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This article aims to highlight shifting diplomatic positions in Turkey and Romania and their stances towards the League of Nations collective security network during the interwar period. It takes a comparative approach to demonstrate the... more
This article aims to highlight shifting diplomatic positions in Turkey and Romania and their stances towards the League of Nations collective security network during the interwar period. It takes a comparative approach to demonstrate the diplomatic activity and strategic decision-making mechanism employed by two strategically important Balkan and Black Sea countries vis-à-vis the fragile international system from the 1920s onwards. The rising threat of revisionism and declining belief in the League’s sanctioning power gradually led these countries to set their differences in foreign policy aside and strengthened the idea of joint regional action in the 1930s. Supported by primary sources from different archives, this comparative study proposes a new outlook, by demonstrating the contribution made by the notions of external threat and common aggressor to changing foreign policy perspectives in both countries.
This article sets out to study relations between Turkey and Bulgaria during the Inter-war period of 1923–1934 and its effects on the Turkish minority living in Bulgaria. In bringing international, national and community level dynamics... more
This article sets out to study relations between Turkey and Bulgaria during the Inter-war period of 1923–1934 and its effects on the Turkish minority living in Bulgaria. In bringing international, national and community level dynamics together, it will attempt to show how the relations developed between the Republic of Turkey and Bulgaria affected the conditions of the Turkish minority. Once the diplomatic relationship was established between the two states, Ankara and Sofia made efforts to constrain deliberately the influence of the minority issue on these relations. Consequently, this article asserts that the Turkish minority in Bulgaria constituted rarely, if ever, a factor in its own right that could influence the nature and the direction of the two countries’ bilateral relationship for much of the Inter-war era. However, the Bulgarian government began to exert pressure on the Turkish minority, when bilateral relations showed signs of deterioration. Additionally, this article also demonstrates how the reaction of other Balkan countries to regional and international developments had an impact on Turkish–Bulgarian relations and made minorities susceptible to ebbs and flows in bilateral relations.
The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers' wedging strategies and Turkey's efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit... more
The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers' wedging strategies and Turkey's efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit that in the 1930s, as Turkey strove to balance the European great powers, these powers resorted to wedging strategies to sway Turkey away from any other sphere of influence. During World War II, increasing US engagement in the region compelled Ankara to utilize a 'dual balancing strategy' to preserve its neutrality, by balancing between the Axis and the Allies and between the British and the Americans. Concomitantly, both Allies and Axis powers utilized predominantly reward-wedging strategies to keep Turkey away from the opposing bloc. We assert that in rethinking strategic alignment more emphasis should be placed on the interactive nature of wedging process and the role and motives of agency.
... For that reason, the “History of the Turkish Revolution” course is taught in English only at Koç University in Turkey. Koç University, Catalog 1996–1997, pp. ... Ersanlı Behar,Büşra, İktidar ve Tarih (Istanbul: Afa Yayınları, 1992),... more
... For that reason, the “History of the Turkish Revolution” course is taught in English only at Koç University in Turkey. Koç University, Catalog 1996–1997, pp. ... Ersanlı Behar,Büşra, İktidar ve Tarih (Istanbul: Afa Yayınları, 1992), p. 202. ...
... To Serhat ... II: Etatism as a Political Theory in Turkey 42 Intellectuals' Views on Etatism 42 Ziya Gokalp 43 Kadro 47 Ahmet Hamdi Ba§ar 52 Ahmet Agaoglu 57 Statesmen's Views... more
... To Serhat ... II: Etatism as a Political Theory in Turkey 42 Intellectuals' Views on Etatism 42 Ziya Gokalp 43 Kadro 47 Ahmet Hamdi Ba§ar 52 Ahmet Agaoglu 57 Statesmen's Views on Etatism 60 Mustafa Kemal Ataturk 60 Ismet Inonii 64 Celal Bayar 67 Recep Peker 69 Mustafa ...
This book investigates the crucible of Soviet–Turkish relations during World War II when a renewed fear of Russia (with a distinctly anti-Soviet spin) returned to the forefront of Turkish politics (p. 2). In fact, the book makes an... more
This book investigates the crucible of Soviet–Turkish relations during World War II when a renewed fear of Russia (with a distinctly anti-Soviet spin) returned to the forefront of Turkish politics (p. 2). In fact, the book makes an important contribution to the analysis of Turkish–Soviet relations during World War II, which is an under-researched topic, using the archival documents of both countries. Most of the works on Turkish–Soviet relations focus on the Cold War era and form a part of books that deal with general Turkish foreign policy. Few works analyzing Soviet–Turkish relations emphasize the Straits issue as the starting point. Concerning the Straits question, Onur İşçi rightly observes that although many accounts maintained the opposite view, diplomatic records show that the Soviet–Turkish partnership remained intact after the Montreux Convention of 1936. Therefore, notions of historic enmity exist more in the works of scholars than in the words of historical actors. The year 1939 was not only when World War II broke out but also when the agreement was reached between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. As the author correctly argues, this agreement played a crucial role in shaping Turkey’s wartime neutrality. For instance, World War II put an end to the existing Turkish belief in the interwar period that the Bolshevik regime was different from Tsarist Russia. Thus, this work starts analyzing Turkish– Soviet relations from the crucial date of 1939 to the end of World War II. Yet İşçi obviously felt the need to discuss the historical background of the relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Soviet Union. The first two chapters cover the interwar period, mainly “the changing international equilibrium surrounding Soviet-Turkish relations” (p. 8) after the 1936 Montreux Convention. Two sections in the first chapter are worth 202 Book Reviews
This article studies how and why the policies of the Bulgarian and Romanian states towards Muslim/Turkish minorities differed widely from each other between 1923 and 1936. Minority policies in Bulgaria shifted from tolerance during the... more
This article studies how and why the policies of the Bulgarian and Romanian states towards Muslim/Turkish minorities differed widely from each other between 1923 and 1936. Minority policies in Bulgaria shifted from tolerance during the Agrarian People's Union government in 1919, to assimilation and repression in the 1930s. In contrast, the Romanian state tolerated and favourably treated Muslim minorities throughout the interwar period. In order to account for this difference, we highlight the influence of Turkey's diplomatic relations on Bulgarian and Romanian state policies towards minorities and the responses of the latter. While Turkish-Bulgarian relations see-sawed, Turkish-Romanian relations constantly improved from the 1920s to 1930s. We argue that, whenever Turkey's diplomatic relations with Bulgaria and Romania ameliorated, Bulgaria's and Romania's minority policies improved. Yet, whenever diplomatic relations deteriorated, so did the minority policies.
This book investigates the crucible of Soviet–Turkish relations during World War II when a renewed fear of Russia (with a distinctly anti-Soviet spin) returned to the forefront of Turkish politics (p. 2). In fact, the book makes an... more
This book investigates the crucible of Soviet–Turkish relations during World War II when a renewed fear of Russia (with a distinctly anti-Soviet spin) returned to the forefront of Turkish politics (p. 2). In fact, the book makes an important contribution to the analysis of Turkish–Soviet relations during World War II, which is an under-researched topic, using the archival documents of both countries. Most of the works on Turkish–Soviet relations focus on the Cold War era and form a part of books that deal with general Turkish foreign policy. Few works analyzing Soviet–Turkish relations emphasize the Straits issue as the starting point. Concerning the Straits question, Onur İşçi rightly observes that although many accounts maintained the opposite view, diplomatic records show that the Soviet–Turkish partnership remained intact after the Montreux Convention of 1936. Therefore, notions of historic enmity exist more in the works of scholars than in the words of historical actors. The year 1939 was not only when World War II broke out but also when the agreement was reached between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. As the author correctly argues, this agreement played a crucial role in shaping Turkey’s wartime neutrality. For instance, World War II put an end to the existing Turkish belief in the interwar period that the Bolshevik regime was different from Tsarist Russia. Thus, this work starts analyzing Turkish– Soviet relations from the crucial date of 1939 to the end of World War II. Yet İşçi obviously felt the need to discuss the historical background of the relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Soviet Union. The first two chapters cover the interwar period, mainly “the changing international equilibrium surrounding Soviet-Turkish relations” (p. 8) after the 1936 Montreux Convention. Two sections in the first chapter are worth 202 Book Reviews
The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers' wedging strategies and Turkey's efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit... more
The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers' wedging strategies and Turkey's efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit that in the 1930s, as Turkey strove to balance the European great powers, these powers resorted to wedging strategies to sway Turkey away from any other sphere of influence. During World War II, increasing US engagement in the region compelled Ankara to utilize a 'dual balancing strategy' to preserve its neutrality, by balancing between the Axis and the Allies and between the British and the Americans. Concomitantly, both Allies and Axis powers utilized predominantly reward-wedging strategies to keep Turkey away from the opposing bloc. We assert that in rethinking strategic alignment more emphasis should be placed on the interactive nature of wedging process and the role and motives of agency.
This article sets out to study relations between Turkey and Bulgaria during the Inter-war period of 1923–1934 and its effects on the Turkish minority living in Bulgaria. In bringing international, national and community level dynamics... more
This article sets out to study relations between Turkey and Bulgaria during the Inter-war period of 1923–1934 and its effects on the Turkish minority living in Bulgaria. In bringing international, national and community level dynamics together, it will attempt to show how the relations developed between the Republic of Turkey and Bulgaria affected the conditions of the Turkish minority. Once the diplomatic relationship was established between the two states, Ankara and Sofia made efforts to constrain deliberately the influence of the minority issue on these relations. Consequently, this article asserts that the Turkish minority in Bulgaria constituted rarely, if ever, a factor in its own right that could influence the nature and the direction of the two countries’ bilateral relationship for much of the Inter-war era. However, the Bulgarian government began to exert pressure on the Turkish minority, when bilateral relations showed signs of deterioration. Additionally, this article also demonstrates how the reaction of other Balkan countries to regional and international developments had an impact on Turkish–Bulgarian relations and made minorities susceptible to ebbs and flows in bilateral relations.
In the interwar years, Turkey attempted to pursue activist diplomacy in the Balkans and in the Mediterranean. Of the two regions, Turkish diplomacy was more successful in promoting regional initiatives to preserve the status quo in the... more
In the interwar years, Turkey attempted to pursue activist diplomacy in the Balkans and in the Mediterranean. Of the two regions, Turkish diplomacy was more successful in promoting regional initiatives to preserve the status quo in the Balkans than in the Mediterranean. The regional co-operation efforts in the Balkans culminated in the Balkan Pact. A similar pact was also proposed for the Mediterranean by France. Ankara enthusiastically pursued and promoted this French idea, which never materialized. While the presence of like-minded states of comparable size and strength in the Balkans facilitated Turkish activism, the great-power rivalry in the Mediterranean severely limited the extent of Turkish involvement, particularly in the late 1930s. Turkish diplomacy in these two different operational environments in the interwar years offers a case study of the limits and possibilities for middle-power activism.
... For that reason, the “History of the Turkish Revolution” course is taught in English only at Koç University in Turkey. Koç University, Catalog 1996–1997, pp. ... Ersanlı Behar,Büşra, İktidar ve Tarih (Istanbul: Afa Yayınları, 1992),... more
... For that reason, the “History of the Turkish Revolution” course is taught in English only at Koç University in Turkey. Koç University, Catalog 1996–1997, pp. ... Ersanlı Behar,Büşra, İktidar ve Tarih (Istanbul: Afa Yayınları, 1992), p. 202. ...
ABSTRACT This article analyses the triangular relations between Britain, the United States and Turkey in the volatile Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region at the advent of the Cold War. It examines the political, economic and... more
ABSTRACT This article analyses the triangular relations between Britain, the United States and Turkey in the volatile Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region at the advent of the Cold War. It examines the political, economic and military strategies that enabled Turkey to adapt to the transitional period from the Pax Britannica to the Pax Americana (1947–1957) in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean. By focusing on this turbulent decade extending from the Truman Doctrine (1947) to the Eisenhower Doctrine (1957), this study posits that the transition from the waning influence of Britain to the coalitional hegemony of the United States was protracted and multi-layered. In this context, Turkey had to walk a diplomatic tightrope while managing certain aspects of continuity and change in a volatile region.
Research Interests:
1923-1938 Atatürk dönemi dış politikasını bağlantısız bir dış politika diye nitelendirebiliriz. Bu dönemde Türkiye hiçbir büyük güce kendisini bağımlı hissetmemiştir. Zaten dünya ekonomik krizi nedeniyle tüm ülkeler içlerine kapanmak... more
1923-1938 Atatürk dönemi dış politikasını bağlantısız bir dış politika diye nitelendirebiliriz. Bu dönemde Türkiye hiçbir büyük güce kendisini bağımlı hissetmemiştir. Zaten dünya ekonomik krizi nedeniyle tüm ülkeler içlerine kapanmak zorunda kalmıştır. Öte yandan kriz nedeniyle güçlenen Faşist İtalya ve Nazi Almanya’sı çevrelerine tehdit oluşturmaya başlamışlar ve bu durum Türkiye’yi komşuları ile daha yakın bir ilişkiye girmesini sağlamıştır. Atatürk özellikle Balkan ülkeleri ile iş birliğine önem vermiş hatta bu iş birliğini Akdeniz’e de yaymak istemiştir. 1939 yılında savaşın başlamasıyla Türkiye, İngiltere ve Fransa ile ittifak antlaşması imzalamak zorunda kalmıştır. Buna rağmen Türkiye bu ülkeler safında savaşa girmeyerek tarafsız bir politika izlemiştir. Savaşın sonuna doğru Birleşmiş Milletlerin bir parçası olabilmek için Mihver devletlerine savaş ilan etmiştir. 1946 yılında Missouri’nin Türkiye’yi ziyareti Ankara’nın Washington ile yakınlaşmasına doğru atılan ilk adımdır. Bu...
In 1923, Turkey was declared a republic after fighting against the Allied occupation (19191922) following the First World War. In the 1920s, the Turkish political leadership was mainly engaged in making reforms at the political level. At... more
In 1923, Turkey was declared a republic after fighting against the Allied occupation (19191922) following the First World War. In the 1920s, the Turkish political leadership was mainly engaged in making reforms at the political level. At the economic level, they had not yet developed any strategy. In 1929, the world economic crisis offered Turkey the opportunity to develop a strategy autonomous from the collapsing liberal economic world order even though it badly affected Turkey’s economy. However, the pre-conditions of another coming world war interrupted the implementation of this autonomous strategy in the first half of the 1930s.
Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. 1 Although no less... more
Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. 1 Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the ...
Turkish-Greek relations have often been characterized by high levels of tension in recent years. While armed hostilities have never broken out between the two neighbors, there has been more than one occasion on which the brink of war has... more
Turkish-Greek relations have often been characterized by high levels of tension in recent years. While armed hostilities have never broken out between the two neighbors, there has been more than one occasion on which the brink of war has been approached. Such a state of ...
... To Serhat ... II: Etatism as a Political Theory in Turkey 42 Intellectuals' Views on Etatism 42 Ziya Gokalp 43 Kadro 47 Ahmet Hamdi Ba§ar 52 Ahmet Agaoglu 57 Statesmen's Views... more
... To Serhat ... II: Etatism as a Political Theory in Turkey 42 Intellectuals' Views on Etatism 42 Ziya Gokalp 43 Kadro 47 Ahmet Hamdi Ba§ar 52 Ahmet Agaoglu 57 Statesmen's Views on Etatism 60 Mustafa Kemal Ataturk 60 Ismet Inonii 64 Celal Bayar 67 Recep Peker 69 Mustafa ...
... Until 1929, the better trained and equipped Greek Navy enjoyed an unchallenged edge over the Turkish Navy which was a motley collection of antiquated vessels inherited from the OttomanNavy.21 Ankara did little, if anything, to improve... more
... Until 1929, the better trained and equipped Greek Navy enjoyed an unchallenged edge over the Turkish Navy which was a motley collection of antiquated vessels inherited from the OttomanNavy.21 Ankara did little, if anything, to improve its naval standing in the Aegean until ...
... The opposition party deputies, including Rauf Orbay himself, cast their votes against the creation of the Ministry of Marine without an independent staff.Ix Ali 1hsan [Eryavuz] was appointed the first Minister of Marine of the... more
... The opposition party deputies, including Rauf Orbay himself, cast their votes against the creation of the Ministry of Marine without an independent staff.Ix Ali 1hsan [Eryavuz] was appointed the first Minister of Marine of the republic. ...
This article analyses the triangular relations between Britain, the United States and Turkey in the volatile Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region at the advent of the Cold War. It examines the political, economic and military... more
This article analyses the triangular relations between Britain, the United States and Turkey in the volatile Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean region at the advent of the Cold War. It examines the political, economic and military strategies that enabled Turkey to adapt to the transitional period from the Pax Britannica to the Pax Americana (1947–1957) in the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean. By focusing on this turbulent decade extending from the Truman Doctrine (1947) to the Eisenhower Doctrine (1957), this study posits that the transition from the waning influence of Britain to the coalitional hegemony of the United States was protracted and multi-layered. In this context, Turkey had to walk a diplomatic tightrope while managing certain aspects of continuity and change in a volatile region.
Research Interests:
By analyzing Turkey’s relations with Great Britain and the US in a period of drastic change (1929–47), this article argues that the origins of the shift in the orientation of Turkish foreign policy from Pax Britannica to Pax Americana not... more
By analyzing Turkey’s relations with Great Britain and the US in a period of drastic change (1929–47), this article argues that the origins of the shift in the orientation of Turkish foreign policy from Pax Britannica to Pax Americana not only affected the perceptions and strategies of relevant powers, but also entailed a dynamic interactive process. It asserts that the transition featured aspects of significant change, as well as continuity for the region. It demonstrates that while attempting to bandwagon with the relatively stronger naval, military, and economic partner, Turkey also endeavored to pursue a more autonomous foreign policy at various stages of this transition.
Research Interests:

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The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers' wedging strategies and Turkey's efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit that in the 1930s,... more
The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers' wedging strategies and Turkey's efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit that in the 1930s, as Turkey strove to balance the European great powers, these powers resorted to wedging strategies to sway Turkey away from any other sphere of influence. During World War II, increasing US engagement in the region compelled Ankara to utilize a 'dual balancing strategy' to preserve its neutrality, by balancing between the Axis and the Allies and between the British and the Americans. Concomitantly, both Allies and Axis powers utilized predominantly reward-wedging strategies to keep Turkey away from the opposing bloc. We assert that in rethinking strategic alignment more emphasis should be placed on the interactive nature of wedging process and the role and motives of agency.
Bu makale, 1932 yılında Türkiye’nin Milletler Cemiyeti’ne özellikle de 1934 yılında Konsey’e üye olduktan sonraki faaliyetlerini ve Cemiyet’e yönelik ikircikli tutumunu ele almaktadır. Çalışma esasen İsviçre’nin Cenevre kentinde bulunan... more
Bu makale, 1932 yılında Türkiye’nin Milletler Cemiyeti’ne özellikle de 1934 yılında Konsey’e üye olduktan sonraki faaliyetlerini ve Cemiyet’e yönelik ikircikli tutumunu ele almaktadır. Çalışma esasen İsviçre’nin Cenevre kentinde bulunan Milletler Cemiyeti Arşivi’ndeki belgelere dayanmaktadır. Ulusal arşivlere oranla mütevazı sayılabilecek bir koleksiyona sahip olmakla beraber mevcut belgeler, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin katıldığı ilk uluslararası örgüt olan Milletler Cemiyeti’ndeki faaliyetleri, Ankara’nın iki savaş arası dönemde uluslararası ilişkilere bakışını ve tavrını büyük ölçüde yansıtmaktadır. Türkiye’nin Milletler Cemiyeti’ne yaklaşımı ikircikliydi. Ankara bir yandan özüne uygun biçimde uygulandığı takdirde Cemiyet’in ilkelerinin dünya barışına katkıda bulunacağı inanmakta, öte taraftan da bu ilkeler bir türlü yaşama geçirilemediği için Cemiyet’in işleyişini sorgulamaktaydı.
Research Interests:
In analyzing Turkey’s relations with Great Britain and the US in a period of drastic change (1929- 1947), this article argues that the origins of the shift in the orientation of Turkish foreign policy from Pax Britannica to Pax Americana... more
In analyzing Turkey’s relations with Great Britain and the US in a period of drastic change (1929- 1947), this article argues that the origins of the shift in the orientation of Turkish foreign policy from Pax Britannica to Pax Americana not only affected the perceptions and strategies of relevant powers, but also entailed a dynamic interactive process. It asserts that the transition featured aspects of significant change, as well as continuity for the region. It demonstrates that while attempting to bandwagon with the relatively stronger naval, military and economic partner, Turkey also endeavored to pursue a more autonomous foreign policy at various stages of this transition.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: