- History of Science, Science Communication, History of Technology, Oil and gas, Epidemiology, Post-Colonialism, and 20 moreHistory of Science and Technology, Political Economy, Postcolonial Studies, Geopolitics, Natural Resources, Postcolonialism, Energy Security, Nationalism and Decolonization, International Relations & Oil Diplomacy, 20th century France, Environmental Sociology, Shale gas, Energy and Environment, Cold War, International History, Transatlantic relations, Diplomatic History, Science and Technology Studies, Environmental History, and Philosophy of Physicsedit
Industrial economies require a steady supply of energy to reproduce and grow. Oil and gas companies fulfil that socioeconomic function by constantly finding, extracting and transporting energy sources. The steady extraction and... more
Industrial economies require a steady supply of energy to reproduce and grow. Oil and gas companies fulfil that socioeconomic function by constantly finding, extracting and transporting energy sources. The steady extraction and concentration of fossil resources in industrialised centres requires the constant expansion of extraction frontiers and the exploitation of the environment and local communities in unindustrialised areas. This leads to conflicts where local environmental justice organisations fight for the preservation of their lives, livelihood and culture, while companies defend their profits. Thus, oil companies become vectors of an oppression that links the societies enjoying the benefits of lavish energy with those that suffer the impacts of extraction. In this work, based on the Environmental Justice Atlas database, we systematically analyse 50 environmental conflicts related to one of such companies-the French oil major TotalEnergies. Our research reveals the social and environmental cost of the energy resources that power industrial economies. We find that, despite a recent narrative focused on the company's 'greening', TotalEnergies' extraction and concentration functions remain inextricably linked to fossil fuels. Furthermore, the interests and operations of TotalEnergies and the French State are inextricably intertwined and reproduce colonial relationships of power. Our findings support theories of change based on the abandonment of colonial and extractive State models, rather than pursuing fiscal and regulatory measures alone.
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Institutional theory, behavioral science, sociology and even political science all emphasize the importance of actors in achieving social change. Despite this salience, the actors involved in researching, promoting, or deploying negative... more
Institutional theory, behavioral science, sociology and even political science all emphasize the importance of actors in achieving social change. Despite this salience, the actors involved in researching, promoting, or deploying negative emissions and solar geoengineering technologies remain underexplored within the literature. In this study, based on a rigorous sample of semi-structured expert interviews (N = 125), we empirically explore the types of actors and groups associated with both negative emissions and solar geoengineering research and deployment. We investigate emergent knowledge networks and patterns of involvement across space and scale. We examine actors in terms of their support of, opposition to, or ambiguity regarding both types of climate interventions. We reveal incipient and perhaps unforeseen collections of actors; determine which sorts of actors are associated with different technology pathways to comprehend the locations of actor groups and potential patterns of elitism; and assess relative degrees of social acceptance, legitimacy, and governance.
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Given the growing frequency, severity, and salience of social mobilization and community action on energy and climate issues, in this study we systematically explore the configurations of types of infrastructure, actors, tactics, and... more
Given the growing frequency, severity, and salience of social mobilization and community action on energy and climate issues, in this study we systematically explore the configurations of types of infrastructure, actors, tactics, and outcomes of recent opposition to energy transitions across seven carbon-intensive regions in Asia, Europe, and North America. Based on both a literature review and an original dataset of 130 case studies spanning the past decade, we track opposition to a wide range of energy infrastructure in these regions, including low-carbon options such as renewable energy and nuclear power; provide network analyses of the actors and coalitions involved in such events; and develop a typology and frequency analysis of tactics (such as litigation or protest), and outcomes (such as remuneration, policy change, concessions, or labor protections). We show that the politics of energy transitions in carbon-intensive regions varies significantly from country to country and across types of energy, and we discuss how the configurations of infrastructure, actors, tactics, and outcomes can be explained by differences in national institutions and their responses to global or supranational pressures. By bringing both a sociotechnical and comparative perspective to the global analysis of social movements and energy transitions, we suggest how goals of energy transition are refracted through national and subnational institutions and through local mobilizations both in support of and opposed to those transitions.
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Most of the global population that lack access to electricity services live in sub-Saharan Africa. Peri-urban areas of large African cities, often characterized by the presence of informal settlements, exist in a kind of 'scalar... more
Most of the global population that lack access to electricity services live in sub-Saharan Africa. Peri-urban areas of large African cities, often characterized by the presence of informal settlements, exist in a kind of 'scalar limbo,' unable to benefit from either access to the city grid or from programs aimed at the electrification of rural areas. In addition, in those areas where lack of electricity access is common, energy poverty combined with proximity to the grid leads to a greater likelihood of illegal energy supply arrangements. In this fieldwork-based study, conducted through population surveys and interviews in the peripheries of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, and Cape Town, South Africa, we employ a hybrid theoretical framework, based on work in urban political ecology and energy justice, to analyze the situation of electricity access in the two areas. We find that the planned scale, scope, and technological design of solar energy projects in peripheral areas are crucial in determining whether and how a project will be beneficial for local communities. This study provides guidance beyond academia to national and international policymakers and executives of renewable energy companies, as well as tools for a more in-depth assessment of energy justice issues.
Research Interests: African Studies, Development Studies, Renewable Energy, Sustainable Development, Urban Studies, and 12 moreEnvironmental Justice, Environmental Sustainability, Urban And Regional Planning, Energy Poverty, South Africa, Solar Energy, Population, Urban Informality, Burkina Faso, Electrification, Energy justice, and Sub Saharan Africa
Between the second half of the 2000s and the first half of the 2010s, the prospect of shale gas extraction in Europe at first prompted fervent political support, then met with local and national opposition, and was finally rendered moot... more
Between the second half of the 2000s and the first half of the 2010s, the prospect of shale gas extraction in Europe at first prompted fervent political support, then met with local and national opposition, and was finally rendered moot by a global collapse in the oil price. In the Europe-wide protests against shale gas and the main technique employed to extract it, hydraulic fracturing (or fracking), counter-expertise played a crucial role. This kind of expertise is one of the main elements of “energy citizenship,” a concept recently developed in the field of energy humanities which describes the empowerment of citizens in decision-making processes related to energy issues. This paper provides a socio-historical analysis of the co-production of counter-expertise and energy citizenship in the two European countries endowed with the largest shale gas reserves: Poland and France. In my analysis, concerns over the disruption of the food-water-energy nexus due to possible pollution emer...
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By the late-1950s, Soviet oil exports to Western Europe caused widespread concern in a number of Western countries as these feared that Moscow could use oil to weaken their economic interests. At the same time though, other Western... more
By the late-1950s, Soviet oil exports to Western Europe caused widespread concern in a number of Western countries as these feared that Moscow could use oil to weaken their economic interests. At the same time though, other Western countries had no hesitation in developing trade relations with the Soviets, seeing this as a good commercial opportunity. The paramount example of such political nonchalance was Italy's oil company, ENI. In 1960, ENI signed a barter contract with the Soviets, causing a scandal in the Western oil world: the Italian company's act was seen as a serious breach of faith by its international allies. As a consequence, ENI's contract became a serious bone of contention in the country's bilateral and international relations. This paper analyzes the origins and development of the ENI-Soviet deal, and focuses on the reactions of Italy's Western allies and the debate it generated at the European Economic Community.
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Energy is central to the fabric of society. This book revisits the classic notions of energy impacts by examining the social effects of resource extraction and energy projects which are often overlooked. Energy impacts are often reduced... more
Energy is central to the fabric of society. This book revisits the classic notions of energy impacts by examining the social effects of resource extraction and energy projects which are often overlooked. Energy impacts are often reduced to the narrow configurations of greenhouse gas emissions, chemical spills or land use changes. However, this neglects the fact that the way we produce, distribute and consume energy shapes society, political institutions and culture. The authors trace the impacts of contemporary energy and resource extraction developments and explain their significance for the shaping of powerful social imaginaries and a reconfiguration of political and democratic systems. They analyse not only the complex histories and landscapes of industrial mining and energy development, including oil, coal, wind power, gas (fracking) and electrification, but also their significance for contested energy and social futures. Based on ethnographic and interdisciplinary research from...
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In the first half of the Cold War several administrations in Western Europe sought to increase the amount of oil and gas that could be made available to their countries. These arrangements aimed to boost their national economies but they... more
In the first half of the Cold War several administrations in Western Europe sought to increase the amount of oil and gas that could be made available to their countries. These arrangements aimed to boost their national economies but they were also vital to energy security and molded the management of new discoveries and supplies of hydrocarbons at home and abroad. This paper focuses in particular on the plans outlined by the governments of two former imperial powers, France and Britain; their relationships with the superpowers; and those with neighboring partners and rivals. It shows how these administrations used different strategies of surveillance and diplomacy to gain and retain control of, and access to, strategically vital oil-rich areas, especially those in Algeria and in the North Sea. We conclude that geological exploration, and in particular oil prospecting, became another tool for nations long accustomed to intelligence gathering and surveying in the imperial context, to cater for their national energy security.
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Between 2011 and 2015, the perspective of shale gas extraction in Poland raised enthusiasm among political and business elites, and general public alike. However, in some cases, local opposition led to long-term mobilisations. When... more
Between 2011 and 2015, the perspective of shale gas extraction in Poland raised enthusiasm among political and business elites, and general public alike. However, in some cases, local opposition led to long-term mobilisations. When adequately contextualised, the brief “affair” with shale gas can be interpreted as a lesson in what
we term “energy citizenship.” This chapter analyses the impact of shale gas exploration in the context of a local mobilisation around the drilling site of Żurawlów, in southeast Poland. We argue that a crucial basis for energy citizenship is actors’ engagement with production of lay expertise: it not only allowed actors to participate in broader debates on energy options but also resulted in new networks being established across different organisations and scales. In the conclusion, we reflect on the long-lasting effects of the anti-fracking mobilisation for the local activists, the broader Polish environmental movement and the representatives of public administration. For this reason, we use the results of a reflection workshop organised in 2017 in Warsaw. We argue that the workshop demonstrated how the emergence of energy citizenship was influenced by the residents’ interaction with NGOs and state institutions.
we term “energy citizenship.” This chapter analyses the impact of shale gas exploration in the context of a local mobilisation around the drilling site of Żurawlów, in southeast Poland. We argue that a crucial basis for energy citizenship is actors’ engagement with production of lay expertise: it not only allowed actors to participate in broader debates on energy options but also resulted in new networks being established across different organisations and scales. In the conclusion, we reflect on the long-lasting effects of the anti-fracking mobilisation for the local activists, the broader Polish environmental movement and the representatives of public administration. For this reason, we use the results of a reflection workshop organised in 2017 in Warsaw. We argue that the workshop demonstrated how the emergence of energy citizenship was influenced by the residents’ interaction with NGOs and state institutions.
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The importance of oil for national military-industrial complexes appeared more clearly than ever in the Cold War. This volume argues that the confidential acquisition of geoscientific knowledge was paramount for states, not only to... more
The importance of oil for national military-industrial complexes appeared more clearly than ever in the Cold War. This volume argues that the confidential acquisition of geoscientific knowledge was paramount for states, not only to provide for their own energy needs, but also to buttress national economic and geostrategic interests and protect energy security. By investigating the postwar rebuilding and expansion of French and Italian oil industries from the second half of the 1940s to the early 1960s, this book shows how successive administrations in those countries devised strategies of oil exploration and transport, aiming at achieving a higher degree of energy autonomy and setting up powerful oil agencies that could implement those strategies. However, both within and outside their national territories, these two European countries had to confront the new Cold War balances and the interests of the two superpowers.
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Compte-rendu du dossier « Exploring the Anthropology of Energy: Ethnography, Energy and Ethics », Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 30, 2017, coordonne par Jessica Smith et Mette High. Introduction Qu’en 2018, une revue... more
Compte-rendu du dossier « Exploring the Anthropology of Energy: Ethnography, Energy and Ethics », Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 30, 2017, coordonne par Jessica Smith et Mette High. Introduction Qu’en 2018, une revue d’anthropologie dedie l’un de ses numeros aux pratiques energetiques et a l’ethique de l’energie ne saurait etonner. L’anthropologie de l’energie, et plus generalement les etudes socioanthropologiques sur l’energie se sont multipliees en nombre, surtout dans les dix dernieres annees, en constituant ce que Dominic Boyer (2014) a appele : « la troisieme generation » d’etudes sur ce domaine. Cette generation aurait pris le relais d’une premiere generation, datant des annees 40-50, et principalement representee par les travaux de Leslie White, et d’une deuxieme generation, developpee dans les annees 70 (Boyer ibid. : 310 et suiv.). Le lancement de la revue Energy Research & Social Science (ERSS) en 2014 par Benjamin Sovacool a ete l’un des emblemes de ce renouveau, ...
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Compte-rendu du dossier « Exploring the Anthropology of Energy: Ethnography, Energy and Ethics », Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 30, 2017, coordonné par Jessica Smith et Mette High. Review of the special issue "Exploring the... more
Compte-rendu du dossier « Exploring the Anthropology of Energy: Ethnography, Energy and Ethics », Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 30, 2017, coordonné par Jessica Smith et Mette High.
Review of the special issue "Exploring the Anthropology of Energy: Ethnography, Energy and Ethics", Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 30, 2017, edited by Jessica Smith and Mette High.
http://lecturesanthropologiques.fr/lodel/lecturesanthropologiques/index.php?id=677
Review of the special issue "Exploring the Anthropology of Energy: Ethnography, Energy and Ethics", Energy Research & Social Science, vol. 30, 2017, edited by Jessica Smith and Mette High.
http://lecturesanthropologiques.fr/lodel/lecturesanthropologiques/index.php?id=677
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By the late-1950s, the Soviet Union had reacquired a strong position as a world oil exporter, thanks to major discoveries in the Ural-Volga area. The new availability prompted the USSR to greatly increase its exports, especially to West... more
By the late-1950s, the Soviet Union had reacquired a strong position as a world oil exporter, thanks to major discoveries in the Ural-Volga area. The new availability prompted the USSR to greatly increase its exports, especially to West European countries. Such strategy was met with ambivalent reactions by those countries, depending on their power on the world oil scene. In order to transport their oil to strategic areas within the Soviet Union and to Europe, the Soviets devised a project for a colossal pipeline system. Soviet plans caused anxiety at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) since Russian oil could be effectively wielded as a weapon to weaken the West militarily and economically. The enormous amount of cheap oil the pipeline system would carry could both damage the interest of Anglo-American and French oil majors, and enable the Soviets to supply their navy at sea terminals. In order to complete the system, however, the Soviets needed considerable amounts of large-diameter steel pipes, which they had to import from the West. Thus the US delegation at NATO proposed a comprehensive embargo of large-diameter pipes in order to delay the system’s construction. In this paper, I argue that the definition of what oil pipes are s technological artifacts was shaped by the NATO debate on the US proposition. The technopolitical dispute was fought through technical reports, especially in terms of distinguishing between ‘strategic’ and ‘non strategic’ pipes. What an oil pipe was – or was not – as a technological product derived from the struggle to control or suppress commerce with the Soviet Union.
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During the Algerian war (1954-1962), beside the war events proper, another conflict took place: a diplomatic and technocratic battle for the possession of Saharan oil resources in the name of national energy security. Its main actors were... more
During the Algerian war (1954-1962), beside the war events proper, another conflict took place: a diplomatic and technocratic battle for the possession of Saharan oil resources in the name of national energy security. Its main actors were France, Italy, the US, and Algerian independence fighters. In the case I analyse in this paper, I show that the three Western-block countries used their local knowledge of the subsurface given by the collaboration of the three elements of: 1) geoscientists, 2) their national oil companies, and 3) their respective diplomatic bodies, in order to carve out a prominent place for themselves in the exploitation of Saharan resources. Algerian nationalists also succeeded in benefiting from this knowledge. I argue that this struggle for natural resources in a post-independence scenario, and the corresponding role of the geosciences in it, significantly contributed to influence the final configuration of the postwar Algerian hydrocarbon sector.
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Since the early 2000s, the exploitation of shale gas has radically modified the US energy scenario. In a number of European countries, the US boom has elicited questions about its repeatability in Europe. Among the staunchest supporters... more
Since the early 2000s, the exploitation of shale gas has radically modified the US energy scenario. In a number of European countries, the US boom has elicited questions about its repeatability in Europe. Among the staunchest supporters of the development of national shale-gas resources were Polish administrations, which grounded their activism in this domain in the language of energy security, autonomy vis-à-vis
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Between 2001 and 2009, the area of Naples, South Italy, repeatedly hit the headlines of national and international media due to the waste management crisis that on many occasions filled up the streets of the region with huge piles of... more
Between 2001 and 2009, the area of Naples, South Italy, repeatedly hit the headlines of national and international media due to the waste management crisis that on many occasions filled up the streets of the region with huge piles of waste. What soon emerged as the main bone of contention concerned the connections between the population’s health and the presence of dumps on the territory. What the risks for health actually were, who was entitled to assess them, and whether pollution from proximity to dumps caused health problems were all topics that came to the fore during a debate that took place within the Italian epidemiological community, alongside the political and governance crisis.
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Ce dossier d’ Afrique contemporaine est consacré à l’analyse de la situation actuelle en matière d’énergie en Afrique d’un point de vue historique, politique et économique. Il apporte une contribution au vaste domaine d’études de... more
Ce dossier d’ Afrique contemporaine est consacré à l’analyse de la situation actuelle en matière d’énergie en Afrique d’un point de vue historique, politique et économique. Il apporte une contribution au vaste domaine d’études de l’énergie en mettant l’accent sur un continent qui dans un proche avenir pourrait, d’après l’Agence internationale de l’énergie (AIE), devenir le plus dynamique dans le domaine énergétique1. En effet, l’énergie se trouve au coeur de deux aspects fondamentaux de l’avenir de l’Afrique : le développement économique et social, d’une part, et le changement climatique, d’autre part.
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Over the last decade, Moroccan administrations have developed a daring energy strategy, anchored by a large increase in renewables and supported by international finance institutions. In this paper, we use a multiscalar and... more
Over the last decade, Moroccan administrations have developed a daring energy strategy, anchored by a large increase in renewables and supported by international finance institutions. In this paper, we use a multiscalar and multidisciplinary approach to examine a core element of this energy strategy-the Moroccan Solar Plan. When analyzed for its connections to the Euro-African Desertec Project, the Solar Plan illustrates the transna-tional governance implications of regional energy projects, simultaneously supporting European renewable energy goals and Moroccan geopolitical aims. However, we argue that an exclusive focus on energy transition at larger geographic scales can obscure the local governance implications of large-scale renewable projects. We explore such implications by reviewing how local populations were integrated into the project's design and implementation. Thus, we employ a hybrid STS/critical geography approach to explore the parallel processes of land acquisition and technological decision-making for a solar power plant in southeastern Morocco; and to illustrate how Morocco's regional aspirations were intertwined with the territorialization goals associated with the government's political centralism. We argue that the ways in which the Moroccan government constructed the land's marginality and made technological decisions for the plant illustrate how renewable energy discourses can extend existing relations of power into new domains of governance.
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In the community of Zagtouli, close to Burkina Faso's capital, Ouagadougou, lies West Africa's largest solar power plant. This is a 33 MW, on-grid, photovoltaic plant. Operational from late 2017, it produces electricity for Burk-ina... more
In the community of Zagtouli, close to Burkina Faso's capital, Ouagadougou, lies West Africa's largest solar power plant. This is a 33 MW, on-grid, photovoltaic plant. Operational from late 2017, it produces electricity for Burk-ina Faso's public energy company, SONABEL. The electric grid built between the plant and Ouagadougou crosses Zagtouli in its middle: however, electricity connections throughout the community are markedly non-homogeneous. In particular, most of the southern half of Zagtouli suffers from a condition known in the literature as 'under-the-grid': namely, close to the grid but unable to connect to it. The benefits stemming from the presence of the nearby plant, therefore, remain unattainable for a large share of the local community. Drawing on an ethno-graphic investigation of energy practices and uses conducted in Zagtouli, we employ the theoretical framework of energy justice to analyse the connection between local justice issues and national electrification strategies. We claim that the national preference for on-grid, centralised plants may not adequately respond to the need for a more just local energy distribution; and that for peri-urban areas that are not planned to be fully connected to the grid in the short term, smaller-scale, decentralised solutions may be more appropriate to achieve full electricity access.
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An almost inexhaustible number of conceptual approaches has arisen in the past few decades to seek to explain the interlinked phenomena of energy transitions, low-carbon transitions, or sociotechnical change. With an eye for theoretical... more
An almost inexhaustible number of conceptual approaches has arisen in the past few decades to seek to explain the interlinked phenomena of energy transitions, low-carbon transitions, or sociotechnical change. With an eye for theoretical synthesis, this study asks: What do three particular epistemic communities-those concerning innovation, practices, and justice-say about energy transitions? What does this literature reveal about the injustices and inequalities of energy transitions? Finally, what can we learn by integrating aspects of this literature? The study answers these questions by drawing from responsible research and innovation, social practice theory, and energy justice approaches. Essentially the first is about the design of technology, the second how it is used, the third the broader societal and global implications. Taken together, the study offers an integrative framework capable of analyzing transitions from their "cradle" of design to their "life" of use to their "grave" of aftereffects. It explores the extent to which the three perspectives can be integrated into a meta-theoretical framework. This integrative framework is then applied to four diverse case studies: French nuclear power, Greek wind energy, Papua New Guinean solar energy, and Estonian oil shale.
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An almost inexhaustible number of conceptual approaches has arisen in the past few decades to seek to explain the interlinked phenomena of energy transitions, low-carbon transitions, or sociotechnical change. With an eye for theoretical... more
An almost inexhaustible number of conceptual approaches has arisen in the past few decades to seek to explain the interlinked phenomena of energy transitions, low-carbon transitions, or sociotechnical change. With an eye for theoretical synthesis, this study asks: What do three particular epistemic communities—those concerning innovation, practices, and justice—say about energy transitions? What does this literature reveal about the injustices and inequalities of energy transitions? Finally, what can we learn by integrating aspects of this literature? The study answers these questions by drawing from responsible research and innovation, social practice theory, and energy justice approaches. Essentially the first is about the design of technology, the second how it is used, the third the broader societal and global implications. Taken together, the study offers an integrative framework capable of analyzing transitions from their “cradle” of design to their “life” of use to their “grave” of aftereffects. It explores the extent to which the three perspectives can be integrated into a meta-theoretical framework. This integrative framework is then applied to four diverse case studies: French nuclear power, Greek wind energy, Papua New Guinean solar energy, and Estonian oil shale.
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Oil is one of the most widespread high-density energy sources in the world: its importance for the military-industrial complex became even more evident in the postwar context. In this framework, establishing the conditions for accessing... more
Oil is one of the most widespread high-density energy sources in the world: its importance for the military-industrial complex became even more evident in the postwar context. In this framework, establishing the conditions for accessing the world’s oil-rich areas became essential for states, not only to provide for their own energy needs, but also to buttress national economic and geostrategic interests, and protect energy security. In addition, regulating the oil flow between countries afforded the ability to influence their operational capabilities. Exploiting oil as a geopolitical weapon was not distinctive of the two global hegemonic powers, but was also employed by less powerful countries, such as France and Italy. My thesis shows how, from the second half of the 1940s, successive Italian and French administrations established agencies for hydrocarbon management, and devised strategies of oil exploration according to their political agendas. Achieving energy autonomy was the main objective of both countries. However, the predominance of Anglo-American interests in both French and Italian oil scenarios led to continuous bilateral diplomatic tensions, especially over issues of exploration rights. Anglo-American governments and companies sought to shape the French and Italian oil scenes to their benefit, also by looking for allies in the political classes of the two countries. It was the outcome of these ‘oily deals’ that eventually shaped the history of Italian and French oil industries. Conflicting interests were revealed at their fullest during the Algerian war of 1954-62: following the discovery of large oil and gas fields in Algeria, US and Italian companies started to negotiate, first with the French and then the Algerians, their access to, and prospecting rights for Algerian territories. My work shows that negotiation processes involved secret surveillance activities, the establishment of parallel diplomacies, and serious confrontation between Cold War allies. A fundamental role in these deals was played by technocrats and geoscientists, who facilitated the communication of secret data on oilfields to their national authorities. Significant global oil discoveries occurred worldwide in the 1950s, eventually leading to overproduction: an outcome assisted by major progress in geophysical prospecting techniques. France’s new role as an oil producer thanks to discoveries in Africa provoked a shift of national interest from exploration to transport. At the same time Italy, after the signing of massive oil-for-technology barter agreements with the Soviet Union, could now dispose of a surplus that needed channelling to potential outlets. For both countries, building pipelines became an essential aspect: however, as both were targeting the West European market, Europe became an arena of bitter competition for pipeline dominance. Italian-Soviet contracts, together with the current level of West European trade with the Soviet Union, prompted an examination of Western security by international organisations. The issue of limiting Soviet oil exports into West European countries was widely debated at the European Community and Nato, as was European technological aid to the Soviet project of constructing a colossal pipeline system. My analysis of the terms of the debates, their development and outcome, reveals the ambiguity of the concepts of security and ‘strategic technology’ as a ground for decision-making, indicating how these were construed as co-products of negotiations.
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The Soviet plans to enhance oil exports to West European countries through the building of a vast pipeline system caused anxiety at the EEC and NATO, as some of their respective members, and especially their oil companies, feared that... more
The Soviet plans to enhance oil exports to West European countries through the building of a vast pipeline system caused anxiety at the EEC and NATO, as some of their respective members, and especially their oil companies, feared that Moscow could use oil as a weapon to weaken the West both militarily and economically. However, countries such as Italy and West Germany were willing to deal with the Soviets in order to place considerable industrial orders and acquire Soviet oil. Thus, in the early 1960s pipelines became the main bone of contention, and the battle for primacy in building them caused tensions not only between Western states and the USSR, but also among the EEC and NATO member states. In order to complete the pipeline system, however, the Soviets needed considerable amounts of large-diameter steel pipes, which they had to import from the West. The US delegation at NATO proposed an embargo on the delivery of large-diameter pipes to the Soviet Union, which in 1962 was in f...
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While the role of energy in Metropolitan France has been the object of a large number of publications already for a few decades, its role in territories managed by French authorities along the XX century has only recently been been the... more
While the role of energy in Metropolitan France has been the object of a large number of publications already for a few decades, its role in territories managed by French authorities along the XX century has only recently been been the focus of research. Thus, issues such as links between energy, colonialism and postcolonialism have been under-analysed. In my paper, I focus on pre- and post-independence Gabon, and on the country's early oil history in particular. By showing the degree to which the developments of the oil industry in Gabon are intertwined with French Cold wartime policies and energy needs, I argue that in the period following Gabonese independence, France ultimately remained the master of Gabonese resources. French administrations accomplished this result both by creating a privileged trading flow between the former colony and the Metropole (cheap oil and rare ores, in exchange for France's market surpluses), and by postponing the training of a Gabonese technical body that could autonomously manage the industry.
In the historical context following World War II, having the possibility to access to large amounts of cheap energy for the military-industrial complex became of paramount importance. In particular, that energy was to be used to rebuild most of France's shattered industrial apparatus. Besides providing for French energy needs, an 'imperial' oil production could also be used to buttress national geostrategic interests, and protect energy security. Thus from the second half of the 1940s, successive French administrations started to establish a number of agencies for hydrocarbon management, and devised strategies of oil exploration according to their political agendas, with the aim of achieving energy autonomy from traditional oil suppliers.
However, the predominance of Anglo-American interests in the French oil industry led metropolitan administrations to strive for a production that could be secured under a French-only umbrella. This was the case of Gabon, a country whose governmental elite, even after independence in 1960, showed a generally favourable attitude toward a continuation of close bounds with the former Metropole. Such continuity was fostered through a network of French politicians, diplomats, secret agents, as well as technicians and executives from the oil industry, who did not refrain from employing controversial means to keep the favour of the Gabonese administration. From the discovery of the first oilfields in 1956, oil gradually became the prominent product of Gabonese economy.
Ultimately, the price to pay for Gabon's political independence was a strong presence of French actors in the Gabonese industrial and political environment. That became clear at the time of the French military intervention in Gabon in 1964. In the oil industry, in particular, the development & cooperation policy initially formulated by French authorities and companies was never really implemented, while leadership positions within the industry stayed in French hands. Only from the early 1970s, with the admission of Gabon to OPEC, did Gabonese policy in the oil industry take a more national-oriented turn.
In the historical context following World War II, having the possibility to access to large amounts of cheap energy for the military-industrial complex became of paramount importance. In particular, that energy was to be used to rebuild most of France's shattered industrial apparatus. Besides providing for French energy needs, an 'imperial' oil production could also be used to buttress national geostrategic interests, and protect energy security. Thus from the second half of the 1940s, successive French administrations started to establish a number of agencies for hydrocarbon management, and devised strategies of oil exploration according to their political agendas, with the aim of achieving energy autonomy from traditional oil suppliers.
However, the predominance of Anglo-American interests in the French oil industry led metropolitan administrations to strive for a production that could be secured under a French-only umbrella. This was the case of Gabon, a country whose governmental elite, even after independence in 1960, showed a generally favourable attitude toward a continuation of close bounds with the former Metropole. Such continuity was fostered through a network of French politicians, diplomats, secret agents, as well as technicians and executives from the oil industry, who did not refrain from employing controversial means to keep the favour of the Gabonese administration. From the discovery of the first oilfields in 1956, oil gradually became the prominent product of Gabonese economy.
Ultimately, the price to pay for Gabon's political independence was a strong presence of French actors in the Gabonese industrial and political environment. That became clear at the time of the French military intervention in Gabon in 1964. In the oil industry, in particular, the development & cooperation policy initially formulated by French authorities and companies was never really implemented, while leadership positions within the industry stayed in French hands. Only from the early 1970s, with the admission of Gabon to OPEC, did Gabonese policy in the oil industry take a more national-oriented turn.
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According to a 1952 report by American Society of Exploration Geophysicists, the world was going through an 'unprecedented' expansion of geophysical operations. That trend, however, was very soon to be reversed. In the following years,... more
According to a 1952 report by American Society of Exploration Geophysicists, the world was going through an 'unprecedented' expansion of geophysical operations. That trend, however, was very soon to be reversed. In the following years, USA-based oil geophysical exploration started to decline, and by the early 1960s it reached its nadir. A sense of doom and gloom was widespread in the Western geophysical community, and the main culprit was identified in the revolution brought about by the exploitation of nuclear energy. While it is true that on a global scale oil geophysical activities decreased, I argue that: a) this was not the case of all of the world's areas: in those very same years regions such as North Africa and the USSR were experiencing a major upturn of exploration activities; b) the decrease was rather a consequence of the enormous exploration works carried out in the previous decade. The consequent discoveries, leading to oil overproduction, made further exploration less economically convenient than in the past, and oil geophysicists less necessary. In addition the new copious oil production triggered a shift of focus in the oil industry's activities from the exploration sector (the upstream) to the transport sector (the midstream). What counted in the new situation was to assure a smooth flow of oil from oilfields to industrial areas. By reconstructing the ensuing competition for pipelines in Cold War Europe mainly through corporate archive papers, I argue that corporate funds came to be redirected to these more urgent concerns.
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For the fifteen years between 1994 and 2009, the region of Campania and its capital, Naples, have repeatedly hit the headlines of all Italian newspapers and of many European magazines and tabloids for one main reason: the waste disposal... more
For the fifteen years between 1994 and 2009, the region of Campania and its capital, Naples, have repeatedly hit the headlines of all Italian newspapers and of many European magazines and tabloids for one main reason: the waste disposal crises that on many occasions filled up the streets of the city with huge piles of garbage, and the consequent, violent protests by several groups of citizens. During the most acute phase of the crisis, between 2004 and 2008, the media brought to light an extremely pronged network of subjects interacting in complex ways: national and local politicians, garbage workers, the mafias, associations of citizens, the media, and groups of experts (engineers and epidemiologists). To a significant extent, the media contributed to shape the knowledge of the local and national audiences, and became an arena of confrontation for the variety of stakeholders involved in the issue. What soon emerged as the main bone of contention of the crisis regarded the health of Campanian citizens: what the risks for health actually were, and who was entitled to assess them, resulted from an epidemiological debate that took place along the political and governance crisis.
The attention of most medical media toward the Campanian situation was triggered by a controversial report published on The Lancet Oncology review about the waste crisis. The report suggested a strong causal link between the number of cancer occurrences within the population of a specified area of Campania – captivatingly nicknamed the 'Triangle of Death' – and the presence on that territory of illegal garbage dumps. These were sites where industrial and toxic waste, mostly from Northern Italian industries, had been buried with the help of Campanian mafias. Within a short time, the Lancet report configured a long and bitter clash of epidemiological (and epistemological) schools of thought, with opposing views about the repercussions of these sites on health: those who strongly denied them, those who affirmed them, and those who adopted a more dubitative and waiting stance. Those who opposed the report's conclusions did that on several methodological and empirical grounds, among which the report not having been peer-reviewed by the scientific community before publication. Those who advocated it, defended the need to sacrifice the usual scientific path in the name of the urgency of the situation.
My paper clarifies two aspects: first, by using an ANT approach I show that the media's action contributed to further polarise the debate, by giving voice to the most extreme positions while silencing the opinion of the experts from the third group. I stress the ambiguous nature of the construction of medical knowledge, and reveal how issues of reputation regarding individual scientists and institutions were repeatedly summoned up in order to qualify or disqualify medical opinions.
Secondly, I analyse a more general aspect regarding the dynamics of the dispute. In general, representatives of governmental institutions sided with those who denied any direct 'cancer-dump' causal links. As a consequence, they tried to reassure the population accordingly. In the presence of a scientific controversy, however, such attempt of reassuring 'beyond reasonable doubt' resulted in being counterproductive. Because the population was not involved in decisional processes regarding its own health, and because of the credit given by the media to opinions opposite to the government's ones, citizens perceived they was being deliberately denied the truth by the official experts community. Religious leaders, antagonist movements' leaders were able to articulate more persuasive arguments than political and scientific experts, who ultimately stuck to their presumption regarding the superiority of technocratic procedures over the co-construction of knowledge and deliberative democracy.
The attention of most medical media toward the Campanian situation was triggered by a controversial report published on The Lancet Oncology review about the waste crisis. The report suggested a strong causal link between the number of cancer occurrences within the population of a specified area of Campania – captivatingly nicknamed the 'Triangle of Death' – and the presence on that territory of illegal garbage dumps. These were sites where industrial and toxic waste, mostly from Northern Italian industries, had been buried with the help of Campanian mafias. Within a short time, the Lancet report configured a long and bitter clash of epidemiological (and epistemological) schools of thought, with opposing views about the repercussions of these sites on health: those who strongly denied them, those who affirmed them, and those who adopted a more dubitative and waiting stance. Those who opposed the report's conclusions did that on several methodological and empirical grounds, among which the report not having been peer-reviewed by the scientific community before publication. Those who advocated it, defended the need to sacrifice the usual scientific path in the name of the urgency of the situation.
My paper clarifies two aspects: first, by using an ANT approach I show that the media's action contributed to further polarise the debate, by giving voice to the most extreme positions while silencing the opinion of the experts from the third group. I stress the ambiguous nature of the construction of medical knowledge, and reveal how issues of reputation regarding individual scientists and institutions were repeatedly summoned up in order to qualify or disqualify medical opinions.
Secondly, I analyse a more general aspect regarding the dynamics of the dispute. In general, representatives of governmental institutions sided with those who denied any direct 'cancer-dump' causal links. As a consequence, they tried to reassure the population accordingly. In the presence of a scientific controversy, however, such attempt of reassuring 'beyond reasonable doubt' resulted in being counterproductive. Because the population was not involved in decisional processes regarding its own health, and because of the credit given by the media to opinions opposite to the government's ones, citizens perceived they was being deliberately denied the truth by the official experts community. Religious leaders, antagonist movements' leaders were able to articulate more persuasive arguments than political and scientific experts, who ultimately stuck to their presumption regarding the superiority of technocratic procedures over the co-construction of knowledge and deliberative democracy.
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According to a 2011 report by the International Energy Agency, the world is entering a “golden age of gas”. Undeniably, such claim has been prompted by the radical changes brought about by unconventional sources of gas to energy markets:... more
According to a 2011 report by the International Energy Agency, the world is entering a “golden age of gas”. Undeniably, such claim has been prompted by the radical changes brought about by unconventional sources of gas to energy markets: in particular, this is the case for shale gas. American findings led to a transformation of the US market, and Europe too is starting to be affected by this phenomenon. My study investigates the public knowledge controversy regarding technologies used for shale gas exploitation (fracking) in Poland and France, two countries that adopted opposite strategies with respect to the exploitation of this non-conventional resource.
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"What is a strategic steel pipe, and what is not? This talk will focus on the large pipeline system that the Soviet Union planned to build in the early 1960s. Through the analysis of the debate this plan triggered at NATO, I will argue... more
"What is a strategic steel pipe, and what is not? This talk will focus on the large pipeline system that the Soviet Union planned to build in the early 1960s. Through the analysis of the debate this plan triggered at NATO, I will argue that the definition of a 'strategic' item was co-produced through negotiations, where the political, the economic and the security aspects intertwined and clashed".