- BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), Brazilian Foreign policy, International Development, Responsibility to Protect, Haiti, Guinea-Bissau, and 56 moreFragile States, United Nations, United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, MINUSTAH, South-south cooperation, International Security, Africa, Angola, South Atlantic Defense and Security, South Atlantic Relations, Regional Security, South America, Emerging Powers, Brazil and Africa, India-Africa relations, China-Africa relations, Impacts of China's Current Involvement in Africa, non DAC donors, Research in South-South Cooperation, Technology transfer to developing countries, Emerging powers, Global power shift, Rise of BRICS Countries, China, China-Latin America, Mozambique, Effects and influence of foreign aid in developing countries, Peacebuilding, Peacekeeping, Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief, Stabilization and Reconstruction, Post Conflict Issues, East West relations, Ontological Security, International Relations Theory, International Politics, Development Studies, Latin American Foreign Policy, Foreign Policy and Human Rights, Mercosur, Unasur, Regionalism, Atlántico Sur, Brazil Multilateralism, Operações de Manutenção da Paz, Humanitarianism, Latin American Studies, Foreign Aid, Cooperación Sur Sur Y Triangular, Desenvolvimento E Cooperação Internacional, Global Health, Global Health Diplomacy, Global Health and Foreign Policy, Transfer of technology for agriculture and livestock farming, Polar Studies, Arctic and Antarctic politics, science policy, geopolitics of the polar regions, international relations, Geopolitics, Effectiveness of Foreign Aid in Sub Saharan Africa, and Critical Discourse Analysisedit
- I am an Assistant Professor (tenured) at the Brazilian War College (Escola Superior de Guerra-ESG), located in Rio de... moreI am an Assistant Professor (tenured) at the Brazilian War College (Escola Superior de Guerra-ESG), located in Rio de Janeiro. From October 2017 to March 2018, I was an International Relations Analyst with AMAZUL Defense Technologies, allocated at the Brazilian War College (ESG). From January to October 2017, I was a post-doctoral researcher at the Institute of International Relations at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (IRI/PUC-Rio).
I completed my PhD at the Department of Politics and International Studies at the University of Cambridge in 2016. Between 2010 to 2012, I worked as a Lecturer at the Institute of International Relations at the Pontifical Catholic University, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.
In March 2010, I completed my MRes in International Relations from the Institute of International Relations at the Pontifical Catholic University in Rio de Janeiro. My dissertation focused on the Brazilian involvement in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH)
I have a BA from the Institute of International Relations at the Pontifical Catholic University in Rio de Janeiro, with a semester abroad at the State University of New York at New Paltz (SUNY New Paltz)edit
En la ultima decada, el flujo de bienes, personas e ideas a traves del Atlantico Sur ha aumentado considerablemente, no solo por los vinculos comerciales y de cooperacion crecientes entre America del Sur y Africa, sino tambien por los... more
En la ultima decada, el flujo de bienes, personas e ideas a traves del Atlantico Sur ha aumentado considerablemente, no solo por los vinculos comerciales y de cooperacion crecientes entre America del Sur y Africa, sino tambien por los nuevos intereses de potencias emergentes extrarregionales como la Republica Popular de China. Este articulo estudia el papel creciente de China en la region de acuerdo con tres dimensiones (economica, politica y de seguridad) a la luz de la evolucion de su estrategia en paises en desarrollo; se incluye el papel de actores politicos no estatales, como empresas y comunidades de la diaspora. Se concluye que, a pesar de que el Gobierno chino no tiene aun una «politica sobre el Atlantico Sur», la region ha adquirido una importancia estrategica para China. Por ultimo, se destaca el renovado interes de China por la Antartida.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Over the past ten years, Brazil’s foreign policy elites have made economic, political, and military cooperation with Africa one of the country’s top priorities, as part of Brazil’s emphasis on expanding relations within the Global South.... more
Over the past ten years, Brazil’s foreign policy elites have made economic, political, and military cooperation with Africa one of the country’s top priorities, as part of Brazil’s emphasis on expanding relations within the Global South. While growing research literature has sought to analyze the norms and practices this cooperation entails, little of the current scholarship has examined its relevance to African politics. In this article, we consider the implications of Brazilian cooperation for democracy and human rights in Africa along three lines: the scope and content of Brazil’s democracy promotion programs; the implications of its cooperation (offi cial and non-offi cial) for democracy and human rights; and its responses to political crises in Africa.
Research Interests: Law, Foreign Policy Analysis, Human Rights, Political Science, Africa, and 15 morePolitics, Foreign Policy, Brazil, Democracy, Democracy Promotion, Cooperation, Social Science Research Network, Brazilian Foreign policy, Scholarship, Politica Externa brasileira no governo lula, Guinea Bissau, Brazil foreign policy, SouthSouth Cooperation, SUR, and South South Cooperation
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Sociology, Humanities, Development Studies, Political Science, International Cooperation, and 15 moreChina, Development, Cooperation, Política, Latin America, Desarrollo, ICONOS Revista de Ciencias Sociales, Cooperación Internacional Para El Desarrollo, América Latina y el Caribe, América Latina, Cooperación Internacional, Caribe, Cooperación, Assistance, and Asistencia
Over the past decade, Brazilian foreign policy has struggled to balance two principles: respect for national sovereignty and the commitment to promote democracy and human rights both at home and abroad. Understanding how this balancing... more
Over the past decade, Brazilian foreign policy has struggled to balance two principles: respect for national sovereignty and the commitment to promote democracy and human rights both at home and abroad. Understanding how this balancing act affects Brazil’s relations with Africa has become particularly important because Brazilian cooperation with African partners has expanded considerably over the past decade. This article analyzes Brazil’s initiatives in democracy and human rights promotion in the context of Guinea-Bissau. We find that Brazil’s initiatives in this area are channeled through two interconnected venues: multilaterally, especially through the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries and the UN Peacebuilding Commission, and bilaterally, through the official technical development cooperation programs coordinated by the Brazilian Cooperation Agency. We argue that, in the case of Guinea-Bissau, Brazil has worked to maintain institution-building as an essential component o...
Research Interests: Portuguese, Human Rights, Brazilian Studies, Economic Growth, Political Science, and 15 moreAfrica, Democratization, Foreign Policy, Brazil, Democracy, Democracy as Local development, Democracy Promotion, Institution, Peacebuilding, Brazil and Africa, CPLP, Brazilian Foreign policy, Guinea Bissau, Commission, and SouthSouth Cooperation
O artigo analisa a cooperação que o Brasil vem desenvolvendo ao longo do Atlântico Sul, mostrando que o País vem desempenhando o papel de region-builder na construção de uma identidade sul-atlântica com posição de destaque para si. Tais... more
O artigo analisa a cooperação que o Brasil vem desenvolvendo ao longo do Atlântico Sul, mostrando que o País vem desempenhando o papel de region-builder na construção de uma identidade sul-atlântica com posição de destaque para si. Tais esforços começam a ser contestados por outros atores de dentro e fora da região.
Research Interests: Atlantic World, Political Science, Brazil, International Cooperation, Nigeria, and 15 moreAngola, Maritime Security, Brazil and Africa, Brazilian Foreign policy, Namibia, Continental shelf, Politica Externa brasileira no governo lula, Africa do Sul, South Atlantic Relations, UNCLOS, ZOPACAS, Brasil Africa, Pre Salt, Revista Brasileira De Política Internacional, and Sudafrica
ABSTRACT The article aims at investigating how do mechanisms of bureaucratic politics contribute to the decision of deploying troops and in so doing to mold the national motivations underscoring the deployment. The text takes Brazil as a... more
ABSTRACT The article aims at investigating how do mechanisms of bureaucratic politics contribute to the decision of deploying troops and in so doing to mold the national motivations underscoring the deployment. The text takes Brazil as a case and researches the decision-making process in the country, using past cases of deployments that actually happened. The bulk of the analysis, however, is dedicated to the negative case where Brazil decided not to contribute to the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA). The analysis provides a breakdown of the 2017–2018 domestic political and bureaucratic decision-making process in Brazil as regards the possibility of deploying troops to MINUSCA and traces the mechanisms in action that resulted in the negative decision by the government. Based on the case of Brazil, considerations are made on the importance of investigating negative scenarios to better understanding how developing countries, such as the BRICS, value the motivations and ultimately decide to contribute to a UN mission.
Research Interests: Law, International Security, Political Science, Africa, Politics, and 12 moreUnited Nations, Peacekeeping, Bureaucratic Politics, Brazilian Politics, Peacekeeping operations, Brazilian Foreign policy, Bureaucracy, História da Política Externa Brasileira, UN peacekeeping operations, United Nations Peacekeeping Operations, Central African Republic, and Software Deployment
The February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has generated significant repercussions throughout the world, well beyond Eastern Europe. The reactions to the Russian actions have been varied, and the economic and social consequences of the... more
The February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine has generated significant repercussions throughout the world, well beyond Eastern Europe. The reactions to the Russian actions have been varied, and the economic and social consequences of the conflict have had a specific impact in countries of the Global South. In addition, the global nature of the conflict has meant that countries have been pressured either by Russia or by Ukraine to take sides. In this article, we look at the Brazilian responses to the conflict. In addition to Brazil's relevance as an emerging power, and its participation as a nonpermanent member of the United Nations Security Council in the 2022-2023 period, the timing of the conflict and its repercussions take place in a moment of significant domestic political transition in Brazil, which provides additional nuance to the ways in which Brazilian actors have responded, including by indicating a willingness to serve as a peace-broker.
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Resumo: O artigo apresenta uma análise propositiva dos desafios e oportunidades para o engajamento entre Brasil e África no terceiro mandato de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, contemplando a interação diplomática; o aspecto multilateral; o... more
Resumo: O artigo apresenta uma análise propositiva dos desafios e oportunidades para o engajamento entre Brasil e África no terceiro mandato de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, contemplando a interação diplomática; o aspecto multilateral; o campo da defesa e da segurança; cooperações técnicas; a relação comercial e econômica e os aspectos internos associados à dimensão racial e ao apoio aos brasileiros no continente africano, revisitando iniciativas inovadoras de administrações anteriores do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e sinalizando as descontinuidades que podem ser revistas.
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Article Type: Research paper Purpose-Special attention is given to the political dimension of the bilateral relationship, including Brazilian perceptions regarding the DPRK's standing on multilateral issues such as human rights and... more
Article Type: Research paper Purpose-Special attention is given to the political dimension of the bilateral relationship, including Brazilian perceptions regarding the DPRK's standing on multilateral issues such as human rights and nuclear proliferation. The article provides an additional contribution to the understanding of the DPRK's diplomatic engagement in Latin America. Design, methodology, approach-This paper is based on access to recently declassified documentation produced by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). Access to the documentation was made available via requests based on Brazil's 2011 Access to Information Law. The analysis discusses the evolution of Brazil's engagement with the DPRK since 2001. Findings-The analysis illustrates how Brazil's decision to provide diplomatic recognition to the DPRK in 2001 was part of a broader effort to engage with different Asian states. Bilateral relations expanded in the 2003-2016 period due to a foreign policy orientation that encouraged the expansion of Brazilian relations with the Global South. Practical implications-The research helps to understand the Brazilian decision to grant diplomatic recognition to the DPRK as well as the consolidation of bilateral relations in the two decades that followed, including the influence of multilateral issues on bilateral relations. Originality/ Value: The article brings to attention primary sources that were previously unexplored. The paper sheds light into Brazil-DPRK and DPRK-Latin American relations, two understudied topics associated with the DPRK's international presence.
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Brazilian foreign policy coexists in an increasingly pluralistic world, with the presence and involvement of a growing number of actors, both private and public. This situation brings complexity to the conduct and coordination of foreign... more
Brazilian foreign policy coexists in an increasingly pluralistic world, with the presence and involvement of a growing number of actors, both private and public. This situation brings complexity to the conduct and coordination of foreign policy, including with regard to the coordination of efforts and allocation of resources and responsibilities. This same complexity also brings an additional challenge to policy makers, due to the need to position the country internationally. The article discusses these challenges considering the presidential elections, including the positioning of the candidates and the mobilization in defense of their proposals about Brazil’s place in the world. The analysis is divided into four sections. The first discusses the international dimension of the 2022 presidential elections, then the international repercussions of the elections and some of the main challenges for Brazilian foreign policy after 2023. The article ends with a conclusion.
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The six essays in this report—covering a gamut of issues from securing reforms at the UN Security Council to fixing the governance crisis in international trade—tackle this challenge head-on. The essays offer lucid assessments of the... more
The six essays in this report—covering a gamut of issues from securing reforms at the UN Security Council to fixing the governance crisis in international trade—tackle this challenge head-on. The essays offer lucid assessments of the challenges that India and Brazil will confront in the immediate and long term. These analyses are complemented by pragmatic recommendations that seek to shape the future of the India-Brazil relationship.
The Observer Research Foundation (ORF) provides non-partisan, independent analyses and inputs on matters of security, strategy, economy, development, energy and global governance to diverse decision-makers (governments, business communities, academia, and civil society). ORF's mandate is to conduct in-depth research, provide inclusive platforms, and invest in tomorrow's thought leaders today. The Alexandre de Gusmão Foundation (FUNAG), established in 1971, is a public foundation affiliated with the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its goal is to provide civil society with information concerning diplomatic history and international relations, promoting public awareness about issues concerning Brazilian foreign policy.
The Observer Research Foundation (ORF) provides non-partisan, independent analyses and inputs on matters of security, strategy, economy, development, energy and global governance to diverse decision-makers (governments, business communities, academia, and civil society). ORF's mandate is to conduct in-depth research, provide inclusive platforms, and invest in tomorrow's thought leaders today. The Alexandre de Gusmão Foundation (FUNAG), established in 1971, is a public foundation affiliated with the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its goal is to provide civil society with information concerning diplomatic history and international relations, promoting public awareness about issues concerning Brazilian foreign policy.
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Emerging powers have often employed diverse strategies to gain influence in their regions. This article explores and compares the maritime regional influence-building processes spearheaded by Brazil and India. We identify geopolitical... more
Emerging powers have often employed diverse strategies to gain influence in their regions. This article explores and compares the maritime regional influence-building processes spearheaded by Brazil and India. We identify geopolitical variables that influence the permanence of discursive region-building strategies that involve: sustained interaction with coastal states; the generation of sufficient maritime consciousness/awareness; strategic importance, either in geopolitical or in economic terms; and acceptance of the proposing state's claim to a leadership role backed by power projection capabilities. These concepts are explored in the contexts of the South Atlantic and Indian Oceans, revealing the limits imposed on influence-building by geopolitical factors.
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Research Interests:
Resumo: A conjuntura internacional relacionada com os espaços marítimos apresenta, ao final desta segunda década do século XXI, duas tendências: a crescente importância econômica e militar dos oceanos, e o incremento das tensões derivadas... more
Resumo: A conjuntura internacional relacionada com os espaços marítimos apresenta, ao final desta segunda década do século XXI, duas tendências: a crescente importância econômica e militar dos oceanos, e o incremento das tensões derivadas do processo de demarcação das fronteiras marítimas. Essas duas tendências se desenvolvem na moldura de uma importante mudança na segurança internacional que é o retorno da competição entre as grandes potências, anunciado oficialmente na Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA publicada em 2017. O retorno da política de poder e da competição entre as grandes potências incrementa a importância dos oceanos nas conceções estratégicas no sentido clássico, inclusive no que diz respeito à competição por recursos derivados do mar e o combate a ameaças como pirataria. Este artigo analisa essas tendências, relacionando-as, principalmente, com o Atlântico Sul. Nesse sentido, são apresentados inicialmente alguns conceitos, tais como o poder capacita-dor dos oceanos, poder marítimo e poder naval. Em seguida, são mostrados alguns dados que reafirmam a importância dos mares na globalização comercial e financeira mundial. O terceiro movimento apresenta as principais tensões relacionadas com os espaços marítimos. A quarta e última parte trata do papel do Atlântico Sul na globalização e na segurança e defesa. Palavras-chave: Defesa; Poder Marítimo; Segurança Marítima; Atlântico Sul.
Abstract : At the end of the second decade of the XIX century, the international scenario related to maritime spaces is characterized by two trends: the increasing economic and military importance of the oceans, and the increasing tensions arising from the process of demarcation of maritime borders. These two trends have been developed within the framework of a major change in international security , which is the return of competition between the great powers, officially announced in the US National Security Strategy of 2017. The return of power politics and competition among the great powers increases the importance of the seas in the strategic conceptions in the classical sense, including the competition for maritime resources and the fight against threats such as piracy. This article analyses these trends, particularly as they related to the South Atlantic space. To do so, some concepts are initially presented, such as the enabling power of the oceans, maritime power and naval power. After this discussion, the article presents data that reaffirm the importance of the seas in the global commercial and financial globalization. The third section presents the main tensions related to maritime spaces. The fourth and last part deals with the role of the South Atlantic in globalization and security and defense.
Abstract : At the end of the second decade of the XIX century, the international scenario related to maritime spaces is characterized by two trends: the increasing economic and military importance of the oceans, and the increasing tensions arising from the process of demarcation of maritime borders. These two trends have been developed within the framework of a major change in international security , which is the return of competition between the great powers, officially announced in the US National Security Strategy of 2017. The return of power politics and competition among the great powers increases the importance of the seas in the strategic conceptions in the classical sense, including the competition for maritime resources and the fight against threats such as piracy. This article analyses these trends, particularly as they related to the South Atlantic space. To do so, some concepts are initially presented, such as the enabling power of the oceans, maritime power and naval power. After this discussion, the article presents data that reaffirm the importance of the seas in the global commercial and financial globalization. The third section presents the main tensions related to maritime spaces. The fourth and last part deals with the role of the South Atlantic in globalization and security and defense.
Research Interests:
In the past two decades, China's economic presence in Latin America has attracted considerable attention from the scholarly and policy-making community (Fung and Garcia Herrero 2014, Gallagher 2016, Myers and Wise 2016). This presence,... more
In the past two decades, China's economic presence in Latin America has attracted considerable attention from the scholarly and policy-making community (Fung and Garcia Herrero 2014, Gallagher 2016, Myers and Wise 2016). This presence, however, only reveals part of a wider set of relations that have been developing between Chinese and Latin American actors. We draw on the literature on strategic partnerships (Grevi, 2010; Holslag, 2011; Wilkins, 2012) to shed more light on these ongoing interactions and to focus on an emerging, yet largely unnoticed, area of increasing cooperation between China and Latin America, that of military and defense cooperation (Ellis, 2012; 2016). Our analysis is centered on China's interaction with Brazil in these specific sectors and our research is based on primary sources such as diplomatic communication, Brazilian and Chinese media reports, and official documents as well as semi-structured interviews with policy makers and academics.
Research Interests:
This is a a book chapter (Chapter 10) in the "Africa and the World Bilateral and Multilateral International Diplomacy" volume edited by Dawn Nagar and Charles Mutasa and published by Palgrave Macmillan. The chapter focuses on how the... more
This is a a book chapter (Chapter 10) in the "Africa and the World Bilateral and Multilateral International Diplomacy" volume edited by Dawn Nagar and Charles Mutasa and published by Palgrave Macmillan. The chapter focuses on how the Latin American and Caribbean countries, including those other than Brazil, expanded their relations with the African continent, including through initiatives such as the Africa-South America Summit. The strengthening of post-Cold War bilateral relations between the LAC countries and Africa can be seen as part of a strategy to increase contacts with countries of the global South. This was particularly the case with the inauguration of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela (1999), Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva in Brazil (2003), and Nestor Kirchner in Argentina (2003). The author explores the economic posturing inherent in Africa-LAC relations and thereby highlights that, through the expansion of diplomatic interactions, LAC and African states are seeking to further support their specific foreign policy agendas.
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This article explores the relationships between (so-called) ‘non-traditional’ development cooperation (NTDC) and political leadership. Using the case studies of Brazil and South Korea, we propose that certain emblematic elements of NTDC... more
This article explores the relationships between (so-called) ‘non-traditional’ development cooperation (NTDC) and political leadership. Using the case studies of Brazil and South Korea, we propose that certain emblematic elements of NTDC discourse and practice can act to influence the relationship with political leaders in particular ways. These are (a) elevated language of affect, (b) interleaving of personal biographies with the developmental trajectories of states, (c) the use of NTDC to legitimise domestic policies and promote domestic political leadership, (d) the prominence of presidential diplomacy and (e) the challenges confronting rapidly expanding domestic development cooperation institutions and systems.
Keywords: Non-traditional development cooperation, South–South Development Cooperation, political leadership, development, South Korea, Brazil
Keywords: Non-traditional development cooperation, South–South Development Cooperation, political leadership, development, South Korea, Brazil
Research Interests: Foreign Policy Analysis, International Development, Leadership, South Korea, Brazil, and 7 moreLeadership (Political Science), Brazilian Foreign policy, South-south cooperation, International Development Cooperation, Political leadership, International Aid and Development, and South Korean Foreign Policy
Co-authored book chapter with Pooja Jain in Isaline Bergamaschi, Phoebe Moore and Arlene Tickner (eds.)South-South Cooperation Beyond the Myths Rising Donors, New Aid Practices? Palgrave Macmillan, 2017.
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Over the past decade or so, Brazil has become an increasingly active and visible global development partner, especially in Lusophone Africa and in Latin America, as part of a foreign policy strategy aimed at diversifying relations and... more
Over the past decade or so, Brazil has become an increasingly active and visible global development partner, especially in Lusophone Africa and in Latin America, as part of a foreign policy strategy aimed at diversifying relations and expanding the country's presence in the global South. However, the period of high profile growth of South–South cooperation (SSC) under President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–2010) was followed by a period of contraction under President Dilma Rousseff (2011–16). Rousseff's lower interest in foreign policy and Brazil's domestic economic and political difficulties have been the two main reasons advanced to explain this shift. We concur, but in this article we seek to nuance this argument. First, we suggest that the ‘retreat’ from SSC was not as deep as sometimes assumed. Second, we identify legacies from the Lula era which left Brazilian development cooperation vulnerable to downturns. These are: (a) the difficulties in updating legislation and institutions to accommodate the expanded role of Brazilian development cooperation; (b) the difficulties in cultivating political and public constituencies; and (c) enduring inter-Ministerial fragmentation. In the penultimate section, we comment on the early indications of where the post-impeachment Temer Presidency will lead SSC.
Research Interests: Brazilian Studies, Brazilian History, Brazil, History of Brazilian Foreign Relations, Brazilian Foreign policy, and 11 moreSouth-south cooperation, Emerging Powers, História da Política Externa Brasileira, Lula's government, Politica Externa brasileira no governo lula, Emerging powers of Global South: Rising BRICS Countries, Política Externa do Governo Lula, Luiz Inácio Lula de Silva, Dilma Rousseff Foreign Policy, Política no Brasil Governo Lula e Dilma, and Governo Lula da Silva
This is the report I wrote on a Wilton Park event, hosted by FUNAG and held in Brasília between 17-18 November 2016. The event provided an important opportunity for policy makers, government officials, academics and civil society... more
This is the report I wrote on a Wilton Park event, hosted by FUNAG and held in Brasília between 17-18 November 2016. The event provided an important opportunity for policy makers, government officials, academics and civil society representatives from Brazil, Africa and the UK, as well as from international organisations, to discuss issues such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the measurement and evaluation of development cooperation. The two day discussion focused on the potential and limitations of development cooperation provided by the UK and by Brazil and on how the two countries could improve their partnerships with countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The discussions reflected the importance of looking at examples of past and ongoing trilateral cooperation initiatives and raised attention as to how recent political and economic events in Brazil and in the UK could impact on the provision of development cooperation and in the articulation of partnerships.
Research Interests: Africa, Brazil, Foreign Aid, United Kingdom, Sub-Saharan Africa, and 9 moreBrazil and Africa, Brazilian Foreign policy, South-south cooperation, International Development Cooperation, Effectiveness of Foreign Aid in Sub Saharan Africa, Triangular cooperation, Research in South-South Cooperation, South South Cooperation and Triangular Cooperation, and DFID
Em 2015, faz 5 anos que o Haiti foi devastado pelo maior terremoto de sua história. Para refletir sobre a tragédia e os 10 anos de Missão de paz no país, o Instituto Igarapé lança uma nova coleção de artigos inéditos, organizada por... more
Em 2015, faz 5 anos que o Haiti foi devastado pelo maior terremoto de sua história. Para refletir sobre a tragédia e os 10 anos de Missão de paz no país, o Instituto Igarapé lança uma nova coleção de artigos inéditos, organizada por Eduarda Hamann e com contribuições do Embaixador Antonio Patriota, Robert Muggah e outros especialistas, predominantemente brasileiros, com vasta experiência no Haiti. A edição especial oferece uma perspectiva brasileira sobre as oportunidades e desafios que confrontam o Haiti do passado e do futuro.
Depois de sinais incipientes de progresso político e econômico, o Haiti sofreu o pior desastre natural de sua história em 12 de janeiro de 2010. Embora as estimativas variem, o terremoto matou mais de 150.000 pessoas e resultou no deslocamento de outras centenas de milhares. Vários brasileiros também perderam suas vidas de maneira trágica. A devastação poderia ter sido ainda pior se não fosse o apoio da ONU.
Para refletir sobre a tragédia e os 10 anos de Missão de paz no país, o Instituto Igarapé lança uma nova coleção de artigos inéditos. A coletânea “Brasil e Haiti: reflexões sobre os 10 anos de missão de paz e o futuro da cooperação pós-2016 ” inclui contribuições de especialistas predominantemente brasileiros com vasta experiência no Haiti. A edição especial oferece uma perspectiva brasileira sobre as oportunidades e desafios que confrontam o Haiti do passado e do futuro.
Depois de sinais incipientes de progresso político e econômico, o Haiti sofreu o pior desastre natural de sua história em 12 de janeiro de 2010. Embora as estimativas variem, o terremoto matou mais de 150.000 pessoas e resultou no deslocamento de outras centenas de milhares. Vários brasileiros também perderam suas vidas de maneira trágica. A devastação poderia ter sido ainda pior se não fosse o apoio da ONU.
Para refletir sobre a tragédia e os 10 anos de Missão de paz no país, o Instituto Igarapé lança uma nova coleção de artigos inéditos. A coletânea “Brasil e Haiti: reflexões sobre os 10 anos de missão de paz e o futuro da cooperação pós-2016 ” inclui contribuições de especialistas predominantemente brasileiros com vasta experiência no Haiti. A edição especial oferece uma perspectiva brasileira sobre as oportunidades e desafios que confrontam o Haiti do passado e do futuro.
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Interview with Professor Dr Ricardo Seitenfus, at the time Special Representative of the OAS Secretary-General in Haiti and head of the OAS Office in Haiti. The interview was part of a special issue of the Análise de Conjuntura OPSA on... more
Interview with Professor Dr Ricardo Seitenfus, at the time Special Representative of the OAS Secretary-General in Haiti and head of the OAS Office in Haiti. The interview was part of a special issue of the Análise de Conjuntura OPSA on Haiti.
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Book chapter published in: The United Nations in the globalized international system. Czech United Nations Association, Prague, 2008. ISBN: 9788024513843
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Over the past ten years, Brazil’s foreign policy elites have made economic, political, and military cooperation with Africa one of the country’s top priorities, as part of Brazil’s emphasis on expanding relations within the Global South.... more
Over the past ten years, Brazil’s foreign policy elites have made economic, political, and military cooperation with Africa one of the country’s top priorities, as part of Brazil’s emphasis on expanding relations within the Global South. While growing research literature has sought to analyze the norms and practices this cooperation entails, little of the current scholarship has examined its relevance to African politics. In this article, we consider the implications of Brazilian cooperation for democracy and human rights in Africa along three lines: the scope and content of Brazil’s democracy promotion programs; the implications of its cooperation (official and non-official) for democracy and human rights; and its responses to political crises in Africa.
Research Interests:
Over the past decade, Brazilian foreign policy has struggled to balance two principles: respect for national sovereignty and the commitment to promote democracy and human rights both at home and abroad. Understanding how this balancing... more
Over the past decade, Brazilian foreign policy has struggled to balance two principles: respect for national sovereignty and the commitment to promote democracy and human rights both at home and abroad. Understanding how this balancing act affects Brazil's relations with Africa has become particularly important because Brazilian cooperation with African partners has expanded considerably over the past decade. This article analyzes Brazil's initiatives in democracy and human rights promotion in the context of Guinea-Bissau. We find that Brazil's initiatives in this area are channeled through two interconnected venues: multilaterally, especially through the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries and the UN Peacebuilding Commission, and bilaterally, through the official technical development cooperation programs coordinated by the Brazilian Cooperation Agency. We argue that, in the case of Guinea-Bissau, Brazil has worked to maintain institution-building as an essential component of development and security efforts to stabilize the country.
Research Interests:
Over the past decade, Brazil has stepped up its involvement in international security and development. However, few studies have looked at how Brazil's concrete experiences in post-conflict and fragile states have shaped its broader... more
Over the past decade, Brazil has stepped up its involvement in international security and development. However, few studies have looked at how Brazil's concrete experiences in post-conflict and fragile states have shaped its broader positions on key security and development issues (and vice versa). Analysing Brazil's role in Guinea-Bissau, this article asks how Brazilian government actors interpret the intersection between security and development. Drawing on a combination of document analysis and interviews, findings suggest that the Brazilian government has rejected labels such as ‘failed state‘ and ‘narco-state’ and that cooperation needs to address the multidimensional causes of Guinea-Bissau's instability. Brazil's stress on combining security sector reform with broader institution-building and socioeconomic development reflects a somewhat different emphasis than the approach promoted by actors that have concentrated more narrowly on curbing the drug trade.
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O artigo analisa a cooperação que o Brasil vem desenvolvendo ao longo do Atlântico Sul, mostrando que o País vem desempenhando o papel de region-builder na construção de uma identidade sul-atlântica com posição de destaque para si. Tais... more
O artigo analisa a cooperação que o Brasil vem desenvolvendo ao longo do Atlântico Sul, mostrando que o País vem desempenhando o papel de region-builder na construção de uma identidade sul-atlântica com posição de destaque para si. Tais esforços começam a ser contestados por outros atores de dentro e fora da região.
Research Interests: Maritime Security, Brazil and Africa, Brasil, Brazilian Foreign policy, Defense and Strategic Studies, and 5 moreEstudos de Defesa, Defesa Estratégica, Segurança Estratégica, Segurança Externa, Segurança Interna, Segurança Pública, Gestão Estratégica Internacional, Sistema Interestatal, Guerras e Conflitos, Poder, Ciência Política, Sociologia, Antropologia., South Atlantic Defense and Security, South Atlantic Relations, ZOPACAS, and Unclos 1982
Within the context of the post-Cold War period, rising power states have developed new regional and global interests, including with respect to Antarctica. In this paper, we analyse the role of Antarctica within Brazil’s rising power... more
Within the context of the post-Cold War period, rising power states have developed new regional and global interests, including with respect to Antarctica. In this paper, we analyse the role of Antarctica within Brazil’s rising power strategy, defined in terms of the foreign policy, defence strategy, and science and technology goals promoted by its policy elites. Focusing on the past decade, we find that Antarctica has gained greater visibility in all three aspects of Brazil’s rising power strategy. Regionally, Antarctica has become an important element within Brazil’s new defence policy for the South Atlantic region, as well as a way for Brazil to enhance cooperation with other South American states. In terms of its global ambitions, becoming a more active player within the Antarctic Treaty System is seen as a way for Brazil to participate more directly in debates with global reach. Finally, Antarctic research is viewed as a promising component of Brazil’s efforts to boost its science and technology capacity, and therefore its socio-economic development and competitiveness. In attaining these goals, Brazil faces a number of hurdles that became more evident after a 2012 fire destroyed most of its Antarctic base, although reconstruction efforts have produced new dynamics of cooperation, domestically and internationally.
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There is growing interest in the role of rising powers in African politics and development, as South-South cooperation with Africa expands. Although recent research on this trend has examined Brazil’s increasing economic and political... more
There is growing interest in the role of rising powers in African politics and development, as South-South cooperation with Africa expands. Although recent research on this trend has examined Brazil’s increasing economic and political relevance in Africa, relatively little has been written on the country’s involvement in peace and security on the continent. This report helps to address this gap by focusing on Brazil’s role in African security, especially over the past decade – a period that brought about a surge in Brazil-Africa ties and, simultaneously, the development of the African Peace and Security Architecture. We find that Brazil’s involvement encompasses a wide range of state and non-state actors, and that it has been motivated not only by economic interests, but also by a greater prioritisation of Africa and the South Atlantic by Brazil’s foreign and defence policies. Topics covered in the report include Brazil’s role in peacekeeping and peacebuilding, arms exports, military cooperation, concerns with the spread of piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, positions on major crises, and institution-building efforts. These initiatives reflect not only Brazil’s quest to become a global player, but also its efforts to redefine its strategic focus to encompass the South Atlantic.
Research Interests: Brazil, African Union, Brazil and Africa, Brazilian Foreign policy, South-south cooperation, and 4 moreThe African Union Peace and Security Architecture, Emerging powers, Global power shift, Rise of BRICS Countries, BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), and South Atlantic Defense and Security
Far from being ‘naturally’ delineated by geography or bound solely through shared culture, regions are actively constructed by states and other actors pursuing specific interests. In this article, we analyse the region-building efforts of... more
Far from being ‘naturally’ delineated by geography or bound solely through shared culture, regions are actively constructed by states and other actors pursuing specific interests. In this article, we analyse the region-building efforts of two rising powers – Brazil and India – as they work to project power and enhance their influence within the Atlantic and Indian oceans, respectively. Through a comparison of their behaviours within their maritime spaces – including naval build-up, international cooperation, and efforts to revive institutions such as ZOPACAS and IOR-ARC – we argue that Brazil and India are paying increasing attention to oceanic rims, albeit for somewhat disparate reasons. While India is increasingly concerned with the role of China within the Indian Ocean, for which it has had to rely on US support, Brazil is primarily driven to protect its oil and to minimise the role of the US and NATO in the South Atlantic. In both spaces, however, the rise of so-called non-traditional threats, including piracy, has further motivated these states' maritime power strategies. The analysis suggests that, within the context of the post-Cold War period, rising powers have begun redefining their strategic regions in terms of their maritime perimeters as a way to project power and influence beyond their continental vicinities.
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A pandemia da COVID-19 rapidamente se impôs como um dos principais, se não o principal, tema de política internacional, no período entre 2020 e 2022. A pandemia exacerbou desafios já encontrados pela comunidade internacional, como as... more
A pandemia da COVID-19 rapidamente se impôs como um dos principais, se não o principal, tema de política internacional, no período entre 2020 e 2022. A pandemia exacerbou desafios já encontrados pela comunidade internacional, como as restrições de mobilidade, assim como o acesso desigual a medicamentos e vacinas. Em certos contextos autoritários, as iniciativas de lockdown e distanciamento também foram mobilizadas para restringir as liberdades civis e de organização política. Certas respostas à pandemia também reforçaram o populismo com a adopção de um discurso negacionista, anti-ciência e contrário a instituições multilaterais como a Organização Mundial de Saúde (OMS). O relacionamento entre o Brasil e o continente africano, no contexto da COVID-19, precisa ser entendido a partir desses desafios e dos impactos que os mesmos deixaram na política internacional.
No mesmo período, em Janeiro de 2022, o início do mandato brasileiro como membro não permanente do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) também reforça os laços e interesses mútuos de cooperação entre o Brasil e o continente africano. Historicamente, a presença do Brasil no CSNU, principalmente no período do imediato pós-Guerra Fria, foi utilizada a favor dos países africanos parceiros, principalmente Angola e Moçambique. Em contrapartida, a maioria dos países africanos, em especial os países lusófonos, votam recorrentemente a favor das candidaturas brasileiras ao CSNU.
De forma a contribuir para uma melhor compreensão das dinâmicas apresentadas acima, o presente capítulo está dividido nas seguintes secções: uma análise geral sobre o acompanhamento da evolução da pandemia da COVID no continente africano por parte dos diplomatas brasileiros, seguida de uma discussão sobre a cooperação brasileira no contexto da pandemia, e de uma secção sobre a covid-19 e as relações Brasil-Moçambique. O capítulo termina com a apresentação da conclusão.
No mesmo período, em Janeiro de 2022, o início do mandato brasileiro como membro não permanente do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) também reforça os laços e interesses mútuos de cooperação entre o Brasil e o continente africano. Historicamente, a presença do Brasil no CSNU, principalmente no período do imediato pós-Guerra Fria, foi utilizada a favor dos países africanos parceiros, principalmente Angola e Moçambique. Em contrapartida, a maioria dos países africanos, em especial os países lusófonos, votam recorrentemente a favor das candidaturas brasileiras ao CSNU.
De forma a contribuir para uma melhor compreensão das dinâmicas apresentadas acima, o presente capítulo está dividido nas seguintes secções: uma análise geral sobre o acompanhamento da evolução da pandemia da COVID no continente africano por parte dos diplomatas brasileiros, seguida de uma discussão sobre a cooperação brasileira no contexto da pandemia, e de uma secção sobre a covid-19 e as relações Brasil-Moçambique. O capítulo termina com a apresentação da conclusão.
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Cooperation in the health sector is one of the most important areas of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation with African countries. These initiatives were expanded in 2003, with an emphasis on cooperation with Lusophone African... more
Cooperation in the health sector is one of the most important areas of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation with African countries. These initiatives were expanded in 2003, with an emphasis on cooperation with Lusophone African countries. Brazilian cooperation in the health sector is inspired by a number of domestic elements associated with the Brazilian public health system, particularly the constitutional recognition of the right to health and the provision of antiretrovirals through the public health system. In addition, the provision of cooperation in the health sector is connected to Brazil’s broader engagement in global health governance, where Brazil has historically promoted the rights and interests of countries of the Global South. The influence of these domestic and global dynamics, and their interaction with local conditions in Mozambique, is discussed in the analysis of how Brazil sought to cooperate in addressing HIV/AIDS by partnering with Mozambique to promote pharmaceutical production.
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O objetivo desta contribuição é analisar como os desafios logísticos associados ao envolvimento brasileiro na Força-Tarefa Marítima da Força de Emergência das Nações Unidas no Líbano (FTM-UNIFIL) se traduzem em oportunidades... more
O objetivo desta contribuição é analisar como os desafios logísticos associados ao envolvimento brasileiro na Força-Tarefa Marítima da Força de Emergência das Nações Unidas no Líbano (FTM-UNIFIL) se traduzem em oportunidades político-diplomáticas para o Brasil. Longe de poder discutir de maneira ampla o envolvimento do Brasil na UNIFIL, abordado em outra contribuição (Silva, Braga e Marcondes, 2017), o presente capítulo se concentra nas considerações apresentadas acima, argumentando que elementos podem ser considerados à primeira vista como desafios logísticos, devido à sua complexidade e especificidade, podem se traduzir em ganhos para a política externa e de defesa do Brasil. Tais ganhos decorrem principalmente do aspecto singular da FTM-UNIFIL dentro do âmbito das operações de paz autorizadas pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, em especial o seu componente naval, o que fornece ao Brasil uma oportunidade sem precedentes de envolvimento em iniciativa multilateral de caráter inovador no campo da manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional.
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Peace operations, as well as humanitarian intervention and its attendant debates, constitute a key element of Brazil’s foreign policy project as an emerging power. This chapter situates Brazilian participation in peace operations,... more
Peace operations, as well as humanitarian intervention and its attendant debates, constitute a key element of Brazil’s foreign policy project as an emerging power. This chapter situates Brazilian participation in peace operations, atrocity prevention and the surrounding normative debates, and highlights the key issues this activity has raised for Brazil as it navigates its shifting global role. The analysis lays out the patterns of Brazilian participation in intervention operations and debates, as well as thedistinctiveness of their contribution and its changing weight in the way the country constructs its narrative of global participation. The role of status seeking as a determinant of that participation is a guiding focus throughout the chapter.
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Além da cooperação bilateral em áreas como saúde, agricultura e educação, a intensificação das relações entre Brasil e Moçambique nos últimos 10 anos também incluiu um componente de defesa. Apesar de Moçambique não estar localizado na... more
Além da cooperação bilateral em áreas como saúde, agricultura e educação, a intensificação das relações entre Brasil e Moçambique nos últimos 10 anos também incluiu um componente de defesa. Apesar de Moçambique não estar localizado na costa do Atlântico Sul, área prioritária para a política externa e de defesa do Brasil, a proximidade linguística, a participação conjunta na Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) e a proximidade com a África do Sul, parceiro importante para o Brasil, significam que a interação entre Brasil e Moçambique no campo da cooperação em defesa também se intensificou nos últimos 10 anos, como será visto a seguir.
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Book chapter published in: Tatiana Deych & Evegeniy Korendyasov. (Org.). BRICS-Africa: partnership and interaction. 1ed. Moscow: Institute of African Studies, Russian Academy of Social Sciences, 2013, v. , p. 76-93.
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Book chapter published in Eduardo Svartman, Maria Celina D'Araújo, Samuel Alves Soares (eds). Defesa, segurança internacional e Forças Armadas II Encontro Nacional da ABED 2008. Mercado de Letras, Campinas, 2009.
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The Oxford Handbook of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations provides an innovative, authoritative, and accessible examination and critique of all 67 United Nations peacekeeping operations launched between 1948 and 2013. l Since the late... more
The Oxford Handbook of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations provides an innovative, authoritative, and accessible examination and critique of all 67 United Nations peacekeeping operations launched between 1948 and 2013. l Since the late 1940s, but particularly since the end of the cold war, peacekeeping has been the most visible and one of the most important activities of the United Nations and a significant part of global security governance and conflict management. The volume offers a chapter-by-chapter chronological analysis, designed to provide a comprehensive overview that highlights the evolution, changing nature and overall impact of UN peacekeeping. It also includes a collection of thematic chapters that examine key issues such as major trends of peace operations, the link between peacekeeping, humanitarian interventions and the responsibility to protect, peacekeeping and international law, the UN's inter-organizational partnerships and how to evaluate success or failure. l This handbook brings together leading scholars and senior practitioners in order to provide a comprehensive assessment of the successes, failures and lessons learned of UN peacekeeping since 1948. This is a unique reference book for scholars and practitioners working in the field of international relations, international security, peacekeeping and global governance.
Readership: Scholars and students interested in International Relations, UN Studies, International Law, International Organizations, Conflict Resolution, and Peace Studies
Readership: Scholars and students interested in International Relations, UN Studies, International Law, International Organizations, Conflict Resolution, and Peace Studies
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Os estudos sobre o nível micro-dinâmico nas missões de paz são relativamente recentes, especialmente no que diz respeito ao preparo do militar, foco deste artigo. Partindo de uma revisão sistemática acerca das demandas no nível... more
Os estudos sobre o nível micro-dinâmico nas missões de paz
são relativamente recentes, especialmente no que diz respeito ao preparo do militar, foco deste artigo. Partindo de uma revisão sistemática acerca das demandas no nível micro-dinâmico em missões de paz, seguiu-se o método descrito pela Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviewsand Meta-Analyses. A partir dessas evidências da literatura e do planejamento atual do estágio de preparação para missão de paz (EPMP) oferecido pelo CCOPAB, sob as diretivas de treinamento das Nações Unidas, identifica-se como lacuna no treinamento pré-desdobramento a apropriação mais sistemática do histórico da missão à qual o militar é designado, incluindo aspectos relacionados à cultura local. As demandas identificadas na literatura apontam a lacuna desse conhecimento e das habilidades detrabalhar com os atores locais como um elemento de dificuldade basilar no terreno. Conclui-se apontando as limitações do estudo e perspectivas parafuturas pesquisas.
são relativamente recentes, especialmente no que diz respeito ao preparo do militar, foco deste artigo. Partindo de uma revisão sistemática acerca das demandas no nível micro-dinâmico em missões de paz, seguiu-se o método descrito pela Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviewsand Meta-Analyses. A partir dessas evidências da literatura e do planejamento atual do estágio de preparação para missão de paz (EPMP) oferecido pelo CCOPAB, sob as diretivas de treinamento das Nações Unidas, identifica-se como lacuna no treinamento pré-desdobramento a apropriação mais sistemática do histórico da missão à qual o militar é designado, incluindo aspectos relacionados à cultura local. As demandas identificadas na literatura apontam a lacuna desse conhecimento e das habilidades detrabalhar com os atores locais como um elemento de dificuldade basilar no terreno. Conclui-se apontando as limitações do estudo e perspectivas parafuturas pesquisas.
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This article explores the provision of assistance for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping through the lens of South-South cooperation and considerations of expertise and international status. More specifically, the article analyses recent... more
This article explores the provision of assistance for United Nations (UN) peacekeeping through the lens of South-South cooperation and considerations of expertise and international status. More specifically, the article analyses recent attempts by the Brazilian Peace Operations Joint Training Center (ccopab) in sharing Brazil’s accumulated expertise from the 13 years of engagement in the UN Mission in Haiti (minustah) with other Global South countries. While the article contributes to the understanding of how Brazil tries to renegotiate its peripheral position in the domain of peacekeeping, it also interrogates how this new authoritative position is, nevertheless, permeated by ambiguities and limitations.
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Existen ya estudios importantes que analizan los intereses regionales de China en Africa, America Latina y el Caribe (Ellis, 2009; Brautigam, 2009), así como un numero creciente de estudios sobre ese país en relacion con la Antartida.... more
Existen ya estudios importantes que analizan los intereses regionales de China en Africa, America Latina y el Caribe (Ellis, 2009; Brautigam, 2009), así como un numero creciente de estudios sobre ese país en relacion con la Antartida. Sin embargo, hasta ahora no ha habido ningún intento de estudiar la importancia de China en relacion con el Atlantico Sur como espacio geopolítico diferenciado. En este panorama cambiante, China si- gue siendo uno de los actores políticos menos estudiados, a pesar de un incremento evidente de sus intereses y su presencia en la zona, tanto a lo largo de sus márgenes continentales como en el espacio oceánico.
Por consiguiente, este articulo se propone analizar cómo ha variado el papel de China –concebida aquí no tanto como una unidad, un actor coherente, sino más bien como un conjunto de actores sociales unidos por su filiación histórica, cultural y política con la República Popular de Chi- na– en el Atlántico Sur, centrando su atención en los últimos diez años. Durante este período, China no solo ha reorientado considerablemente sus políticas regionales con respecto a África, América Latina y la Antártida, sino que también se ha producido una rápida proliferación de actuaciones políticas estatales y no estatales chinas en el Atlántico Sur. En lugar de con- siderar el Atlántico Sur como un espacio intersticial o espacio negativo, o como un mero patio trasero de las potencias internacionales o regionales, nos centramos aquí en el Atlántico Sur como un lugar estratégico clave, que es objeto de redefinición por parte de una red cada vez mayor de en- laces parcialmente superpuestos de contactos intercontinentales, así como por intereses marítimos que merecen un tratamiento analítico indepen- diente del enfoque continental más tradicional (China en África, China en América Latina, etc.).
Por consiguiente, este articulo se propone analizar cómo ha variado el papel de China –concebida aquí no tanto como una unidad, un actor coherente, sino más bien como un conjunto de actores sociales unidos por su filiación histórica, cultural y política con la República Popular de Chi- na– en el Atlántico Sur, centrando su atención en los últimos diez años. Durante este período, China no solo ha reorientado considerablemente sus políticas regionales con respecto a África, América Latina y la Antártida, sino que también se ha producido una rápida proliferación de actuaciones políticas estatales y no estatales chinas en el Atlántico Sur. En lugar de con- siderar el Atlántico Sur como un espacio intersticial o espacio negativo, o como un mero patio trasero de las potencias internacionales o regionales, nos centramos aquí en el Atlántico Sur como un lugar estratégico clave, que es objeto de redefinición por parte de una red cada vez mayor de en- laces parcialmente superpuestos de contactos intercontinentales, así como por intereses marítimos que merecen un tratamiento analítico indepen- diente del enfoque continental más tradicional (China en África, China en América Latina, etc.).
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Texto de opinião publicado no Diário de Notícias (Portugal) no dia 21 de agosto de 2023.
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In the fluid, highly uncertain context of the post-Cold War period, rising powers have begun to engage more intensely in region-building, redefining their strategic vicinities through a combination of inter-state cooperation and military... more
In the fluid, highly uncertain context of the post-Cold War period, rising powers have begun to engage more intensely in region-building, redefining their strategic vicinities through a combination of inter-state cooperation and military build-up. Although this topic has been addressed in depth with respect to China’s behaviour in the Pacific and Russia’s actions in the Arctic, relatively little has been published on region-building efforts by rising powers in the Southern Hemisphere. In the article Region-Building by Rising Powers: the South Atlantic and Indian Ocean Rims Compared, published last March in the Journal of the Indian Ocean Region, we compare the strategies that these two countries have pursued within their respective maritime spaces: the South Atlantic and the Indian Ocean. Although the geopolitics of those two regions are vastly different—broadly put, the Indian Ocean is marked by much sharper tensions and competitive dynamics—we find that these two rising powers have increasingly turned to the seas, and more specifically to maritime perimeters, as they work to increase opportunities and influence abroad
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Filmes podem ser janelas para mundos que de outra forma não conseguiríamos acessar. Pela capacidade que têm de aproximarem um objeto não raro distante, os filmes são uma ferramenta valiosa para o estudo das Relações Internacionais. Para... more
Filmes podem ser janelas para mundos que de outra forma não conseguiríamos acessar. Pela capacidade que têm de aproximarem um objeto não raro distante, os filmes são uma ferramenta valiosa para o estudo das Relações Internacionais. Para realizar esse potencial, o conteúdo dos filmes – e, em alguns casos, a própria forma do filme – precisa ser refletido e analisado a partir do momento em que foram criados, bem como por quem e para quem foram produzidos e a narrativa que desenvolvem. As Relações Internacionais e o Cinema reúne análises dessa natureza, dedicadas, neste segundo volume, ao Estado e aos conflitos internacionais. Nele o leitor encontrará a análise de um conjunto de filmes que auxiliam a compreensão sobre guerras passadas e contemporâneas, segurança e tecnologia, corrida espacial, conscrição, tecnologia militar e cidadania, inteligência e propaganda, identidade, cultura e novas dinâmicas securitárias.