Ulpian

Es handelt sich um diejenigen Seiten der Monographie, auf denen die methodischen Hintergründe der jeweils unterschiedlichen wissenschaftsgeschichtlichen Zuordnungen der Gaius-Institutionen einerseits und des ps.-ulpianischen liber singularis regularum andererseits zusammengefaßt werden.

Attraverso l'esame di alcune caratteristiche del testo comunemente indicato come Fragmentum Dositheanum, l'autore sostiene che, nonostante il riferimento, in un paragrafo, alla conoscenza di 'regulae', il lavoro giurisprudenziale classico da cui è tratto il frammento non era un libro di regulae, ma un'opera elementare di natura squisitamente scolastica; inoltre, secondo l'autore, quest'opera scolastica potrebbe essere identificata con le Res cottidianae di Gaio.

In a well-known fragment of Justinian’s Digest, Ulpian addresses the students who are about to face the world of law by reading his Institutes: the young people who are going to dedicate themselves to the law must know that it derives and is founded on justice and this because – according to the elegant definition of Celsus – it is indeed an ars, but an ars that deals with the ultimate goal of all research, that is, good and equity. Jurists are sometimes called sacerdotes of this ars – Ulpian continues – and rightly so: in fact they cultivate justice and bring news of the good and the fair by separating the fair from the iniquitous and the licit from the illicit, anxious to form good people not because of the fear of punishment but because of the encouragement derived from the awards, and aspiring to the real philosophy, not to the simulated one. The text has been studied a lot by Roman law scholars, but this essay offers some further interpretative clues concerning, in particular, the last expression of the fragment, namely that jurists tend – nisi fallor, the jurist controversially adds – to the true philosophy, not to the simulated one.

Aguiar, Márlio. Quid aequitatis? O devir do conceito de aequitas no direito romano clássico. Revista de Direito Civil Contemporâneo. vol. 19. ano 6. p. 251-272. São Paulo: Ed. RT, abr.-jun. 2019.

Resumo
O artigo toma por objeto o conceito de aequitas na formulação jurídica romana entre os séculos I a.C. e III d.C., buscando compreendê-lo como um conceito mutável no contexto intelectual e técnico-jurídico do direito romano clássico. Inicialmente, traça-se a origem etimo-lógica da aequitas (aequus, iustum) nas esferas religiosa e moral. A seguir, acompanha-se co-mo a aequitas foi recepcionada pela Retórica, aproximando-se do conceito de iustitia e, com Cícero, criando-se a distinção entre naturalis aequitas e civilis aequitas. Por fim, através do Di-gesto, assenta-se como a iurisprudentia clássica, ciosa desta tradição, inclui o conceito de aequi-tas dentro das preocupações técnicas e jurídicas da iuris scientia. Dar-se-á atenção a Labeão, que prossegue no binômio de Cícero; e a Ulpiano, que projetou a integração das "duas" formas no qua-dro de ideias da dinastia dos Severos.
Palavras-chave: Direito Romano-História do Direito Romano-Aequitas-Boni et aequi.


Abstract: This paper aims to study as object the concept of aequitas in the Roman juridical con-ceptualization between centuries I BC and III AD, understanding it as a mutable concept in the intellectual and technical context of Classic Roman Law. In the first section, it traces the etymological Latin origin pertinent to the aequitas theme (like aequus and iustum) in the religious and moral spheres. Second , it is researched how the term aequitas was received by the Rhetoric, approaching the concept to that one of iustitia and, by Cicero's writings, with the innovation of the distinction between naturalis aequitas and civilis aequitas. Third, through the Digest , it is described how the classical iurisprudentia, well aware of this tradition, included the concept of aequitas within the technical and juridical framework of the iuris scientia. Particular attention will be devoted to Labeo, who continued the Ciceronian binomial; and to Ulpian, who projected an integration of that "two" forms within the ideological framework of the Severan dynasty.

Les prêtresses d'Artémis appartenaient sans surprise à des familles de notables locaux. Différents types de documents, dont un roman antique, permettent la reconstitution des tâches des prêtresses. Octavien-Auguste procéda à une importante réforme de l'Artémision. Le Mégabyxos/Mégabyze disparut au profit d'une prêtresse d'Artémis, qui à partir du règne de Claude fut une jeune fille. La réforme était typiquement augustéenne. Sous couvert de restaurer une situation de l'époque archaïque, elle introduisit également des nouveautés romaines.

The priestesses of Artemis belonged to families of local notables. Different types of documents, including an ancient novel, allow the reconstruction of the tasks of the priestesses. Octavian-Augustus made an important reform of the Artemision: the megabyxos disappeared to the profit of a priestess, who from the reign of Claude was a young teenager. The reform was of typically Augustan spirit: it wanted officially to restore the situation of the archaic time, but introduced also Roman innovations.

A finales del siglo II se documentan varios rescriptos imperiales que informan sobre la función de la cárcel como manicomio. Este peculiar uso ha recibido poca atención por parte de los investigadores.

Some imperial rescripts show the use of prisons as mental homes at the end of the II century A.D. This use has not received much attention from researchers.

François Kirbihler
Les prêtresses d’Artémis à Éphèse (ier siècle av. J.-C.–iiie siècle apr. J.-C.) ou comment faire du neuf en prétendant restaurer un état ancien ?
Résumé : L’article examine les prêtresses d’Artémis à Éphèse entre Auguste et la crise du troisième quart du iiie siècle après J.-C. : plus d’une cinquantaine de titulaires de la fonction sont connues. Les tâches des prêtresses se laissent en partie appréhender par les inscriptions et par le roman de Xénophon d’Éphèse. Il s’agit à partir de Claude ou de Néron d’une prêtrise annuelle exercée par des jeunes filles issues de familles de notables disposant en majorité de la citoyenneté romaine ; la situation sous Auguste et Tibère était en effet différente. La prêtrise principale d’Artémis confiée à une femme ne paraît attestée qu’à partir du début de l’Empire : elle serait consécutive à la disparition du Mégabyze et pourrait être liée à une réforme de l’Artémision par Octavien, sous couvert de restauration d’une situation antérieure à la domination perse sur l’Asie Mineure.

Artemis Priestesses in Ephesus (1st-3rd Centuries AD) or How to Make Something New by Claiming to Restore an Old State?
Abstract: This paper focuses on Artemis priestesses in Ephesus between the reign of Augustus and the crisis of the third quarter of the 3rd century AD: more than fifty priestesses are known to us. Some of their functions are specified by inscriptions and by the novel of Xenophon of Ephesus. From the time of Claudius and Nero’s reigns, the Artemis priesthood is an annual function held by young daughters of elite families predominantly enjoying Roman citizenship. The situation seems to have been different in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. As for the first priestess of the Artemis cult, the only testimonies that we have date from after the beginning of the Principate. This function seems to have emerged after the disappearance of the megabyzos and could be due to a larger reformation of the Artemis sanctuary by Octavian, ostensibly with a view to restoring a situation prior to Persian domination on Asia Minor.

Many parchments fragments belonging to the same coptic biblical manuscript are kept in the
British Library under the shelfmark Or. 4717 (5); most of them are palimpsests, whose primary scripts have
not received so far big attention. A re-examination of the fragments, undertaken in the frame of the ERCproject
Redhis, has revealed that, among the several scripturae inferiores, three come from three different Latin
late antique legal manuscripts, whose content must be jurisprudence. This paper offers a brief paleographical
and codicological presentation, together with a few hints on the contents, whereas edition and commentary
are in preparation by Serena Ammirati and Dario Mantovani. All together the three Latin scripturae inferiores
represent the most extensive (more than 400 lines, some of them barely legible) unknown cluster of legal texts
so far found.

This piece seeks to explain why Ulpian, in a famous passage of his commentary on Sabinus, refers to the Gardens of Sallust and the Albanum as typically non sellable imperial properties. The history of the two imperial demesnes proves key to interpreting Ulpian’s fragment: they were the only two imperial residences in the suburbium in whose vicinity military camps were established. This gives a sufficiently clear explanation as to why their use may be considered public by Ulpian and clarifies a highly disputed point among romanists, i.e. that there was no legal difference among imperial properties with regard to their alienability.

This workshop devoted to Law and administration under the reign of Caracalla (AD 211-217) will be held in Paris at the INHA, (salle Walter Benjamin, 2 rue Vivienne) on November 21, 2015.
Contacts and informations : Francois.Chausson@univ-paris1.fr, Antony.Hostein@univ-paris1.fr, vincent.nguyenvan@yahoo.fr, ben.rossignol@orange.fr

Informations et contacts :
Francois.Chausson@univ-paris1.fr
Antony.Hostein@univ-paris1.fr
vincent.nguyenvan@yahoo.fr
ben.rossignol@orange.fr