Teppo Eskelinen

Artikkelissa paneudutaan aiheeseen, jonka merkitys on periaatteessa tunnistettu mutta jota on empiirisesti tutkittu vasta vähän: oman tilan merkitykseen kansalaistoimijoille ja kansalaistoiminnan muotoutumiselle. Aihetta havainnollistetaan kahden tapausesimerkin kautta, jotka ovat seurantalot sekä  maailmankauppayhdistysten (kehitysmaakauppayhdistysten) myymälät. Seurantalot ovat aatteellisten ryhmittymien kokoontumistiloikseen rakentamia taloja, joita on kutsuttu suomalaisen kansalaistoiminnan ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan peruskiviksi. Maailmankauppaliike puolestaan piti vuosikymmenten ajan yllä reilun kaupan erikoismyymälöitä ympäri Suomea. Molemmat ovat esimerkkejä kansalaistoiminnasta, jossa oman tilan merkitys on keskeinen. Artikkelissa kahta keskenään erilaista teemahaastatteluaineistoa tarkastellaan esimerkkeinä tilan merkityksen eri ulottuvuuksista kansalaistoiminnassa. Kysymme, mitä oma tila merkitsee kansalaistoimijoille ja miten se vaikuttaa kansalaistoimintaan. Analyysin aih...

The article focuses on the justification of taxation, in other words the principled rather than the technical aspect of taxation. We first show how democracy is on the one hand required for legitimate taxation, and how on the other hand democratic communities are dependent on taxation, and argue there is no vicious cirle. We then present a typology of ways of justifying taxation, according to which taxation can base its legitimacy on (1) meeting basic needs, (2) financing public goods, (3) redistribution, or (4) (dis-)incentivising certain types of conduct. We then discuss the applicability of each of these types of justification on the global level, arguing that all of them do apply to the global level. The article further concludes that different normative justifications guide us towards different designs of taxation in practice, so the background justification has to be made clear, especially when designing new taxation systems.

""– Sisällys 1. Luovuus ja tieto hegemonisena puhetapana 1.1 Mitä immateriaalitalous on? 1.2 Luovuus on kaikkialla 1.3 Innovaatioille perustuva kasvu 1.4 Uuteen palveluyhteiskuntaan ja ihmiskuvaan 1.5 Kohti materiaalisia ja poliittisia vaatimuksia 1.6 Henkilökohtaisista puheenvuoroista hegemoniaan 2. Mikä on muuttunut? 2.1 Tavaramuoto ja tuotanto 2.2 Mitä omistaminen on? 2.3 Konfl iktit ja kulttuurinen hyväksyntä 2.4 Aitaaminen ja yhteisvauraus 2.5 Menestys ja oikeudenmukaisuus 2.6 Voiton tekemisen tavasta 3. Tietokapitalismin rakentaminen ja poikkikansallinen kapitalistiluokka 3.1 TRIPS ja tietopohjainen kapitalismi 3.2 Yhteiskuntaluokan käsite 3.3 Uusi globaali työnjako 3.4 Poikkikansallinen kapitalistiluokka 3.5 Monopolikapitalismi 4. Miten tietokapitalismi toimii? 4.1 Yliopistojen integrointi tietopohjaiseen talouteen 4.2 Tekijänoikeudet, tavaramerkit ja kulttuurinen omaisuus 5. Pelastaako immateriaalitalous ympäristön? 5.1 Tietotyön yhteiskunta 5.2 Puhdas kasvu 5.3 Positiivinen visio ja harhaluulot 6. Mitä on tehtävä? 6.1 Omistusjärjestelmien jäytäminen 6.2 Julkinen valta 6.3 Materiaalinen oikeudenmukaisuus""

The article analyses the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) from the perspective of their self-understanding of political sense expressed in key SDG documents, including both UN documents and reports produced by individual countries. Utopia and governance are presented as ideal-typical approaches and analytical tools for qualitative content analysis. This approach is argued to be particularly illuminating in the case of politics of international development, as international development is simultaneously highly utopian and deeply embedded in rationalities of governance. As this analytical framework is applied to the SDGs, it is shown that their utopian pronouncements are related to the idea of humanity as a single subject, as well as inclusive prosperity. On the other hand, the SDGs are curtailed by adherence to the ideas of contemporary governance, the international order and given ideas of development economics. The findings and the methodology are then further discussed in the broader context of international development.

The Millennium Development Goals were effective from 2000 to 2015. Statistics show that most of the goals were met, and particularly success in the goal of reducing extreme poverty (MDG1) gained wide recognition. Despite the strong ethical language related to poverty reduction, there has been little analysis of the ethical significance of the MDG achievements. Since statistical and ethical definitions and representations of poverty never completely overlap, conclusions concerning ethical progress are not directly available from the statistics. This article shows how this ethical significance can be analysed and what kinds of controversies and uncertainties relate to the issue. As part of this analysis, utilitarian issues, population ethics, and the social aspect of poverty are discussed.

Social problems in the global South are often explained by reference to domestic decisions or "institutional quality" in the Southern countries, while there are also prominent criticisms of such "nationalist explanations". Crucially, the dispute over correct mode of explanation is not only epistemological, but also political, as has been often noted in analyses of hegemony. This paper develops such ideas about "hegemonic" forms of explanation by analysing how an explanatory tendency becomes institutionalised in the operating logic of international organisations. We analyse as a case study the long-term developments within the UN in the field of multinational enterprises (MNEs). We follow the process in which an agenda focused on the regulation of MNEs shifted into the direction of focusing on local institutional quality and emphasising "partnerships" instead of regulation. The analysis demonstrates how political momentum and external challenges affect explanatory tendencies, and generally the deep impact of organisational embeddedness of these tendencies.

Tax havens and tax flight have lately received increasing attention, while interest toward multilateral trade policies has somewhat diminished. We argue that more attention needs to be paid exactly to the interrelations between trade and tax policies. Drawing from two case studies on Panama’s trade disputes, we show how World Trade Organization (WTO) rules can be used both to resist attempts to sanction secrecy structures and to promote measures against tax flight. The theory of new constitutionalism can help to explain how trade treaties can ‘lock in’ tax policies. However, our case studies show that trade policy not only ‘locks in’ democratic policy-making, but also enables tax havens to use their commercialized sovereignty to resists anti-secrecy measures. What is being ‘locked in’ are the policy tools, not necessarily the policies. The changing relationship between trade and tax policies can also create new and unexpected tools for tackling tax evasion, underlining the importance of epistemic arbitrage in the context of new constitutionalism. In principle, political actors with sufficient technical and juridical knowledge can shape global tax governance to various directions regardless of their formal position in the world political hierarchies. This should be taken into account when trade treaties are being negotiated or revised.

The article examines the challenges to self-organisation and upscaling of alternative economies from the viewpoint of defending and negotiating social space. Timebanks in Finland and the UK are presented as examples, analysing the difference of defending such social space in the contexts of a traditional welfare state (in the case of Finland) and an austerity-driven government with a "Big Society" ideology (in the case of UK). Both systems of government present different kinds of pressures on timebanks, pushing them to a given ontological categories and to action in accordance with pre-defined political goals. This difference, along with timebank reactions and the question of prospects of opening ontological space, is analysed through material from observation, interviews with timebanks activists and brokers, and survey data from timebank users.

The article is a case study of a local currency, recently introduced in the rurally situated municipality of Sysmä, Finland. As a small community suffering a gradual population decline since the 1960s, Sysmä municipality has begun to innovate with several projects this millennium. Here, we analyse as a narrative and from the viewpoint of experienced tensions, the introductory phase of one of these projects, which strictly is a hyper-local currency acting as a system of account. It is noted that there are unclarities regarding the purpose of the scheme, and that different stakeholders and other observers do have varying ideas about this purpose. Political decisions over limiting rights of issuance of the local currency to locally registered businesses; and its exclusive use for local association subsidies have created some challenges to the acceptance of the currency. Further, the currency has limited uptake due to technical issues, injudicious use of the marketing mix and difficulties with innovating in a rural area. Noting these issues and the peculiarity of the scheme amidst other typical European local currency schemes, the article also points out benefits of the scheme and potential future developments.

The article focuses on the justification of taxation, in other words the principled rather than the technical aspect of taxation. We first show how, on the one hand, democracy is required for taxation to be legitimate, and how on the other hand democratic communities are dependent on taxation, and argue that this does not constitute a vicious circle. We then present a typology of ways of justifying taxation , according to which taxation can base its legitimacy on (1) meeting basic needs, (2) financing public goods, (3) redistribution, or (4) (dis)incentivising certain types of conduct. We then discuss the applicability of each of these types of justification, arguing that all of them do apply at a global level. The article further concludes that different normative justifications guide us towards different designs of taxation in practice, so the background justification has to be made clear, especially when designing new taxation systems. The growing interest in global taxation reflects the observation that a worldwide economic system, which transcends the borders of any single political community the traditional site of handling public finances-seems to have evolved. To put it crudely, economy is global, while political government, as it stands, is not. In addition , while within welfare states certain kinds of voluntary charitable activity are made almost redundant by institutions of social security, in the global setting moral

In this article, we explore the prospects of Basic Income (BI) as a development policy tool. Our approach is to analyse the BI as a tool for promoting micro-investments and as a general development policy instrument, thus deliberately departing from the perception of cash transfers as targeted poverty reduction tools. As experiences in testing BI systems in developing country contexts are limited to local and regional experiments in Namibia and India (Haarmann et al., 2009; Haarmann & Haarmann, 2012; Davala et al., 2015), conclusive assessments about the impacts of the BI cannot be drawn. Therefore, we aim to estimate potential impacts of the BI by synthesising existing knowledge. This estimation will not be quantitative, but rather show likely outcomes of a BI scheme. We will complement existing knowledge by exploring cognate cash transfer policies and other experiences that bear similarity to the BI. The text will proceed as follows. In the first part, we will sketch some key trends in the geography of global poverty, and how these trends force a reorientation in development policy. We will also make some observations on the dynamics of micro-investment. Subsequently, we will proceed to introduce the idea of the BI, followed by a discussion on the merits of cash transfers and the differences between conditional and unconditional schemes. Finally, we will introduce two recent BI pilot projects and analyse their reported outcomes specifically from the viewpoint of micro-investment. The article finishes with a discussion chapter, in which the findings from preceding chapters are synthesised and assessed.

Most of the ethical literature on extreme poverty suggests, that some, if not most, of the incomes of the residents of rich countries ought to be donated to the global poor. Yet complying with this ethical demand becomes increasingly more difficult as the changes in lifestyle in the (post)industrial north demand ever more consumption in order to obtain the necessities for survival in such societies. In this article, I will discuss Peter Singer's famous arguments for the ethical duty to donate one's possessions, and elaborate the conception of needs prevalent in both Singer's theory and the theories of many of his critics. My argument is that we have to recognise a category of needs called 'social necessities' that are neither luxuries nor basic needs. This leads to two main conclusions: first, the space for ethical deliberation on whether to donate to life-saving purposes is socially conditioned; and second, ethical strategies of redistribution ought to be accompanied with institutional changes, which also concern the conditions in wealthy countries.

Most of the ethical literature on extreme poverty suggests, that some, if not most, of the incomes of the residents of rich countries ought to be donated to the global poor. Yet complying with this ethical demand becomes increasingly more difficult as the changes in lifestyle in the (post)industrial north demand ever more consumption in order to obtain the necessities for survival in such societies. In this article, I will discuss Peter Singer's famous arguments for the ethical duty to donate one's possessions, and elaborate the conception of needs prevalent in both Singer's theory and the theories of many of his critics. My argument is that we have to recognise a category of needs called 'social necessities' that are neither luxuries nor basic needs. This leads to two main conclusions: first, the space for ethical deliberation on whether to donate to life-saving purposes is socially conditioned; and second, ethical strategies of redistribution ought to be accompanied with institutional changes, which also concern the conditions in wealthy countries.

Modern society is characterised by the constant production, commo-dification, and distribution of risks, which has also become an increasingly important political issue. Given the commodification and the resulting distribut-ability of risks, risks have become an issue of distributive justice instead of mere reason for precautionary concerns. This is particularly pronounced in the case of financial risks. In this article, we analyze how choices related to distri-butive justice inform the systems of risk distribution. Our main aim is to apply the Rawlsian notion of "division of moral labor" in the context of financial risks. By an analysis of the scope of financial risks, we will show that the liber-tarian choice of division of moral labour rests on an unnecessarily narrow idea of the scope of the distribution of risks.

Abstract: Modern society is characterised by the constant production, commodification, and distribution of risks, which has also become an increasingly important political issue. Given the commodification and the resulting distributability of risks, risks have become an issue of distributive justice instead of mere reason for precautionary concerns. This is particularly pronounced in the case of financial risks. In this article, we analyze how choices related to distributive justice inform the systems of risk distribution. Our main aim is to apply the Rawlsian notion of “division of moral labor” in the context of financial risks. By an analysis of the scope of financial risks, we will show that the libertarian choice of division of moral labour rests on an unnecessarily narrow idea of the scope of the distribution of risks. Keywords: distributive justice, finance, John Rawls, libertarianism, moral labour, risks DOI 10.1515/sats-2014-0004

The recurring financial crises and intensive financialisation force a reconsideration of theories of justice. This article analyses financial capitalism as an ideal-type. In ideal-typical financial capitalism, risks and positions of vulnerability take a pronounced role in the determination of social positions. Risks also come in a specific ontological form. Further, the analysis extends to the production of value in financial capitalism and its relation to a particular logic of determining social positions. The article discusses, how should theories of justice be updated to accommodate this particular ontology of risks. This requires also making a distinction between explicit and implicit priority orders in a society.

The matter of the nature of the duties of the rich to alleviate (and ideally, to abolish) suffering caused by extreme poverty has been widely debated in contemporary political philosophy and practical ethics. Typically, two questions are raised: first, do the rich have negative or positive duties; and second, on this basis, how should they act? In this paper, I will argue that the abolishment of extreme poverty cannot take place without a functional institutional structure in poor countries. Thus notions of distribution which merely refer to the duty of charitable giving, without taking into account the malfunctions of the existing institutional structure in the poor countries, potentially lead to recommending dysfunctional policies. This reality needs to be taken into account in political philosophy. Yet I also argue that, despite the importance of the institutional basis, the present global order allows and incentivizes harming the global poor. This is done exactly by affecting the (broadly understood) institutional structure of poor countries. To support this argument, I will analyse in detail Mathias Risse's argument against Thomas Pogge's notion of harming the global poor. I will show that while the basis of Risse's argument is correct, he fails to realize that his argument leads to quite similar conclusions about harming as Pogge's argument does.

In this article, I discuss the location of the sources of global poverty and injustice. I take it as granted that the members of the globally lowest income group live in unacceptable conditions and suffer from injustice. Yet the source of this injustice is a debatable question. Often the existing global institutions are seen as major causes behind this injustice.

Artikkelissa tutkitaan vaihtoehtoisten (paikallisten, itseorganisoituvien jne.) talousjärjestelmien kasvun näkymiä. Erityisenä kysymyksenä on ensinnäkin, millä ehdoilla tällaiset vaihtoehdot voivat kasvaa, ja toiseksi, minkälainen mahdollisuus niillä on sulautua hallitsevaan talousjärjestelmään tai osittain korvata sitä. Artikkelin materiaalina on eDelfoi-paneeli, jonka tulosten pohjalta tehdään erilaisia tulevaisuusskenaarioita. Paneelissa tehtiin aiheesta ennakointeja noin 15-25 vuoden aikavälillä. Se toteutettiin monikierroksisena, ja siihen osallistui noin 20 aihepiirin asiantuntijaa.

Aikapankit ja muut vaihtoehtoisen talouden muodot ovat herättäneet viime aikoina paljon mielenkiintoa ja julkista keskustelua. Kiinnostuksen taustalla lienee useita eri syitä, kuten pitkittyvä reaalitalouden krii-si, repaleiseksi käyvä hyvinvointivaltio, sekä sosiaa-listen turvaverkkojen hajoaminen urbaanin yksilöl-listymisen kääntöpuolena. Suomessa talouden vaih-toehtoiset muodot ovat perinteisesti rajautuneet pienemmän piirin mielenkiinnon kohteeksi, aktii-visten toimijoiden sisäiseksi keskusteluksi 1. Tilanne on kuitenkin muuttumassa nopeasti. Eräs yksittäinen syy laajempaan mielenkiintoon on veroviranomais-ten marraskuussa 2013 antama ohje, jonka myötä aikapankkien kautta saatavia hyötyjä pidetään po-tentiaalisesti veronalaisena tulona. Kansainvälisissä keskusteluissa korostuu kaksi puolta. Toisaalta aikapankkien ideologiset aktivistit näkevät aikapankit uuden talouden mikromallina, jonka oletetaan leviävän makromalliksi talouskriisien ja luonnonvarojen ehtymisen myötä. Toisaalta aikapankkeja selvästi käytetään joissakin maissa, eritoten Britanniassa, myös tekosyynä universaalien palveluiden järjestämisestä vetäytymiselle. Nykyisen konservatiivihallituksen "yhteisöllistä ja paikallista vastuunkantoa" korostavaan "Big society"-ideolo-giaan aikapankit sopivat hyvin (Gregory 2013). Tässä artikkelissa tutkin aikapankkijärjestelmää politiikkana. En siis käsittele niinkään aikapankkien sosiaalisia vaikutuksia. Tätä on käsitelty toisissa yh-teyksissä-tosin lähinnä aikapankkien taloudellisten hyötyjen näkökulmasta (Knapp ym. 2010; Time Banking UK 2001). Artikkelin erityisenä kontekstina on verotuslinjauksen aiheuttama debatti, koska se on nostanut aiemmin näkymättömämpiä poliittisia kysymyksiä esiin. Analyysini materiaalina toimii myös aikapankin käyttäjille tekemäni kysely. Nostan erityisesti esiin kaksi näkökulmaa aika-pankkien poliittisuuteen. Ensimmäinen on rahan politiikka. Lähtökohtani on, että raha on aina poliittinen instituutio, ei aino-astaan tekninen vaihdon väline. Rahajärjestelmän institutionaaliseen muotoon liittyvät valinnat ovat näin ajateltuna aina ihmisten ja instituutioiden vä-lisiä valta-ja varallisuussuhteita määrittäviä. Pyrinkin selvittämään, mikä on aikapankkien käyttämän kir-janpitorahan erityinen institutionaalinen poliitti-suuden muoto. Analyysi nojaa lähinnä rahan poli-tiikkaa koskevaan teoreettiseen kirjallisuuteen. Toinen keskeinen näkökulma on aikapankin käyt-täjien näkökulma. Missä mielessä aikapankkien käyt-täjät näkevät aikapankit vallitsevan talouden ja yh-teiskunnan muodon haastajina? Miten käyttäjät näkevät aikapankit suhteessa markkinatalouteen/ kapitalismiin? Miten käyttäjät kokevat verottajan aktiivisuuden? Toisaalta, miten aikapankkien aktii-vien ja "rivikäyttäjien" näkemykset aikapankin ke-hittämisestä poikkeavat? Tämä analyysi nojaa aika-pankkien käyttäjiltä kerättyyn kyselylomakeaineis-toon 2. Mikä aikapankki on? Aloittakaamme kuitenkin aikapankin määritelmäs-tä. Yleisellä tasolla voidaan sanoa, että aikapankki 3 on vaihtoehtoisen talouden ja palveluorganisaation järjestelmä, joka on avoin periaatteessa kaikille. Jär-jestelmässä jäseneksi kirjautuneet tarjoavat oman

Tiedontuotanto on yhteiskunnallisten muutosvaatimusten näkökulmasta välttämätöntä; uudet tavat jäsentää maailmaa kertovat yhteiskunnallisen suunnanmuutoksen tarpeesta. Uusi jäsennys voi olla peräisin tutkijoilta tai muutostarpeeseen heränneiltä kansalaisilta, ja se voi koskea yhtä hyvin luonnonprosesseja kuin yhteiskunnan toimintaa. Ympäristöliike nojaa muiden yhteiskunnallisten liikkeiden tavoin tiedontuotantoon ja joutuu siksi pohtimaan suhdettaan tietoon, tutkimukseen ja tutkijoihin. Toisaalta tutkijoiden tulee pohtia omaa suhdettaan liikehdintään: lähdetäänkö liikkeen tukijoiksi sitoutuen sen tavoitteisiin, ja jos lähdetään, miten? Usein "tieto" ja "tutkimus" ymmärretään varsin mekaanisesti: tieto näyttäytyy objektiivisina faktoina, ja arvojen uskotaan tulevan näkyviin vasta politiikassa.