Privatization of Security

This article overviews the phenomenon of private military and security companies (PMSCs) through the prism of various theoretical concepts. The paper explores the heterogeneous nature of PMSCs, the reasons for their present-day increased activity, and interaction with state and non-state participants in global processes. The phenomenon manifests itself amid the change in the attitude towards traditional forms of violence, which allows states to partly outsource their security and law-enforcement functions. At the same time, some countries maintain their monopoly on violence and are even expanding the arsenal of mechanisms for consolidating their geopolitical influence through PMSCs. The study shows that PMSCs' activities in "weak" countries may impair the inviolability of their statehood. The article also discusses the possibility of democratic control of PMSCs' activities. Keywords: non-state actors, private military and security companies (PMSCs), sovereignty, asymmetric conflicts, new types of war, privatization and outsourcing in the security field, democratic control, state monopoly on legitimate violence

Long-running debates over military privatization overlook one important fact: The U.S. military’s post-2001 contractor workforce is composed largely of migrants imported from impoverished countries. This Article argues that these Third Country National (TCN) workers—so called because they are neither American nor local—are bereft of the effective protections of American law, local regimes, or their home governments; moreover, their vulnerability is a feature, not a flaw, in how the U.S. projects global power today. TCN workers are an offshore captive labor force whose use allows the government to keep politically sensitive troop numbers and casualty figures artificially low while reducing dependence on local populations with suspect loyalties. Legislation to combat human trafficking has done little to remedy exploitation and abuse of TCN workers because of jurisdictional hurdles and the lack of robust labor rights protections. Substantive reform efforts should address the deeper issue at stake, namely that the government uses TCN workers to carry out a core state function—namely, the use of force—without a clear relationship of responsibility to them. Unlike with soldiers, the labor of TCN workers is not valorized as sacrifice and unlike mercenaries selling their services to the highest bidder, they are frequently indebted to the point of indenture.

O presente artigo aborda a privatização de presídios compreendendo o fenômeno como um processo de mercantilização do crime. Para tanto,
analisa-se o sistema prisional brasileiro, de forma a evidenciar suas principais problemáticas, especialmente sua seletividade racial e social.
Demonstra-se a inerência da pena privativa de liberdade ao sistema capitalista, reforçando seu papel de controle social. Em um cenário de
medo e clamor públicos por repostas imediatistas, a privatização dos presídios aparece como suposto préstimo. À luz dessas premissas,
analisam-se os processos de privatização nos Estados Unidos e na França, países pioneiros, para abordar de forma crítica suas supostas
vantagens. Destacam-se óbices no âmbito legal, ético e moral, em especial pela delegação inconstitucional do poder punitivo do Estado ao setor privado e pela obtenção do lucro com o sofrimento alheio em detrimento dos interesses sociais. Por fim, com atenção à realidade brasileira, faz-se uma análise crítica da primeira parceria público-privada em presídio do País. Dessa forma, a privatização dos presídios configura verdadeira mercantilização do crime, uma vez que reduz o ser humano, o crime e, consequentemente, a pobreza a objetos de mercado.

Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) МИД России. Россия, 119454, Москва, проспект Вернадского, 76 Динамика современных мировых процессов диктует неоднородность среды международной безопасности, включающей в себя как государственных, так и негосударственных акторов, причём правовой статус некоторых негосударственных акторов не всегда чётко определён. 5 Возникновение новых акторов или их быстрая трансформация и переход от прежних форм активности к новым зачастую опережают политико-правовую оценку характера их деятельности, а также степень и возможные последствия подобного воздействия на международные процессы. Государства и международные организации, представители бизнеса и неправительственные организации всё чаще пользуются услугами частных акторов в сфере безопасности. Традиционные методы государственного насилия пополняются нетрадиционными формами, меняя отношение к насилию в обществе вообще. 5 Иногда эффективность негосударственных акторов и скорость оказания ими услуг в сфере безопасности превышает профессионализм государственных служащих и манёвренность государственной машины, однако данные обстоятельства не могут являться ключевыми аспектами, легитимирующими деятельность негосударственных акторов. 5 Случается, что в течение некоторого, иногда продолжительного, времени новые акторы действуют, имея лишь частичную легитимность и, как следствие, неясный характер ответственности. Различные подходы к проблеме регулирования таких акторов на национальном или региональном уровнях частично проясняют, но всё же не приводят к обретению ими правового статуса, закреплённого в международном праве. 5 Для решения данной проблемы требуется выработка комплексного под-хода с применением существующих механизмов международного права, а также разрабатываемых методов в сфере саморегулирования. Ключевые слова: негосударственные акторы, частные военные и охранные компании, наёмники, международное право, приватизация, аутсорсинг, суверенитет, международное гуманитарное право, ООН, Швейцарская инициатива.

لم تكن عودةُ الشركات الأمنية الأمريكية للعراق للمساعدة في الحرب ضد داعش قُبيل نهاية أبريل 2015، سوى أحد تجليات تصاعد خصخصة الأمن في بعض دول الإقليم، وقيام الشركات الأمنية بأدوار مركزية في بعض المجالات الأمنية والعسكرية منذ استعانة الولايات المتحدة بها في العمليات العسكرية في أفغانستان والعراق، وهو ما يُثير تساؤلات حول أبعاد ومخاطر الاعتماد على الشركات الأمنية الخاصة في دول الإقليم.

The past two decades have witnessed dramatic growth in the number of private security companies in the Caribbean and significant expansion of their remit, a trend reflected in wider global developments in the industry. In some cases, private security personnel outnumber police, and they are frequently blessed with greater resources and technical capacity. Despite this proliferation, though, the private security industry remains under-and, in some places, even un-regulated. As a consequence, there exist unanswered questions regarding the nature of the relationship between private security firms and both the state and their public counterparts, the nature of insecurity in the Caribbean, and the extent to which greater provision of private security services actually leads to greater meaningful security. This chapter seeks to engage with these issues, by drawing on comparative data from St Lucia, Jamaica, Trinidad and Haiti. It assesses the nature and consequences of the industry's rise in the region, and reflects on its likely evolution in the future.

This study explores the private security sector and its consequences in international politics. The objective of the research is to identify which pertinent roles can Private Military Companies (PMCs) fulfil in today’s security environment, after having accounted for the power transformations and socio-political problems induced by the emergence of these new security actors.

The Paper examines the insurance and liability issues resulting from the use of armed guards on board vessels. The study begins with an overview of the available data on key economic figures representing the projected overall annual costs of modern piracy. The focus is then shifted to the issue of public versus private security, where possible dangers of private-based security options are discussed in general. After explaining why the Somalia region deserves a closer attention when compared to other pirate-infested waters, a brief summary of the international effort to combat piracy threat is presented, followed by a structured overview of the use of private maritime security options in the maritime sector in general. One security option is the use of armed guards on board vessels. This option is explored both from the political (the acceptance by stakeholders) and legal standpoint (legal issues arising from the use of armed guards). An important remedy for the shipping companies/operators threatened by the piracy hazard is the existence of affordable and effective (specialized) marine insurance. A study of available piracy insurance policies is presented, followed by an analysis of case law and other legal issues arising from piracy attacks, which could prove important when considering the legal implications of armed guards employment. Finally, a simplified economic analysis of available security options is presented, followed by the final assessment of benefits derived from the use of armed guards.

La percepción respecto a la inseguridad es que nada de lo que se ha hecho ha dado resultados, que damos palos de ciego y que el problema no hace sino crecer y volverse cada vez más inmanejable. “Nada de lo que se ha hecho ha funcionado” es una frase que se escucha con relativa frecuencia, tanto en círculos académicos, como entre periodistas, funcionarios públicos o entre gente común de la calle.
El propósito de este documento no es en absoluto negar la gravedad y el deterioro de la situación en América Latina como conjunto, tampoco
pretender que las respuestas al problema han sido suficientemente eficaces o que ya sea sólo cuestión de tiempo para que lleguen a serlo.
Lo que busca es romper con una visión simplificadora de la realidad y hacer una revisión panorámica de las múltiples acciones desde el Estado, la sociedad civil e incluso la cooperación internacional que se han puesto en práctica a lo largo de los años y que han influido de distintas maneras en la evolución del fenómeno que nos interesa.
De manera muy panorámica, en las páginas que siguen daré cuenta de
acciones y medidas de muy diversa índole y no siempre complementarias; incluso muchas veces, en mi opinión, contradictorias y en algunos casos abiertamente contraproducentes. No me limito en este recorrido solamente a la acción del Estado, sino también a lo que se ha hecho desde la sociedad, sea ésta la sociedad civil organizada o la participación social de la población con distintos signos. Resalto, también, como actores importantes a los medios de comunicación, las iglesias, las universidades, a la cooperación internacional, etcétera.
Insisto en que el propósito fundamental de este documento es dar cuenta de que muchas cosas sí han ocurrido; que cualquier reflexión o decisión de política pública que se haga hoy debe partir del conocimiento y de la evaluación de lo que ya se ha hecho; que las respuestas son, obviamente y a la luz de los resultados, insuficientes y hasta fallidas; pero que, a la vez, pueden haber tenido efectos positivos en determinados momentos o ámbitos y que por ello hay un enorme aprendizaje que hacer de todo lo hecho.
La enumeración de acciones, estrategias o políticas que sigue no guarda
necesariamente un orden cronológico, ni de importancia; quiere solamente mostrar la diversidad y complejidad de lo ocurrido.

Purpose: The purpose of this research is to describe the different services offered on websites by a high profile sample of private military companies. An examination of literature related to the private military industry illustrates the history of non-state actors as well as factors that contributed to the post-Cold War growth of the industry. The main factors discussed are the corporatization of service providers and growing trends of privatization during the Cold War.

Method: Through the use of a conceptual framework, three descriptive categories were developed. Each descriptive category is comprised of sub-categories that identify a type of service offered in the industry. The descriptive categories are drawn from P.W. Singer's book Corporate Warriors: The rise of the privatized military industry. They are used to connect to website analysis of existing PMCs. The population studied is drawn using members of a private military trade association called the International Peace Operations Association. Using content analysis, a keyword search was conducted of member websites to identify the percentage of companies offering a given service.

Findings: The data shows that each descriptive category has one service provided by at least half of the companies in the sample and that more than half of the firms examined provided services in at least two descriptive categories. The overall results indicate that PMCs are equipped to deliver a multitude of services. Additionally, the results show how private military companies have equipped themselves to target market niches with wide-ranging contract specifications.

The international regulation of non-state security providers centres around two debates. On the one hand, there is the discussion whether such security providers allow for an effective provision of security. Drawing strongly on the idea of global governance, the main thrust of the argument is that decentralised regulation and provision of security provides superior effectiveness to centralised, government-sponsored approaches. This debate highlights that the security sector has been transformed into a non-centralised collective of security providers comprising a multitude of different actors with non-hierarchical relationships in many regions of the world. On the other hand, there is an on-going debate about the means by which such non-state security providers can or should be held accountable to international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (HRL) in particular. With their traditional focus on states, these legal frameworks often fail to address non-state actors. Both of these discussions accept the notion of security governance. Yet in so doing, they fail to address the important issue of democratic control and oversight.

While some of the UN member states refrain from providing peacekeepers due to security reasons, the UN frequently turns to the private security market for support. In turn, private military and security companies (PMSCs) take on risky missions and fi ll in the procurement gaps. It is common practice to criticize PMSCs for not having a clear international legal status, operating in the "grey" area of the law and not being accountable for their actions. Furthermore, the UN often equates PMSCs to mercenaries of the past and calls for strict regulation and surveillance of their activities. This practice has remained unchanged since the 1992 reforms, and the UN has done nothing to reduce the involvement of PMSCs in peacekeeping missions. On the contrary, it has, under pressure from lobbyists for the private security industry, actually increased security expenditures for PMSCs by unprecedented amounts. The UN's position as a unique universal intergovernmental organization exempts it from a great deal of transparency, accountability and reform. While the private security industry includes various PMSCs that compete for contracts in confl ict zones and post-confl ict areas, the UN does not have any kind of competitor in peacekeeping procedures. The UN criticizes PMSCs for their blatant human rights violations and disregard of international law, yet continues to contract them for its peacekeeping missions. This paper examines the problem of involving PMSCs in UN peacekeeping operations. It aims to answer the following main questions: How do PMSCs, as partners of the UN in the peacekeeping process, contribute to the protection of human rights, which is one of the organization's basic declared principles? Can PMSCs become a recognized instrument within the UN system? Would UN peacekeeping eff orts improve as a result of hiring PMSCs? KEYWORDS PMSCs, the UN, peacekeeping operations, effi ciency and eff ectiveness of missions, outsourcing and privatization of security, mercenarism, accountability of PMSCs

The end of the Cold War has fundamentally changed the nature of the conflicts on the world stage, bringing the private security companies into the spotlight. These are providing a wide range of services from logistics and auxiliary to the complete replacement of the national armies. This paper starts from the conditions that allowed a market for the private security companies in Romania and then examines how it evolved over the time. The existing theories stress several factors that explain the social and political conditions that allow the private security market to expand over time. The analysis of the validity of these factors brings a more nuanced image, some of them giving relevant explanations. The organizational transformation of the structure of the armed forces and the trend of externalization for certain services resulted in a large number of military trained personnel being available on the labour market. The former is a driving factor in the expansion of the private security market, while the latter holds rather a collateral role.

This paper outlines the emergence of a new marketplace in the United States, immigration detention, especially after September 11 th. This phenomenon is not limited to the United States, but is also observable in other countries as the result of the globalized economy. This paper first explains how the private prison industry adapted from shaping harsh drug laws sentencing during the War on Drugs to now sponsoring legislative bills that target immigrants, the new " cash crop " for the private prison industry. Because of the securitization of immigration governance, politics of fear are easily used to justify and build public support for a tough stance on immigration. The end result is that immigrant detention is a highly lucrative and record-breaking profitable enterprise for private prison corporations, with little accountability in its treatment of immigrants and with more and more power in sponsoring and shaping legislation beneficial to their bottom line. Implications now that Trump, who ran a very xenophobic presidential campaign especially hostile to Mexicans and Muslims, are discussed.

This thesis investigates how Community Policing (CP), as a global model of modern policing, is implemented in the urban periphery of La Paz in Bolivia. It identifies the yet not theorized concept,
the global security scape, and addresses the changes in contemporary security provision such as the fragmentation and pluralisation of law enforcement. CP is understood as a technique of power that has become a global blueprint for action in contemporary security governance. In looking at how the policing model is transferred from the United Kingdom to Bolivia, based on British funding and expertise, the thesis argues that the top-down ‘best-practices’-approach utilized, building on global
schemes of contemporary governmentality and responsibilization, has proved difficult to implement for the Bolivian Police. Despite good intentions and great expertise, the British collaboration has not safeguarded an effective, democratic and responsive communitarian sovereign police force, as it was intended. The policing philosophy builds on the inclusion of the community as an active role player in the provision of security that is to govern itself along a ‘culture of security’. As uncertainty towards the state and the police, among other factors, complicates a trustful relationship between the police and the public, a ‘parallel active community’ is established, the thesis concludes. Taking the space for action provided by the responsibilization mechanisms of the CP, the communities attempt to manage insecurity on their own in the grey zone between law and illegality. In this sense new claims to sovereignty are triggered. The thesis suggests that statehood and sovereignty should be understood as practices that are constantly (re)produced, negotiated, and contested by various formal and informal actors at all levels. Meaning that the boundaries of the
state have become productive grey zones, in which the power of the state is both contested but also re-constituted on a perpetual basis.

This work is aimed for understanding the complex history of Private Warfare, and understand the reasons for the return of Private Militaries in the 20th Century. It underlines the clear differences between the mercenary of the past with the Private Military Contractor of today. The essay tries to distinguish whether PMC' are a positive phenomenon and do more good rather than bad on the basis of three case studies of contemporary conflicts. It analyzes in depth the conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan together with a cumulative analysis of the African conflicts in which smaller PMC's also took part. The essay also takes a look at the issues and problems the International Community has faced when trying to regulate this industry. There have been many reasons for the failure of the International Organizations and also Domestic Law to regulate these companies, all of which are shown in the last chapter. Finally, a few indications and predictions are made on how this industry will look in the future and what role it will play in the future conflicts.

Madagascar’s security institutions do not reflect the security needs of its population or the requirements of the state. Instead, they are shaped by the historical contingencies of the island’s decolonization process. Weak to begin with and continually undermined by external influence, the security sector has been exploited by successive heads of state and their entourages. Rather than con- stituting effective units with a clear vocation, the military, gendarmerie, and police are characterized by severely underpaid regular forces and far too many high-ranking officers pursuing their own political and economic agendas.

Fifty years after Madagascar’s independence, the armed forces and the police have become part of the island’s security liabili- ties. In March 2009, President Marc Ravalomanana was not overthrown by a violent military coup, nor by a popular movement, as Andry Rajoelina’s current transitional government, the HAT, often claims. Ravalomanana had lost control of the state’s security apparatus, and it was the mutiny of non-commissioned officers that played a crucial role in the unconstitutional transfer of power to Rajoelina.

Combined with Madagascar’s strategic location, the lack of basic infrastructure, difficult terrain, and porous borders which attract predatory actors who plunder the natural resources and engage in illegal trafficking—a dysfunctional security sector has generated the conditions for armed violence of worrisome proportions. The chapter considers three main types of insecurity: armed criminality, large-scale rural banditry, and international trafficking networks on the island. In so doing, it focuses on the role of state security actors in failing to prevent insecurity or in perpetuating it.

This chapter’s principal conclusions include:

– To a large extent, Madagascar’s inability to develop effective state security forces can be attributed to its colonial heritage and strategic location. As a result, the main rationale for a career in the military or gendarmerie is the pursuit of personal gain.
– Since their politicization and instrumentalization in the 1970s, Madagascar’s armed forces have constantly been embroiled in
struggles over political power and economic access to the country’s wealth of resources.
– Today, Madagascar’s security sector is characterized by severely underpaid and ill-equipped regular forces, far too many high-ranking officers, and a mushrooming of special intervention units with questionable mandates.
– Collusion between elements of the country’s security sector and both foreign and domestic business interests has sharply intensified since the political crisis of early 2009. In the resulting security vacuum, armed criminality is on the rise, rural ban-
ditry has expanded, and Madagascar is gaining in importance as an international trafficking hub.
– The state administration has encouraged the organization of neighbourhood watch initiatives and village self-defence
groups; it has also turned a blind eye to the operations of highly aggressive indigenous private security companies that hunt down
rural bandits.

The use of private military and security companies by states, particularly by those in the Middle East and Africa (MENA) region, has remarkably increased in the last decade. With the exponentially increasing use of private military and security companies, an important question arises: Why have many states started to prefer outsourcing one of their essential functions which is the monopoly on the use of force? Apparently, they have some good reasons such as cost efficiency, political non-liability or quicker and more qualified military service procurement. However, with the exponential proliferation of the private military and security companies (PMSCs) as the new actors of the “battlefield”, the accustomed rules of war have been changing, and still there are some uncertainties about how to regulate these new actors’ status and activities, which may often not be in compliance with the principles and norms of the international humanitarian law. To address these uncertainties, in this paper, the legal framework regarding the PMSCs will be examined. However, the examination will specifically be through the prism of international humanitarian law (IHL). By doing so, it is aimed to identify some remedies for the legal status problem of the PMSCs in this field of international law.

Concerns with terrorism not only have a profound impact on Western security policies, they also affect the internal political organisation of Western polities as such, with private actors being increasingly enlisted directly in the fight against terrorism. Karen Lund Petersen’s book is dedicated to such governmental attempts at ‘responsibilising’ companies. Looking at how politicians in Denmark and the United States formulate the need for society-wide responses to the risk of terrorism, her book analyses how novel conceptualisations of the private sector’s role in national security are projected onto the market, and how companies respond to such ideas.

ABSTRACT This article explores whether political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) may be better understood through its inclusion into the realm of high politics instead of its current characterization as belonging to low politics. The key argument is that the growing role of private companies in the provision of security is too widespread and its implications are too important to be ignored by the PCSR literature. By extending the scope of its inquiry into high politics, the insights from PCSR research could enrich the debates in several other social sciences that also study political roles of private companies. An interdisciplinary dialog about the numerous inroads of private companies into high politics could help the PCSR scholars in their quest to reach beyond an instrumental view of corporate politics.

This book presents intriguing analysis of the impact of private security companies' practices upon the fields of security and politics in the Czech Republic. It situates cases concerning ABL, the biggest Czech private security company, in the larger social, political, legal and economic contexts of the booming private security business. This company's extensive linkages with Czech politics suggest that the continued absence of specific legislation for the regulation of private security companies' activities is due to too much, rather than too little, political interest in their activities. This is problematic, arguably, because the practices of private security companies have already contributed to a significant transformation of the Czech security field by enhancing the commodification and depoliticization of security, while ABL's use of security methods for political purposes and a business approach to politics have profoundly transformed the field of politics. Ref...

1.A Presidential Decree No. 258/17, 27 October, regarding the Interim Plan which establishes a set of measures to improve the country's economic and social situation was published. Among these, we highlight measures to strengthen the financial sector that guide the promotion of the stock market through the privatization of reference companies. 2. The promotion of the securities market throught privatizations was one of the themes that was highlighted at the Capital Markets Forum held by the Capital Markets Commission (CMC) in which it was intended to discuss the challenges imposed on the program privatization of public companies through the stock market. 3. Before giving na opinion on this issue, we feel that it is necessary to ask why the privatization program should be used in times of crisis. In this regard, experts understand that it is precisely in this period that the public debt can be reduced through the alienation of State's business property and, as a consequence, leads to the reduction of the direct intervention of the State as na economic agent. Therefore, reserving indirect intervention as a regulator and guarantor of the balance and safety of the participants in the corporate and financial markets 4. Following this peripatetic path and returning to the question raised, five challenges are presented for the implementation of the privatization program through the stock market. The first is of a legislative nature and the others are economic and financial in nature. 5. The current legal framework provides only two modalities for the privatization of public sector companies, namely: the public tender and the direct sale. There is no possibility of market privatization of shares which, in principle, should be made through a public bidding process in compliance with the rules set out in the Securities Code and in which the rules regarding the disclosure of information on the company to be privatized and the operation itself.

This book presents intriguing analysis of the impact of private security companies' practices upon the fields of security and politics in the Czech Republic. It situates cases concerning ABL, the biggest Czech private security company, in the larger social, political, legal and economic contexts of the booming private security business. This company's extensive linkages with Czech politics suggest that the continued absence of specific legislation for the regulation of private security companies' activities is due to too much, rather than too little, political interest in their activities. This is problematic, arguably, because the practices of private security companies have already contributed to a significant transformation of the Czech security field by enhancing the commodification and depoliticization of security, while ABL's use of security methods for political purposes and a business approach to politics have profoundly transformed the field of politics. Reflecting the growing interest in the privatization of security, this timely study unpacks the relationship between politics, business and security in the Czech Republic.

Daha önceden sadece egemen devletlerin yetkisinde bulunan işlevleri “kamu yararı” adına artık devlet-dışı aktörlerin kamu kuruluşları ile birlikte yerine getirmesi, bir tür yönetişim anlayışını ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Bu çalışmada “güvenlik yönetişimi” devlet ve bir devlet dışı aktör olan askeri hizmet sağlayıcılar arasında birlikte çalışmayı yapılandıran ağı betimlemektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı güvenlik yönetişimi perspektifi nden özel askeri şirketlerin uluslararası güvenlik alanındaki rolünü açıklamak suretiyle Uluslararası İlişkiler alanındaki kuramsal boşluğu bir ölçüde kapatmaktır. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde güvenlik yönetişimi anlayışı açıklanmaktadır. İkinci bölümde sırasıyla özel askeri sektör, sektörün sınıfl andırması, sektörün tarihi arka planı ve son dönemde sektörde neler olduğu anlatılmaktadır. Üçüncü bölümde bu şirketlerin askeri faaliyetlerinin hukuki durumu ve normatif boyutu tartışılmaktadır. Son bölümde ise özel askeri şirketlerin güvenlik yönetişimi çerçevesinde değerlendirmesi yapılmaktadır. Sonuçta, özel askeri şirketler güvenlik yönetişimi anlayışı içinde faaliyet gösteren uluslararası sistemin özel sektör aktörleridir.

Today, in what has been described as a re-emergence of privately organized extraterritorial force, the private military and security industry supplies the major military powers with a range of core services. This article asks how such a development came about, and why it has become politically uncomplicated to outsource such intimate state functions as the executive branches of foreign policy programmes. How did certain states arrive at a situation where it is unclear whether core military and security affairs are run by public or private agencies? The article answers these questions by presenting and commenting on general explanations as to why the private military industry has grown so much in post-invasion Iraq. It adds new perspectives to existing scholarly work by suggesting that the reappearance of private extraterritorial force could not have occurred on such a scale without a restructuring of neutrality in international relations. It is suggested that this change in neutrality might constitute the sine qua non of the re-emergence of private extraterritorial force.

In this chapter, we will discuss three trendlines which echo and expand upon the studies presented in this volume. The first theme of “state and power” is grounded in the Weberian philosophy of the state as the legitimate monopoly of the means of violence and the corollaries of outsourcing this function. It examines the modern state and the new civil-military relations that emerged with the wide use of PMSCs. The second theme, “military sociology”, focuses on the implications of the introduction of PMSCs into this military setting. It draws from scholarship on the military as an organization and as a profession, underscoring the effect of privatization on the military and the people who do the work. The third theme, “privatization and inequality”, corresponds with neoliberal approaches that focus on power relations within the exchange of goods and services. We conclude with a call to use the tools of sociological analysis to help understand the real costs and implications of privati...

This article evaluates recent literatures within International Relations on so-called 'private force'. It suggests that the conceptual weaknesses of much of this literature can be accounted for, in part, by a misunderstanding of the historical and sociological importance of the way power is organized and legitimated through shifts in the publicprivate distinction. This distinction is one of the primary mechanisms, if not the primary mechanism, for organizing political, economic and, therefore, military power. For the sake of historical accuracy and conceptual integrity scholars should abandon the terminology of 'public' and 'private' force. Tracing how public-private distinctions shift and change as an effect of political power is a joint task for historical sociology and international political theory.

President Barack Obama gave a speech on the 1st September 2010 claiming that Operation Iraqi Freedom was over and that Operation New Dawn was in effect, an operation in which the United States was taking the role of advising and assisting the Iraqi military but only engaging in combat if necessary. Seven months later a report by the Congressional Research Service estimated that as of March that same year, there were approximately 64,253 Department of Defense contract personnel in Iraq, making up 58% of the overall workforce, meaning there were more employees of private companies on the ground than military soldiers. It also found that between 2005 and 2010, $112.1 billion was spent on contracts in Iraq by the federal government.

This article explores whether political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) may be better understood through its inclusion into the realm of high politics instead of its current characterization as belonging to low politics. The key argument is that the growing role of private companies in the provision of security is too widespread and its implications are too important to be ignored by the PCSR literature. By extending the scope of its inquiry into high politics, the insights from PCSR research could enrich the debates in several other social sciences that also study political roles of private companies. An interdisciplinary dialog about the numerous inroads of private companies into high politics could help the PCSR scholars in their quest to reach beyond an instrumental view of corporate politics.

In the decade since the signing of the Ottawa Treaty, which banned the production and use of anti-personnel mines, governments have spent over $3 billion on clearing up and mitigating the security threat of mines, cluster munitions and other unexploded ordnance in the world’s current and former war zones. However, this flow of cash into regions dominated by violent social structures raises numerous political issues. Through detailed archival and field research, this book explores the politics behind the allocation and implementation of foreign aid by the US and Norway for demining in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Sudan. It is an essential resource for practitioners and policymakers working in the field of landmine clearance and for students and researchers of Development Studies and post-war reconstruction

Die westliche Staatenwelt basiert heute auf einer grossen Zahl komplexer Dienstleistungssysteme. Um diese vor möglichen Störungen zu schützen, wird heute unter der Leitmaxime der «Resilienz» versucht, die innere Widerstandsfähigkeit solcher Systeme auszubauen und zu erhöhen. Der Versuch, Gesellschaften und Infrastrukturen resilienter zu gestalten, sieht sich heute aber vor methodische Herausforderungen gestellt. So ist der Resilienzansatz zwar politisch populär, doch sind Methoden zur tatsächlichen Messung und Erfassung von Resilienz wissenschaftlich noch wenig konsolidiert. Der Beitrag diskutiert diese methodischen Herausforderungen und stellt erste Modelle der Resilienzerfassung vor. Er zeigt, dass methodische Klärungen unumgänglich sind, um das sicherheitspolitische Trendkonzept in eine tatsächliche praktische Resilienzpolitik zu überführen. Weiter argumentiert der Artikel, dass die Entwicklung einer Resilienzpolitik zwingend mit einer kritischen Debatte über die Rollen und Verantwortungen aller gesellschaftlichen Akteure einhergehen muss.

Privatization generally is defined as the process of transfer of ownership, it can also be permanent or just for the years for which a particular contracted has been drafted between the parties. It is basically a route from public ownership to private ownership. On the other side it is also a strategy that provides advantage to a few at the price of many. In the 1960's and 1970's academicians, economists and politicians favored state ownership over personal possession within the production and provision of products and services. By the tip of the 1980's, however, there was a reversal of public policy from state domination of the assembly and provision of products and services to non-public ownership and operation. This was due partly to what the globe Bank observed as "state failure", that was characterized by inefficient service delivery, unprofitable SOEs, high government debt, and stagnant economic process rates. Consequently, privatization caught on in several countries as a policy tool to foster potency, encourage investment, free public resources for investment in infrastructure and social programs to boost economic process and spatial arrangement equity. This paper also discusses the causes and reasons for privatization to happen in India and what are its pros and cons. I.