Racial discrimination

Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited capacity of G-8 to provide for global economic governance. The developed economies quickly realised that they should seek joint solutions and coordinated policies in cooperation with the leading emerging-market economies. As a result, the G-20 turned into the main forum for managing the crisis. This in fact pointed to an early institutional acknowledgement that important changes were underway in the global distribution of power. These changes derive from the substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies, a trend named ‘the rise of the rest’ (Zakaria, 2008, pp. 2–3).

This study tests the hypothesis that disparities of hypertension risk in African Americans is related to lead exposure, perceptions of racism, and stress, among urban (Roxbury, MA) and rural (Gadsden, FL) communities. Analysis of preliminary data from Phase I reveal 60% in Gadsden and 39% in Roxbury respondents self-reported having hypertension. In Gadsden 80% people did not know if their residence contained lead paint, compared to 45% in Roxbury. In Gadsden County, 58% of respondents reported experiencing racial discrimination in different settings compared with 72% in Roxbury. In regression analyses high cholesterol emerged as a significant predictors of hypertension in Gadsden County (OR=8.29, CI=1.4-49.3), whereas monthly household income (OR=0.15, CI=0.04-0.7) and diabetes (OR=6.06, CI=1.4-26.17) were significant predictors of hypertension in Roxbury after adjusting for other covariates. These preliminary findings set the stage for initiating Phase II (Phase I continues recruit...

The first settlers in this part of southern Louisiana owned slaves to work their farms. As many slaves were Catholic as their owners. This article is the story of their development as Catholics over two centuries, a story told here in three stages. First, although prohibited by law, the Religious of the Sacred Heart educated their slaves for reception of Catholic sacrament, which became full education by the Sisters after the Civil War, and was climaxed by the establishment of primary and secondary education in the black parish, Christ the King. The second part of this story is concerned with the slow and hostile desegregation of the Catholic Parishes in Grand Coteau, and the ordination of two black deacons who served in the single integrated parish, renamed St. Charles Borromeo. The Jesuit fathers, who served in the former parishes (Christ the King, for black Catholics and Sacred Heart, for whites, effected integration of all Catholics in Grand Coteau. As the black parish, Christ the King, lost its schools to general integrated schooling, a new phase of Catholic involvement emerged to attend to the dire social needs of the poor in Grand Coteau, primarily black Catholics.
That historical sketch can be more fully detailed. “Grand Coteau” designates the village in St. Landry Parish which was singular for its schools: 1. The Academy of the Sacred Heart (1821-2016); 2. St. Charles College of the Jesuit Fathers (1837-1916); 3. In 1875 the RSCJ opened a school for colored children 4. In time this “free school” was transported to Grand Coteau and became the elementary school of St. Peter Claver Compound [it burned down in 1977], just as the public school (Grand Coteau Elementary School) was beginning. In 1890 the same Religious opened the parochial school for Sacred Heart Parish, renamed as St. Charles Borromeo. 5 St. Charles College closed it doors in 1919 to become the novitiate for the Southern Jesuits. 6.  In 1945 the Sisters of the holy Family opened a school for colored children in Belleview, a mission of St. Peter Claver parish in Grand Coteau; and 7. shortly after, a secondary school named “St. Peter Claver” opened in Grand Coteau for colored boys and girls in the village itself.  8. In time the parochial school,  named “St. Ignatius,” continued the existence of the “free school” of the RSCJ. 9. When both the Bellview school and St. Peter Claver school closed, the state of Louisiana built a middle school (now integrated) in the heart of Grand Coteau. 10. A social-services center was opened on the former St. Peter Claver property, named the Thensted Center, and was staffed by many RSCJ. The village has many more significant aspects, but these suffice to locate the focus of “black” “Catholics” in “Grand Coteau.”

Across Latin America, online and digitally mediated racist speech directed at Afro-descendant youth has intensified existing racial stigma and contributed to the marginalization of minority groups in both online and offline contexts. Racist speech is not a new phenomenon in the region. However, such speech is often amplified through digital media platforms, including social media, and some claim its increasing prevalence may be contributing to the normalization of racism.

While racist speech online is prominent in both Brazil and Colombia, studies focused on Latin America are extremely limited and have addressed the overarching theme of online hate speech. Through interviews with leaders of civil society organizations (CSOs) and a review of existing literature, this study discusses efforts and interventions that CSOs have employed to counter racial stigma faced by the collective population of Afro-descendant youth in an attempt to understand and examine signs of impact related to hate speech in Brazil and Colombia, distinct from existing overarching studies of online hate speech.

Informed by in-depth conversations with practitioners working in the field, and working closely with collaborating institutions that directly serve Afro-descendent youth, the case study presents an over- view of the environment and context within which Afro-descendent youth impacted by racist speech exist. The interviews illustrate that most CSOs view digital racism as an extension of historical racial inequality. This case study documents the efforts of CSOs in the region who are helping to support the actions of young Afro-descendants to occupy roles historically denied to them, thereby deconstruct- ing negative perceptions and re-claiming representations of their identities and realities.

« La manière dont l'Allemagne traite ses habitants […] n’est pas plus notre affaire que ce n’est celle d’un autre gouvernement de s’interposer dans nos problèmes. » Les mots de Robert Jackson, procureur en chef américain au procès de Nuremberg, sont sans ambages : la répression des crimes racistes commis par les nazis ne saurait ouvrir la voie à un examen international de l’ordre racial qui prévaut alors aux États-Unis. L’atteste la définition particulièrement corsetée du crime contre l’humanité adoptée en 1945.

À partir d’une enquête sur les lawyers qui, outre-Atlantique, ont jeté les bases du procès, impulsé et conduit les débats, Guillaume Mouralis propose une relecture passionnante de Nuremberg. Il révèle le faisceau des contraintes professionnelles, sociales et culturelles qui ont lourdement pesé sur ce moment expérimental. Il s’interroge finalement sur son legs. Comment a-t-il été mobilisé dans les luttes afro-américaines pour les droits civiques, ou celles, ultérieures, contre la guerre du Vietnam ? Et comment ces appropriations militantes ont-elles marqué l’émergence d’un dispositif judiciaire international ?

The jurisprudence that has developed in the last twenty-five years under Batson v. Kentucky may be fairly described as indeterminate, unprincipled, and generally ineffective. Scholarly literature points to a variety of reasons for this state of affairs. This Article focuses on one source of the problem— the lack of clarity in the law concerning the evidentiary framework (methodology) needed for

In Brown in Baltimore; School Desegregation and the Limits of Liberalism, Howell S. Baum argues that the failures of desegregation can be traced to liberal principles that protect individual freedom while ignoring race. In this extensively researched book, Baum recounts how local officials and residents attempted to desegregate Baltimore schools in the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown.

Society progresses not through acceptance of injustices, in contrary, it progresses through
the courage of few men and women who oppose discrimination and challenge hateful bureaucracies. In the following analysis, three distinctive leaders will be used to understand the difference between non-violent civil disobedience and violent resistance. Following this, they will be used to determine, if ever, an individual faced with an unjust law in moving from non- violent disobedience to violent action is deemed justifiable. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, and Captain John Brown all share the fundamental experience of being an African American in the United States. Malcolm X and Martin Luther King’s fight for liberty was to not only end the racial segregation in everyday life, but to eliminate the systemic disadvantages the African American community experienced. In contrast, Captain John Brown’s advocacy, justified by leading transcendentalist Henry David Thoreau, relied solely on portraying the “willful and wicked” (Thoreau, 1859) violent oppression against African Americans in the United States. This paper will reveal that there is a difference in degree between non-violent civil disobedience and violent resistance. Moreover, that in moving from non-violent to violent action is not a question “about the weapon, but the spirit [and situation] in which you use it” (Thoreau, 1859). Through comparing Martin Luther King’s diplomatic approach for justice with Captain John Brown’s violent resistance, it will become clear that Brown’s violence was required and unavoidable. Revealing that Martin Luther King’s philosophy was not applicable within the society Brown was in. This paper will then compare Malcolm X’s Ballots or the Bullets with Thoreau’s Plea for Captain John Brown. Through using A Theory of Justice by John Rawls, it will become clear that violent resistance was not justifiable in Malcolm X’s case, and that the degree of injustice and consequences of violent action must first be evaluated.

Reviews "Black History: Lost, Stolen, or Strayed," the 1968 CBS News television documentary [DVD release by Phoenix Learning Group, 2008].  The program was narrated by Bill Cosby.  Andy Rooney received an Emmy Award for the script.  The 54-minute program had five parts.  (1) Cosby introduces African Americans who made an impact in U.S. history but were never recognized in the history books.  (2) the mental legacy of slavery and discrimination, demonstrated through Emanuel Hammer's use of projective drawing interpretation analysis.  (3) Clips of racist stereotyping in Hollywood films.  (4) How children's paintings illustrate how African American students can be harmed by racial attitudes.  (5) John Elliott Churchville's project to develop the self-esteem and self-confidence of African-American students.

Zero-tolerance school discipline policies that are supposedly race-neutral disproportionately target Black, Native American and Latino students, especially those with disabilities. This enforcement often comes in the form of discipline meted out by School Resource Officers (SROs), or police officers tasked to handle matters of discipline in public schools. South Carolina's Department of Education issued a series of stakeholder-led recommendations in 2016 to mitigate this problem; however, they have not been officially adopted as regulations, making them formally unenforceable within individual schools. This report argues that South Carolina should adopt the proposed regulations set forth in the Department of Education's report to ensure the safety of all students, particularly those from vulnerable populations. In addition, South Carolina should also implement both internal and external oversight programs to monitor individual schools' compliance with state regulations.

This article argues that the neoliberal renaissance of the 1980s marketized education, with distinctly negative social consequences. We examine the emergence and promotion of a national-level discourse that positioned schools in the service of the economy. Based on ethnographic research conducted in North Carolina, we then show how local growth elite utilized this discourse to further their own race and class interests to the exclusion and detriment of poorer, African American parents and students. We suggest that ethnographic studies of policy formation help to socially and historically contextualize contemporary debates and denaturalize unwarranted assumptions about the public good.

Background: Racism has been identified as a major source of injustice and a health burden in Australia and across the world. Despite the surge in Australian quantitative research on the topic, and the increasing recognition of the prevalence and impact of racism in Australian society, the collective evidence base has yet to be comprehensively reviewed or meta-analysed. This protocol describes the first systematic review and meta-analysis of racism in Australia at the national level, focussing on quantitative studies. The current study will considerably improve our understanding of racism, including its manifestations and fluctuation over time, variation across settings and between groups, and associations with health and socioeconomic outcomes. Methods: The research will consist of a systematic literature review and meta-analysis. Searches for relevant studies will focus on the social and health science databases CINAHL, PsycINFO, PubMed and Scopus. Two reviewers will independently screen eligible papers for inclusion and extract data from included studies. Studies will be included in the review and meta-analysis where they meet the following criteria: (1) report quantitative empirical research on self-reported racism in Australia, (2) report data on the prevalence of racism, or its association with health (e.g. mental health, physical health, health behaviours) or socioeconomic outcomes (e.g. education, employment, income), and (3) report Australian data. Measures of racism will focus on study participants' self-reports, with a separate analysis dedicated to researcher-reported measures, such as segregation and differential outcomes across racial/ethnic groups. Measures of health and socioeconomic outcomes will include both self-reports and researcher-reported measures, such as physiological measurements. Existing reviews will be manually searched for additional studies. Study characteristics will be summarised, and a meta-analysis of the prevalence of racism and its associations will be conducted using random effects models and mean weighted effect sizes. Moderation and subgroup analyses will be conducted as well. All analyses will use the software CMA 3.0. Discussion: This study will provide a novel and comprehensive synthesis of the quantitative evidence base on racism in Australia. It will answer questions about the fluctuation of racism over time, its variation across settings and groups, and its relationship with health and socioeconomic outcomes. Findings will be discussed in relation to broader debates in this growing field of research and will be widely disseminated to inform anti-racism research, action and policy nationally. Systematic review registration: PROSPERO CRD42 02126 5115.

Le double mandat présidentiel de Barack Obama restera historique : pour la première fois, un homme d’origine afro-américaine accédait à la plus haute fonction et, double exploit, s’y faisait réélire. En 2008, son élection avait fait naître l’espoir d’enfin voir les États-Unis s’engager sur la voie de l’égalité entre citoyens quelles que soient leurs origines. Huit ans plus tard, il faut déchanter : les inégalités socio-économiques persistent et la polarisation Blanc/Noir atteint des sommets avec d’un côté la colère du mouvement « Black lives matter » (« Les vies noires comptent ») face aux violences et bavures policières et de l’autre un président, Donald Trump, qui doit une partie de son succès à son discours raciste décomplexé. Les attentes envers Barack Obama étaient-elles trop hautes ? Quelle a été sa véritable action dans ce domaine ?

Informal Learning in Youth Work offers fresh perspectives on all aspects of informal education in the youth work setting. Designed to develop the reader's knowledge and skills, this comprehensive textbook explores key issues such as communication, power relations, ethics, gender exclusion, sexuality, race discrimination and social class. The author places particular emphasis on conversation as a key means of promoting informal learning and engaging effectively with young people.

PurposeTo identify the attitudes and traits of teachers with an at‐risk student population in a multi‐cultural urban high school.Design/methodology/approachA research team consisting of doctoral students and their faculty advisor used an appreciative inquiry model to identify attitudes and traits of teachers who supported effective teaching in an urban high school with a high at‐risk student population.FindingsThe research team's findings indicate that those perceived as effective teachers were culturally responsive, sought small successes, encouraged students, flexible, and caring. They also formed meaningful relationships with students, had caring attitudes, and viewed themselves as difference‐makers. The research team also found a number of non‐supportive teacher attitudes and traits: blaming, racial attitudes, frustration leading to inflexibility, co‐dependency leading to encouraging the neediness of students, and lack of respect for the contributions made by the surrounding...

LA PATRIA PERDIDA O IMAGINADA: TRANSLATING TEODORO TORRES IN “EL MEXICO DE AFUERA” by ETHRIAM CASH BRAMMER December 2011 Advisor: Dr. Renata Wasserman Major: English Degree: Doctor of Philosophy One resent result of the Recovery of the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heritage Project has been the “rediscovery” of the novel La patria perdida (1935), written by acclaimed Mexican journalist Teodoro Torres while in exile in the United States. This novel is a kind of Mexican-American Horacio Algiers tale, detailing the success story of Luis Alfaro, who is eventually able to create a utopian Mexican-American hacienda, called Buenavista, outside of Kansas City, Missouri. Due to a number of important thematic inversions, La patria perdida stands in stark contrast to other early works of Mexican-American immigrant fiction, including novels like Daniel Venegas’s The Adventures of Don Chipote: Or, When Parrots Breast-Feed (1928) and Conrado Espinoza’s Under the Texas Sun (1926), which likewise document...

The study presented in this article focuses on strategic planning in developing countries, drawing on the author's experiences in a dozen developing countries in Asia and Africa and focus groups in three of those countries: Afghanistan, Madagascar, and South Africa. It looks at the special challenges faced by planners in developing countries and the strategies used to respond. The enormity of the problems, the magnitude of the needs, and the difficult economic environment found in developing countries posed major obstacles. What is striking in a review of these cases is what can be done through careful strategic and budget planning. The creativity, resilience, and genius of many of those involved were remarkable. For most of these nations, strategic planning was a critical catalyst for change. (Contains 12 notes.)

In recent times, claims concerning violations of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination have been brought by States parties to the Convention to the attention of the International Court of Justice, and, for the first time in the course of United Nations human rights treaty bodies, to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Relations between the different mechanisms of the sophisticated compliance control system set up by the Convention have been put to the test. In particular, the Qatar v. United Arab Emirates case raises the complex issue of parallel proceedings which, in the author’s opinion, can be dealt with by solutions offered by the Convention itself, rather than by the lis pendens principle.

Abstract – This article draws from  eldwork conducted in 2004-2008 in San Felice and Milano 2, using among other methods ethnographic observation and 34 in-depth interviews. It analyzes how discrimination- based segregation takes place in the refounded neighborhoods of Milan’s metropolis, and the relation of their inhabitants to spatial justice. The  rst section of the article shows in particular how the refusal of diversity by the residents was based on xenophobic, Islamophobic and Romaphobic prejudices and obsidional representations (more or less strong depending of the period). The second section focuses on the effects – over the sense of justice of the inhabitants – of a national public sphere where urban segregation is never addressed or even framed as a problem.

Résumé – À partir d’une enquête de terrain, combinant notamment observation participante et 34 entretiens approfondis, réalisée entre 2004 et 2008 dans les quartiers de San Felice et Milano 2, cet article analyse les ressorts de la ségrégation discriminante et le rapport à la justice spatiale dans les espaces refondés de la métropole milanaise. La première partie montre notamment comment le refus de la mixité s’appuyait chez les habitants de ces quartiers sur des préjugés et des sentiments obsidionaux xénophobes, islamophobes et tsiganophobes (plus ou moins prononcés selon la période considérée). La seconde partie s’intéresse quant à elle aux effets, sur le sens du juste des habitants, d’un espace public national dans lequel la ségrégation urbaine n’est pas une question débattue.

White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide (2017), by Carol Anderson For every advance African Americans make — no matter how small, how trivial — white America is there to pushing back with the full weight of its most cherished and diabolical institutions — the courts and the police. Nowhere is this more obvious than with Donald Trump's Presidency.[1] Author Carol Anderson refers to this reactionary backlash as White Rage.[2]. Anderson began her book as a reaction to the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. Stereotrpes used by the media and public were so apparent and appalling that Anderson knew she had to do something, so she wrote White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide (2017) to let people know that not much has changed for African Americans. Anderson reports that in 1954, in response to Brown v. Board of Education (1954), Missouri " declared all its schools would be integrated, only to announce that it would leave it up to the local districts to implement the Supreme Court decisions. " [3] Brown v. the Board did virtually nothing, because local districts had no real incentive to follow the law. " In the 21s tCentury, Michael Brown's school district had been on probation for fifteen years " for racial inequality. The failure of Brown v. The Board, lead to systemic racism and inequalities that would live on. " It was the same with [inequality in] policing, housing, voting, and employment. " [4] " Rage is not [always] about visible violence, but rather it works its way through the courts, the legislatures, and a range of government bureaucracies. It wreaks havoc subtly, almost imperceptibly. Too imperceptibly, certainly, for a nation consistently drawn to the spectacular — to what it can see. It's not the Klan. White Rage doesn't have to wear sheets, burn crosses, or take to the streets. Working the halls of power, it can achieve its ends far more effectively, fare more destructively. "