darwin notes, “desert peoples and nomads; hill peoples and tribals; mining, forest-dwelling and fishing communities (such as Newfoundland); farmers bound to the grueling regime of wet-rice cultivation (as in the Burma delta) and yeoman-farmers in the temperate Dominions; slave-owners and slaves (until 1830); workers and masters in plantation economies; industrial societies with ‘proletarians’ and ‘capitalists’—all these and more could be found in an empire that contained some of the world’s largest cities as well as some of its poorest and emptiest landscapes.”1 Maintaining the efficient organization of these diverse territories and sufficient control over them was the chief task facing the Colonial Office.
Στις 20 Ιουλίου 1974 η ελληνική κυβέρνηση κήρυξε γενική επιστράτευση. Την ίδια μέρα το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ κάλεσε όλα τα εμπόλεμα μέρη να σταματήσουν τις εχθροπραξίες. Με τη μεσολάβηση του αμερικανού υφυπουργού εξωτερικών Τζόζεφ... more
Στις 20 Ιουλίου 1974 η ελληνική κυβέρνηση κήρυξε γενική επιστράτευση. Την ίδια μέρα το Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας του ΟΗΕ κάλεσε όλα τα εμπόλεμα μέρη να σταματήσουν τις εχθροπραξίες. Με τη μεσολάβηση του αμερικανού υφυπουργού εξωτερικών Τζόζεφ Σίσκο ανάμεσα στις κυβερνήσεις της Ελλάδας και της Τουρκίας, συμφωνήθηκε η κατάπαυση του πυρός στην Κύπρο στις 22 Ιουλίου 1974. Συμφωνήθηκε επίσης να συγκληθεί στις 25 Ιουλίου 1974 τριμερής διάσκεψη (Βρετανίας Ελλάδας Τουρκίας) για το Κυπριακό στη Γενεύη.  Στο παρόν κείμενο θα αναπτυχθούν οι κυριότερες διπλωματικές ενέργειες που λήφθηκαν από την τριμερή διάσκεψη στη Γενεύη μέχρι και τη δεύτερη φάση της τουρκικής εισβολής στην Κύπρο.
This paper seeks to report how Greek-Cypriots view migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees in Cyprus, compared with their views on the first migratory wave in the late 1940s, taking into account the influence of the media. More... more
This paper seeks to report how Greek-Cypriots view migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees in Cyprus, compared with their views on the first migratory wave in the late 1940s, taking into account the influence of the media. More specifically, the paper investigates the lack of integration and local acceptance of asylum seekers and migrants in the host countries both in Europe and in Cyprus, giving special emphasis on the role of the media and the language used and how this affects the perception of civil society on refugees. The paper led us to the conclusion that this group of people faced in Cyprus, both previously in the 1940s as well as today, racism, exploitation, and marginalization from Greek-Cypriots due to the language used by the media and the lack of policies towards integration of refugees and asylum seekers.
Research Interests:
This paper seeks to reveal the many ways in which the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) influenced the Cypriot Left (AKEL) during the 1940s. The analysis centres on the main political events of the decade and details the reaction of... more
This paper seeks to reveal the many ways in which the Communist Party
of Greece (KKE) influenced the Cypriot Left (AKEL) during the 1940s. The analysis
centres on the main political events of the decade and details the reaction of AKEL,
especially as it was reporting to the KKE. Attention then switches to AKEL’s ideology
and tactics and how these were developed during and because of the Greek civil war.
What this paper brings to the discussion is that the advice and control given by the
KKE to AKEL – and at the same time the Cold War, which was a playing field on
which a political party had to choose a side – were the main factors that formed the
identity and ideological framework practiced for decades by AKEL.
‘Constitution’ is often defined as a set of fundamental principles or established precedents according to which a state or other organisation is acknowledged to be governed. In the case of colonial Cyprus, Britain always aimed to... more
‘Constitution’ is often defined as a set of fundamental principles or established precedents according to which a state or other organisation is acknowledged to be governed. In the case of colonial Cyprus, Britain always aimed to safeguard possession of this strategically located island, with a minimum of cost and involvement in its internal affairs. This paper aims to report the efforts of the British to grant the Cypriots a constitution and legislature following World War II. Both the voices within Britain that protested over human rights’ violations in Cyprus and Cypriots’ ever-growing demand for self-determination and the Union of Cyprus with Greece (enosis), forced the British to move on with this process, which was not sufficient, however, to convince all representatives of the Cypriot population to pursue an agreement.
The paper first provides an account of the rise by the 1920’s of the Greek-Cypriot cause for enosis (union with Greece) and details the establishment of the Cyprus Communist Party and the British Administration’s response to it. Attention... more
The paper first provides an account of the rise by the 1920’s of the Greek-Cypriot cause for enosis (union with Greece) and details the establishment of the Cyprus Communist Party and the British Administration’s response to it. Attention then focuses on the oppressive measures used by the British in dealing with the communist threat through the 1930’s and 1940’s as the Cypriot communist movement continued to get organised, culminating in the establishment of AKEL (Working People’s Progressive Party) in 1941. The paper then goes on to consider the evolution of and the relationship between the communist party and the nationalist movement against the backdrop of the Greek civil war in the late 1940’s as well as how the British continued to deal with both the Left and the Right as the armed rebellion by the Greek-Cypriot right wing EOKA guerrilla organisation under the leadership of staunch anti-communist Grivas broke out in 1955. Finally, the involvement of the British secret services in the colonial fight against EOKA and the communist threat is also considered.
The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and collisions between the two dominant political camps—namely the ‘nationalist’ Right and the ‘communist’ Left—under the influence of the Greek civil war, and the impact of this... more
The objective of this paper is to explore the antagonism and collisions between the two dominant
political camps—namely the ‘nationalist’ Right and the ‘communist’ Left—under the influence of
the Greek civil war, and the impact of this conflict on the local Greek-Cypriot community. In the
late 1940s, the political climate affected local societies in such terms that specific stereotypes
(nationalists VS communists) divided public life at all levels: sports clubs, grocers, cafeterias, etc.
were converted into the battlefield of the two conflicting camps. As a result of this division,
people had to choose between the ‘left-wing grocer’ and the ‘right-wing grocer’, support the
football team of the ‘communists’ or the one of the ‘nationalists’ and so on. What is striking is
that the situation described above is still being played out to this day.
This paper seeks to disclose the Church of Cyprus as an institution with political power, as an ideological mechanism and also as a financial force. At the same time, the establishment of the private nature of religion is examined, while... more
This paper seeks to disclose the Church of Cyprus as an institution with political power, as an ideological mechanism and
also as a financial force. At the same time, the establishment of the private nature of religion is examined, while emphasis is
given to the Church’s attempt to transfer the latter into the public space, something that can be achieved mainly through the
distortion of political discourse and of political will in general, along with the use of the metaphysical tools of both the
Church and religion. Theoretically, even though the Church does not participate in the exercise of political power, it has the
authority, the tools, the voice and, above all, the institutional support to do so. Therefore, in what follows, the Church’s
most important interventions after Cyprus became an independent state – in the fields of the economy, education,
presidential elections and national problems – are reported.