Mixtec

Es un estudio sobre las sentencias que emitió la real Audiencia de México en los primeros años de su fundación, hasta la creación del juzgado general de indios,  para analizar cómo se erigió la política de la Corona. La tesis muestra que los oidores frenaron el poder de la gran dinastía mixteca, los descendientes de 8 venados, para implantar la jurisdicción del rey. Se analizan los argumentos jurídicos que aludían al derecho mixteco y la sentencia que la invalidó. Además se reconstruye una serie de genealogías para comprender el caso mixteco y su naturaleza en la sucesión.

The Oaxaca Valley during Monte Albán V provides an ideal context to explore the relationship between group identity and material culture in archaeology, a relationship that is often left largely unquestioned despite being poorly understood. Since the first excavations in the Valley of Oaxaca in the early 20th century, the region has been a source of archaeological interest, intrigue, and mystery. The decline of the city of Monte Albán as the sole political and cultural capital of the region marks the beginning of the period that the early explorers called “Monte Albán V” (MA V), which they interpreted as the result of a Mixtec invasion of an ethnically Zapotec state. This hypothesis has since been rejected by most scholars, but the dichotomy of Zapotec and Mixtec peoples as clearly delineated ethnic groups—as well as a belief in a sharp cultural and political discontinuity in the transition into MA V—has permeated much of our archaeological understanding of group identity in prehispanic Oaxaca. By compiling information from previous archaeological reports, I have analyzed variation in human burials dated to MA V at various sites across the region to better understand what identities were considered important in funerary practice. In particular, this study takes into account burial position, associated ceramic artifacts, and sex distribution. By applying recent anthropological theories of identity as social action, this study challenges many of the assumptions about identity in Postclassic Oaxaca that have been taken for granted by past research. Distinct ethnic traditions that could be attributed to Zapotec or Mixtec groups were not visible in the funerary treatment of individuals. Instead, the manipulation of genealogy and claims to specific ancestors appears more fundamental to group identity in much of MA V Oaxaca.

El módulo de lenguas originarias es una materia relevante en el sentido
de que permitirá al docente adquirir las herramientas básicas para la
sistematización de su lengua; sin embargo la actitud lingüística positiva del hablante es fundamental en el sentido de que la lengua depende de sus
usuarios para mantenerse, desarrollarse y revitalizarse.

Muchas variedades del mixteco, una lengua otomangue hablada en el sur de México, han sido descritas como lenguas con tres tonos: Bajo, Medio y Alto. En esta tesis presento evidencia basada en investigación original sobre los sustantivos simples alienables para demostrar que solo dos tonos léxicos son necesarios para describir las raíces nominales del mixteco de Acatlán, /A/ (que corresponde al tono Medio tradicional) y /B/. Algunos de los tonos altos son tonos flotantes. Esencialmente, el tono extra A (que corresponde al A tradicional) solo ocurre en ambientes derivados en los que interactúan los tonos de dos o más morfemas. En la mayoría del análisis uso A y B para representar a los dos tonos, pero en la última sección presento evidencia de que los tonos bajos no están especificados en la forma subyacente. El mixteco de Acatlán (hablado sobre todo en el estado de Puebla, México) ha atraído algo de atención debido a la propuesta en E. Pike y Wistrand (1974) de que un proceso tonal poco común tipológicamente conocido como « ascenso iterativo » (iterative upstep en inglés) existe en esta variante, cuyas implicaciones teóricas ponen en duda la universalidad del principio del contorno obligatorio (Snider 1988, Snider 1999 y Aronovich 1994). Aunque el ascenso tonal no es el objeto de estudio de esta tesis, este análisis proveerá una base para explorar el ascenso tonal en el futuro, sobre todo la descripción de los efectos ascendentes de los tonos altos flotantes. Propongo que únicamente se requieren seis patrones tonales para representar las formas subyacentes de todas las raíces nominales (/A/, /B/, /BA/, /AB/, /AB(A)/ y /B(A)/). También propongo que tres procesos tonales (la propagación del tono alto, la elevación del tono alto y la depresión del tono alto) y una condición del principio del contorno obligatorio (la condición de las dos casillas, la cual es un caso del principio del contorno obligatorio que describo en esta tesis) generan las formas fonéticas de estos sustantivos.

The fourth known pre-Columbian Maya codex, the only one discovered in the twentieth century, was found by looters in the mid-1960s. First exhibited in New York in 1971, what has come to be known as the  Grolier Codex is half of a 20-page, 104-year divinatory hybrid-style Mesoamerican Venus Almanac, probably the physically oldest surviving pre-Columbian book, and with new radiocarbon dates that place it in the thirteenth century CE. It is likely to be the oldest surviving book on paper from the Americas as well as the only ancient Maya codex now residing in Mexico. Although most Mayanists have accepted it as authentic, based in part on the author’s 40 years of research, it remains an unacknowledged Mexican national treasure, as it has never been officially recognized. Mesoamerican Venus Almanacs were widely used in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica to regulate practices of sacred warfare, the goal of which was to obtain captives for sacrifice, their blood shed to invoke the personified forces of rain and fertility. The  Codex offers unique images of 10 of the 20 manifestations of Venus, greatly enriching our knowledge of these traditions. The present study offers a brief history of accounts of the discovery of the Codex and allegedly associated artifacts; presents a documented photographic history; outlines the author’s comprehensive program of research, including several new scientific discoveries; and offers a new Latinized name that recognizes that the Codex Mayano-Mexicanus is an authentic ancient book deriving from the Maya culture and now properly residing in Mexico.


*****
This article has been posted on Academia.edu as part of the Grolier Codex Project of the Center for Archaeoastronomy under the directorship of John B. Carlson, Ph.D.  The Grolier Codex Project seeks to further advance the study of the Maya Grolier Codex.

La tesis central que aquí defendemos propone entender una expresión músico-ritual como una forma de sublimación de una parte de la socialidad –vida política y religiosa– de una comunidad particular en la cual existe un homo religiosus. Al mismo tiempo planteamos que dicha expresión es parte de las estrategias de subversión de los pueblos de raíz mesoamericana a las imposiciones de la modernidad capitalista.
Para lograr demostrar dichas aseveraciones la investigación implicó el estudio de varias dimensiones de la realidad en las cuales se encuentran insertas. Por esto tuvimos que describir y analizar el contexto festivo, la ritualidad y la mitología de la sociedad. Lo que nos llevó a entender el funcionamiento de la vida religiosa e indagar sobre la historia de la vida política en el pasado. Por otra parte, nos enfrentamos al análisis de las estructuras musicales para caracterizar y entender el funcionamiento de la dimensión sonora del canto. Al mismo tiempo sistematizamos la teoría local sobre la música y la ritualidad para comprender los procesos de sublimación y apreciación estética. Finalmente, hicimos una lectura sobre la episteme festiva de la sociedad para demostrar la existencia de un homo religiosus el cual ordena su socialidad y, por tanto, sus técnicas musicales y rituales mediante un pensamiento mítico.

This book offers a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the development of writing in the region of Ñuu Dzaui (the Mixtec people in Southern Mexico) from its earliest manifestations up to the present. The inclusion of two Mixtec documentary films provokes important comments on the representation of indigenous American cultures in general.

El presente libro es un estudio jurídico sobre la institución indígena del cacicazgo y su particularidad en la Mixteca Baja. También se hace un análisis filológico sobre la postura jurídica de los testamentos en mixteco. para mostrar como en esta región la unidad política y territorial conservó la mayoría de sus rasgos prehispánicos.

El objetivo principal de este trabajo apunta a fortalecer las  identidades étnica y cultural de un grupo de jóvenes Ñuu Davi, de entre 13 y 18 años de edad, originarios de San Francisco Yucucundo, Oaxaca, mediante una estrategia de Investigación Acción Participativa que se llamó “Curso-taller de fortalecimiento identitario étnico-cultural: Jóvenes de lluvia y nube: reconociendo nuestras raíces”; dicho taller fue desarrollado colectivamente entre las y los jóvenes participantes, otros miembros de la comunidad, y otros agentes externos como investigadores y artistas plásticos. Así mismo, se buscó conocer la respuesta de los jóvenes a las distintas actividades y contenidos planteados y generar un producto, fruto del curso-taller, en favor del fortalecimiento y preservación de la propia cultura. Finalmente, en la sección de anexos, podemos encontrar un acercamiento descriptivo a la identidad étnica de los jóvenes participantes utilizando la Escala de Identidad Étnica Multigrupo (EIEM) versión costarricense. Participaron ocho jóvenes, cinco mujeres y tres hombres, durante doce sesiones desarrolladas en los meses de marzo y abril de 2013, en el aula de Usos múltiples de la comunidad de San Francisco Yucucundo, Huitepec, Zaachila, Oaxaca. En el apartado teórico se abarca la identidad como fenómeno complejo, situado entre la esfera personal y la social, y las identidades étnica y cultural como dos de sus manifestaciones de mayor relevancia, proponiéndose el análisis de ambas identidades a la luz de reflexiones que pretenden evidenciar su potencial para preservar y revalorizar las culturas originarias y de su capacidad para redefinirse a sí mismas guiadas por la búsqueda de respuestas congruentes para nuestra existencia global. De tal forma, hablar del fortalecimiento de la identidad étnica-cultural de los jóvenes, no es de ninguna manera condenarlos a repetir un patrón cultural estático, sino alentarlos a ahondar en el conocimiento de las culturas originarias como alternativa de pensamiento y conducta, menos dañinos que los promovidos mediáticamente por los modelos occidentales.

The United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit, UNCED), Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, held 3rd-14th June 1992, launched the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which operates through its annual roadshow the UN Conference of Parties (COP) that seeks to establish sustainable management of the global climate system.

The  'Earth Summit' by UN in 1992 brought the problems  in climate to the attention of even some of the world's most remote and isolated nations. One of these nations was the Hopi Nation in Arizona, a non-sovereign nation - which the UN labels as 'indigenous peoples'. In a long chain of events beginning from the League of Nations' decision in 1926 to deny the First Nations of Americas and the small island nations' representation in that international forum, its successor the United Nations, turned down four attempts by the Hopi Nation to raise the issue between 1948 and 1992. Finally, in the immediate aftermath of the Rio Earth Summit (1992), the United Nations Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar authorised the Hopi Nation to table the matter to the floor of UN General Assembly 10th-11th December 1992.

The First Nations of Americas Ethnoclimatology Motion and the Tradition-Keepers ('Faith-Keepers') background to that motion is elaborated here in this UNFCCC submission with further points were raised in 1st-2nd October 2018 at CRIAS conference. This contextualises the First Nations of Americas UN General Assembly Investigation Request 101292 which was the Concluding Plea of the World Indigenous Peoples' Joint Summit with the United Nations Parties ('Member States') Delegations to open the first UN Year of the Indigenous People (1993) to other ethnoclimatologies appearing world wide. The Geophysical Annotations were discussed at the Cochabamba-Tiquipaya Climate Summit (CMPCC1) in aftermath of the collapsed Copenhagen Climate Summit COP15 (2009) with the request from the UNESCO Delegation of the Plurinational State of Bolivia on 7th January 2010 and His Excellency President Evo Morales Ayma.

The key tenents of the Geophysical Annotations being:

(1) A signal noise from a substantial radiocarbon-dilution effect due to major sea level retreats and rises during the Ice Ages that depressurised methane clathrates - releasing copious amounts of methane and carbon dioxide into air from depressurised seabed clathrates and also from thawing terra firma permafrost; this results in regressive, or sideway, 14C  readings in tree rings ("tree rings in a wrong order"). Thus, the Ice Ages era (the last glacial maxium to holocene thermal maximum period) cores of the tree trunks can appear substantially 14C-younger than the tree trunks' latest (outermost) tree-rings which cannot be the case due to the extreme steadiness of the radiocarbon's decay rate.

(2) Methane accumulates to upper troposphere, stratosphere, and mesosphere: hence any methane signature in the ice cores is only from methane-in-transit. Additionally the global warming episode that ended the ice ages had heavy methane loads that warmed and melted away most of the era's recent ice surfaces, thus obliterating the-then-most recently laid down snow stratum (leaving behind the earlier less methane rich snow layers). This caused incomplete records (time gaps) in the ice cores, and hence "global warming" always appears "before" higher atmospheric CO2 or CH4 levels (hence appearing as if them being 'respondents', rather than the drivers of climate warning).

(3) Noting that the partial melting equations can also be run inverse direction, it is proposed that the Pleistocene glaciations resulted in damage to Peridotite which partially melted producing basalt deposition in a large scale onto the seafloor in vast effusive eruptions with field emission of heat rather than radial spot emission of heat like in modern-day Surtseyan eruptions that have only a minimal heat crossing to sea surface due to small spatial extent of hot subsea surface. The vaporisation of sea water in field emission is vast due to spatial extent of hot subsea surface greatly exceeding the thickness of overlying water column, leading to runaway snowfalls. This caused an inflated size hydrological cycle which effectively washed out atmosphere-generated radiocarbon while geological seabed-associated depressurised carbon-12 was being released en masse leading to negligible carbon-14 readings (the radiocarbon-dilution effect by the Pleistocene's hydrological cycle / sea bed depressurisation).

On these three premises, the First Nations of Americans Ethnoclimatology Motion at the United Nations General Assembly on 10th-11th December 1992 is proposed as a variant possibility to the climate theories advocated aggressively by the Western Group of Nations and their influential academia. Its implications to present-day climate change suggest that the Polar Ice Caps will continue on their much-faster-than-anticipated loss trajectory to violent collapses. This aspect was highlighted in Sea Research Society's Evidence Giving at the UK Houses of Parliament in Environmental Audit Committee evidence giving on 5th and 24th April 2017. The urgency of situation is underlined by the fact that despite world-wide economic shut down by covid-19, carbon dioxide has continued its rapid rise to 417 parts per million indicating that time to act is running out as the remaining North Pole marine ice cap is soon to melt away and then destabilise the surrounding glaciers post Arctic sea ice (most notably the Greenland Ice Sheet).

"Саагун Б. де., Куприенко С. А.

Общая история о делах Новой Испании. Книги X-XI: Познания астеков в медицине и ботанике / Бернардино де Саагун, С. А. Куприенко. — Киев : Видавець Купрієнко С. А., 2013. — 218 с. : ил. — (Месоамерика. Источники. История. Человек).

ISBN 978-617-7085-07-1



В предлагаемом Вашему вниманию издании впервые осуществлен перевод на русский язык X и XI книг фундаментального труда францисканского монаха Бернардино де Саагуна (1498 или 1500–1590). Данные книги, в основном, посвящены вопросам медицины и ботаники. Для написания такого медицинского трактата автор использовал в качестве информаторов индейских лекарей, предоставивших львиную долю сведений о местных растениях, болезнях, лекарствах и методах лечения.

В отечественной науке до сих пор отсутствовали какие-либо исследования по истории медицины или ботаники астеков, поэтому публикация столь важного исторического источника должна будет восполнить этот пробел и пробудить живой интерес к наследию одной из месоамериканских цивилизаций. В своей «Истории» сам Саагун дал описания 123 лекарственным травам, в то время, как в текстах его информаторов упоминаются 266 растений. В целом же, в его книгах упоминаются 724 растения, из которых можно идентифицировать 328 видов, относящихся к 101 семье. Примечательно, что автор дал, фактически, первые описания таким растениям: кукуруза, чиа, авокадо, амарант, фасоль, тыква, агава, гуайява, черимойя, перец красный острый, табак, батат, какао, маниок, капулин, лукума, опунция, хикама, сапота, томат, ваниль, юкка и многим другим.

Книга рассчитана на студентов, аспирантов и преподавателей исторических, филологических, биологических факультетов и медицинских вузов, а также всех тех, кто интересуется доколумбовыми цивилизациями.



УДК 94(399.7)(093) +572+581.6+581.9+582+615.1+615.8+811.822

ББК Е5г + Р28г + Р.г(7) + Т3(7)213 + Ш177.16""

Commentary on the Mixtec historical Codex Añute (Codex Selden 3135). The origin and history of the pictographic manuscript. Discussion of the pictorial writing system, exemplified with an interpretive study of the Map of Sosola. Discussion of Mixtec literature and literary language (ceremonial discourse and poetic expressions). Discussion of the Inquisition Process against the indigenous ruler and nobles of Yanhuitlan (1544). Complete reading and interpretation of the scenes of the pictorial manuscript Codex Añute (Selden). Discussion of main themes of Mesoamerican religious symbolism as present in Mixtec visual art.
See for the individual chapters also: http://hdl.handle.net/1887/31933

(The final publication is available at:  https://link.springer.com/journal/10816)
The basic principles of lost-wax casting, a metallurgical technology invented independently in the Old and New World, are relatively well understood. Yet researchers across the globe still struggle to explain technological variability in this process, which has important ramifications for understanding the origin, development, and spread of lost-wax casting. This paper reports the discovery of an assemblage of ceramic molds that were utilized to make internal clay cores for lost-wax casting at Tututepec, a Late Postclassic (AD 1100-1522) capital located in the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca. The molds enabled artisans to make highly standardized hollow metal artifacts, such as beads and ornaments, that served as adornments for high status individuals. Lost-wax casting, including internal core technology, initially spread to Mesoamerica from the Isthmo-Colombian Area, yet no molds similar to those found in Oaxaca have been reported from these Bdonor^ regions. Interestingly, core technology was also an important component of lost-wax casting in many areas of the Old World. Thus, the analysis presented here will contribute to comparative studies of lost-wax casting worldwide. Furthermore, this study introduces evidence for metal production from household excavations to examine the social context of metalworking in Oaxaca. The results challenge the once prevalent assumption that Oaxacan metallurgy was the exclusive domain of rulers, and instead strongly suggests that elites and commoners collaborated in this enterprise. Finally, the evidence presented here also confirms Tututepec's role as an important goldworking center in Postclassic Mesoamerica.

Interpretation of the scenes on carved bones and golden objects in Tomb 7 of Monte Albán in relation to the information provided by the Mixtec codices. Identification of of the representation of the ceremonial center of Monte Albán in the Mixtec Codices.

The aim of this chapter is to illustrate the ways in which the community of Santo Tomás Ocotepec has protected its sacred landscape since the XVI century until the present day. It does this by analyzing archaeological data, colonial maps, communal statutes, rituals,living and oral traditions and written literature in the Mixtec language.

The community of Ocotepec is part of the Ñuu Savi, People of the Rain or Mixtec People, one of the Indigenous Peoples of Southern Mexico. At present, the communities of the Ñuu Savi have strong spiritual, symbolic and ethic connections with the landscape, which is the residence of the Gods, and where they perform rituals and commemorate historical events. This spiritual relationship with the land, which stands in contrast to the dominant ''Western" perspective of land, has survived within Indigenous Peoples of Mesoamerica despite five centuries of colonìzation, exploitation and discrimination. In Ocotepec, this particular worldview was re-enacted through a mapping in the sixteenth century and the community has recently developed a communal statute where their sacred places are recognized and protected.

This case study illustrates how a sacred landscape has been protected through time and how it can be useful for other indigenous communities who are confronting the exploitation of land by transnational companies, which in tum only seek to exploit the land as an economic resource. An imporlant step for enhancing the protection of indigenous lands is the explicit recognition of this parlicular worldview and spiritual relationship with land and territories, most notably inthe United Nations Declarations on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007) and ILO Convention 169 on the Rights of Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (1989).

This project analyzes the organizational principles guiding the production and use of historical discourse in Mixtec society. The analysis centers on the form and content of seven Mixtec "screenfolds" produced and used during the 15th and eary 16th centuries in western Oaxaca, Mexico (i.e., Codices Zouche-Nuttall, Vindobonensis, Bodley, Colombino-Becker, Becker II, and Egerton).
    The contents of these screenfolds center on the representation of the dynastic histories of Mixtec kingdoms. Other sections of the screenfolds represent foundation stories. These sequences present information about the origins of Mixtec elites and describe how supernatural individuals and forces brought order to the Mixtec world.
    In this project concepts of history, memory, writing, reading, representation, discourse, and power inform theories that explore the complex ways signs, texts, and representational strategies are understood. This type of theory is well suited to the study of the narrative cross-referencing, multi-linear reading orders, and temporal and spatial juxtapositions that characterize Mixtec historiography.
    Resources and analyses in the project include: (1) an atlas of 54 places in the screenfolds that have been identified geographically; (2) a detailed analysis of the representational units that compose screenfold generation sequences: (3) comprehensive lists of the members of the dynasties of nine Mixtec kingdoms; (4) an examination of the contextual and narrative uses of footprint paths in the screenfolds: (5) a study of the use of screenfold dates in chronological and non-chronological contexts; (6) a structural analysis of a foundation story used by Mixtec kings to legitimize their authority; and (7) a discussion of marriage patterns between Mixtec and Zapotec elite families.
    This project has four main objectives: (1) to explore the type of historiography represented in Mixtec screenfolds; (2) to expand the definitions of text and narrative to include features found in Mixtec screenfolds; (3) to critique "direct-historical" models of historiography in order to reveal their limitations and artificiality; and (4) to provide an expandable database on Mixtec history that can be used as a research and teaching tool.

Set in the 1970s, Roma (2018) by Alfonso Cuarón is an ambitious cinematic attempt to portray an upper-class family, facing a crisis due to the abandonment of the main provider of the household, by focusing on the family’s maid, whose name is Cleo. Yalitzia Aparicio makes her acting debut as the Mixtec maid in the film, who prior to Roma hadn’t had any acting experience. Even though Aparicio’s father is Mixtec and her mother Trique, she is not fluent in Mixtec. However, in the film viewers can listen to her speaking in Mixtec. Her character’s ethnicity allows her to display on-screen a vital trajectory and a double consciousness that embodies one of the main migratory patterns that Mixtecs have endeavored in recent decades. While on the film she is framed as a new migrant in Mexico City—one of the main destinations of Mixtecs that migrate from their homeland—her migration to a modern urban space indirectly points towards the second main destination that Mixtecs have pursued since the 1960s. Due to the Bracero Program (1942-1964), many Mixtecs migrated under temporary contracts to work mostly in the agricultural sector in Western United States. As it is the case of many “chachas” or “gatas" (derogatory terms for maids in Mexico City), Cleo’s role within the family’s dynamic is reduced not only to the cleaning demands of the big house where she works, but also as a caregiver of the family’s children.

Some of the most quintessential pieces of Post-Classic Mesoamerican art are turquoise mosaics. These include masks, shields and more figurative pieces inlayed with turquoise tesserae, such as those of the British Museum and the National Museum of the American Indian. Most of these pieces entered their current collections in the 19th or early 20th century. Between roughly 1955 and 1975 a new wave of turquoise mosaic objects found their way onto the art market and into museum collections. In this chapter, I trace the appearance of these pieces, that are now in more than ten different museums on three continents, and map the networks that brought them to the market. I hope to show that these collections are prototypical of mid-century Pre-Columbian art collecting, involving questions of authenticity, looting and the importance of provenance research, despite the opacity of the art market.

In the dates given by the Mixtec codices, the days were the same as in the Aztec calendar. The correlation of these days with Christian (Julian/Gregorian) calendar the can be calculated on the basis of equivalences in the Aztec sources, e.g. 13 August 1521 was Aztec year 3 House day 1 Serpent. This day count is continued at present by the K’iche’ people in Guatemala.  In giving names to the years of 365 days Aztecs and Mixtecs followed the same system, but the Mixtec year-bearer day was positioned 40 days before the Aztec year-bearer and therefore (due to mathematic rules) had the same day sign but in combination with a number of one digit less (Aztec year 2 Reed = Mixtec year 1 Reed). As the Julian/Gregorian year does involve leap years (the addition of one day per four years) but the Mesoamerican “historical year” consisted of 365 days without leap days, the position of the Aztec/Mixtec year-bearer regularly “recedes” one day every four years vis-à-vis the Julian year. Thus, from the 10th to the 16th century A.D. the position of the Mixtec year-bearer moved slowly but surely, in a retrograde manner, from a day in August to a day in March.
It is likely that the feast cycle of the 18 “months” (“ceremonial year”) was counted from a specific astronomical observation during the year (such as the winter solstice, the vernal equinox, and/or the first zenith passage of the sun). This must have resulted in occasional modifications to the length of a feast period, and therefore to the length of the “ceremonial year”, by adding an additional day (an average of one leap day every four years or of 13 leap days per 52 years). Consequently, the months / feasts would, more or less, conserve their position vis-à-vis the astronomical year and (and therefore vis-à-vis the Julian/Gregorian calendar). In other words there were no leap days in the cycles of 365 days, named after the year-bearer. But leap days were introduced in the duration of the months (feast periods). This reconstruction makes it possible to correlate Mixtec days and years with dates in the Julian/Gregorian calendar.
The birthdate of Lord 8 Deer ‘Jaguar Claw’, day 8 Deer of year 12 Reed, can so be calculated as 15 June 1064 (Julian) / 21 June 1064 (Gregorian), 18th day of the month Huico Dzavui (Aztec: Etzalcualiztli), i.e. coinciding with the summer solstice.