Marxian Political Economy

Queste pagine sono state scritte da Marx in periodi differenti della sua vita. Messe insieme segnano e abbracciano tutto l'arco di sviluppo del suo pensiero. Le date sono di per sé eloquenti (1844, 1858, 1867, 1881-1882) e subito ci richiamano alla mente opere e vicende già note e ben conosciute: i "Manoscritti economico-filosofici del 1844", "Per la critica dell'economia politica", il "Capitale", gli ultimi anni terribili della vita di Marx. Il filo che le tiene insieme è non solo il nome di Marx, ma anche, e soprattutto, l'oggetto specifico della ricerca che Marx conduce dall'inizio alla fine della sua vita. L'oggetto è in generale l'economia e il suo carattere specifico è dato dal significato politico che essa assume all'interno del rapporto sociale di tipo capitalistico. Karl Marx (1818-1883) è stato uno degli ultimi geni enciclopedici dell'età moderna. Dopo la formazione filosofica e politica negli ambienti della Sinistra hegeliana, Marx inizia nel 1844 a Parigi lo studio critico dell'economia politica che, parallelamente all'impegno politico per la costituzione e l'organizzazione del movimento internazionale dei lavoratori, lo impegnerà per il resto della sua vita.

For years, the issue of technological unemployment has been banned from respectable economic discourse and any prevision related to the unwanted effects of automation has been branded as " the Luddite fallacy ". In the second decade of the 21 st century, a growing number of analysts prognosticate a future of mass unemployment, as a consequence of robotization and computerization. Although without using this expression, Karl Marx wrote much about technological unemployment. In contrast to classical political economy , he especially stressed the bodily and mental suffering produced by this phenomenon , and the fact that its temporary character is of no consolation for the poorer classes. Besides, he provided economic theory with a cluster of ideas related to technological unemployment, such as " reserve army of labor " , " liquid work " , " technological under-employment " , and " theories of compensation " , which constitute a useful toolbox still used by analysts. What sometimes is lacking is the awareness of the Marxian origins of these ideas.

O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar um exercício empírico, qual seja,
transformar a contabilidade nacional oficial em categorias analíticas da economia clássica/marxiana. Esse processo é baseado na metodologia desenvolvida por Shaikh e Tonak (1994). Na primeira seção apresentaram-se de forma sucinta os principais aspectos teóricos da distinção entre o trabalho produtivo e o trabalho não-produtivo do ponto de vista do capital. Na segunda seção fez-se tanto a análise crítica do sistema de contas nacionais quanto à metodologia para realizar o mapeamento da contabilidade nacional convencional para categorias clássicas/marxianas. Na terceira seção aplicou-se esse mapeamento para as contas nacionais brasileiras. Assim, com base nos recentes desenvolvimentos da pesquisa empírica marxista pode-se a calcular a taxa de mais-valia, a composição valor e material do capital e a taxa geral de lucro marxiana para os períodos entre 1990-1994, 1995-1999 e 2000-2004.

In recent decades, there has been a growing literature dealing with the empirical estimation of the rate of profit and other Marxian variables in several countries. Nonetheless, there has been a paucity of econometric research about the impact of those Marxian variables on the growth rate in developing countries. This article seeks to evaluate the rate of profit and the rate of accumulation as determinants of the growth rate in Colombia during 1967–2019, using a generalized vector autoregressive model. We find that both variables are statistically significant and, in concordance with Marxian theory predictions, affect positively the growth rate. We also identify direct impacts of the growth rate over the profit rate and the accumulation rate as well as an economic relevant relationship between these latter variables. JEL Classification: B51, C22, O54

The formation of Karl Marx´s thought went through different moments
and had different influences. Among these, the so-called “three sources” stand out: German philosophy, English political economy and the revolutionary perspective. In the case of political economy, it is possible to visualize three central periods that demarcate important differences in Marx´s relationship with this science: up to 1844, between 1845 and 1849, and after 1857. If, during the transit of these periods, some important categories stand out, the forms of treatment given to the categories of labour power and abstract labour announce important
theoretical and political mediations.

This Intervention brings the Open Marxist critical political economy perspective from the Conference of Socialist Economists into contemporary heterodox economics by critically contrasting what I term the predominant contemporary heterodox economics discourse withe Simon's Clarke conceptions of the state and economic policy. I conclude by comparing these perspectives and drawing out points that I hope ignite a debate on these issues in heterodox economics.

任何一部經典，都要扎根進當代的現實土壤，經過此時此地的重新閱讀、批評、繼承、開展後，才算獲得了生命。在這個意義上，所有經典都是未完成的，一切經典都等待著讀者參與它的重生。

萬毓澤的《《資本論》完全使用手冊：版本、系譜、爭議與當代價值》前半部介紹了《資本論》的創作史與版本問題、恩格斯的編輯工作、結構與邏輯、二戰後歐美的繼受狀況以及常見的誤讀。後半部則試圖從文學、政治、經濟、歷史、生態等多重視角閱讀《資本論》。透過作者細膩的梳理與論證，可幫助讀者建立一幅以《資本論》為核心的知識地圖，以及一套理解《資本論》的方法論。

《資本論》完全使用手冊：版本、系譜、爭議與當代價值》不是三卷《資本論》的「入門」、「導論」或「要點整理」，而是試圖追溯《資本論》的寫作歷程、版本、結構與知識系譜，並從多重視角展開解讀。萬毓澤極嚴肅地將《資本論》當成「經典」對待，設法讀出新意。如果您已經對《資本論》有初步認識，相信您可以在閱讀的過程中體會這部經典的廣博、深刻與歷久彌新。

The centrality of the notion of 'labour' in Marx's critical social theory and in particular its determining character as the key to his materialist perspective on human society and its historical development, seem to be beyond dispute. 1 It is also quite uncontroversial, at least on the basis of textual evidence, that Marx presented the simplest or most general determination of labour as consisting in the conscious and voluntary transformation of external nature by human beings in order to appropriate its potentialities for the satisfaction of human needs. Controversies arise, however, when it comes to establishing if Marx was right, whether in his views on the essential determinations of labour or concerning its defining role in the constitution and development of the forms of existence of human subjectivity. Against the backdrop of these debates, this chapter will provide a comprehensive discussion of the notion of labour in Marxian social theory, with the aim of providing a systematic reconstruction of the 'unity of its many determinations' which appear scattered in Marx's own writings. In order to do so, it will address the multiple dimensions and aspects associated with this essential concept, both as they were originally formulated by Marx and in some of the main subsequent debates outside and within Marxism to which the former gave rise. Taking as the point of departure the simplest determination of human labour as 7 Labour G u i d o S t a ro s t a BK-SAGE-SKEGGS_ET_AL-210248-Chp07.indd 118 25/08/21 2:45 PM

Viewing cities in  theoretical frameworks has been one of the main concerns of planning scholars in the course of history. Like any other complex phenomenon, in order to study and analyze cities, its salient to develop a solid framework to underlie the study and define its components. That will be concomitant with identifying some tools that help us to dismantle  this complex phenomenon and profound our knowledge through its various components. Today in urban studies, there is a prominent new paradigm, conceived by scholars such as David Harvey. It emphasizes on the importance of analyzing capitalism, class conflict, and unequal distribution of resources in assessing urban life, space structure and change. The origin of this paradigm according to Harvey is the Marxian theory which he finds , the most powerful of all the explanatory schemas available in which we can study the city (Harvey, 1985). He explicitly indicates  this theory has as potentiality capable of getting at matters as diverse as built environment formation and architectural designs, street culture and micro politics, urban economics and politics as well as the role of urbanization in the rich and complex historical geography of capitalism. This research is broadly based on Harvey`s literature. Therefor the applied methodology would be carried out through a comprehensive desktop review of his books and articles, as well as interviews and lectures given by him on different occasions. The first chapter is an introduction which familiarizes the reader with this scholar and his works, and provides a brief explanation on his importance and relevance to the field of planning, followed by a glimpse of his thoughts and some brief criticism. The second chapter of the research connotes a rather descriptive approach. I try to reconstruct the city in Harvey`s literature, and draw a picture based on how he describes urbanism and its eternal embodiment, the city. Third chapter will be an evaluative one, focusing on an analysis of urbanism and city according to their definition in the precedent chapter. I try to understand whether David Harvey`s concept of city and urbanism, first; is applicable to today’s world realities, second; whether, the mentioned concepts are functional in relation to the Marxian ideology and set of ethics. to accomplish such a task, I used the concept of “accumulation by dispossession” as a proxy to examine the problem of segregation and emergence of racialized societies in urbanized contexts driven by the trends mentioned in previous chapters. The fourth chapter is a brief conclusion that helps, to summarize the ideology and positions of David Harvey regarding urbanism; in this part I outlined, first; the recurrent idea of spatial inequality, its generators and implications in his works. And second; a study on how market led development in current trends of urbanism is shaping the social space.

Contemporary theorizations of neoliberalism are framed by a false dichotomy between, on the one hand, studies influenced by Foucault in emphasizing neoliberalism as a form of governmentality, and on the other hand, inquiries influenced by Marx in foregrounding neoliberalism as a hegemonic ideology. This article seeks to shine some light on this division in an effort to open up new debates and recast existing ones in such a way that might lead to more flexible understandings of neoliberalism as a discourse. A discourse approach moves theorizations forward by recognizing neoliberalism is neither a ‘top down’ nor ‘bottom up’ phenomena, but rather a circuitous process of socio-spatial transformation.

What is the relationship between Foucault’s concept of biopower and Deleuze’s concept of control? Despite the similarities between these two concepts, there is not a single scholarly article that solely thematizes this question, nor a comparative survey of the answers given so far. This essay aims to fill this lacuna. Drawing on Deleuze's unpublished and untranslated lectures on Foucault, the original thesis of this essay is thus that biopower and control are the same concept of power in both content and form.

A series of modern folklores and post-development narratives across the sites of
construction
Identical discords tend to disjuncture a hydro electricity dam and a road. In both of
the projects the expanse of construction requisite allows sufficient commonalities. One is that
these projects are being undertaken by larger bodies like government, private and via publicprivate
partnership (PPP) model. Two; stress on land grab: agricultural, forest, residential or a
wasteland. Thirdly; broader inclusion into a pre-acknowledged category of development
work. Four; unambiguous pollution reinforcement: water, air, noise and visual. Five;
ascertains unavoidable fatalities at times.
The simple dissimilarity among the two subsists in the context of their distinct social
positioning. The dam construction on the one hand surpasses numerous challenges; socioeconomic,
moral, environmental and legal. On the other, road construction is universally
welcomed. Exemplifying the noted societal disparities in agreed impressions of ‘an
unwanted’ and ‘the desired’ development that prevails simultaneously.
Both the facets of ‘development’ scenario have been acknowledged in equal spirits.
On the promising note uplifting in economic conditions by promoting schools, health care
systems and roads have become much acceptable. Whereas undesired compromises at the
cost of ecology, life, and livelihoods faced the collective burdens of liability and inaction. As
in the case of forced displacement, threats endangering culture, community and traditional
values.
Throughout time, ecological harms have been rebuked to catalyse as an otherwise
avoidable consequence of ill-execution in ‘development’ procedure. Development in its
presumed form, technological or social, greatly impacts the terrains, lives of people and
collective ecology. Development studies and the field of anthropology have thus co-existed
since long. The chronology of studies from evolutionary theories of Tylor (1865),
71
Morgan(1877) to post modernism (Derrida 1997; Foucault 1970; Lyotard 1984;
Baudrillard 1995) itself have invited profound schools of social thoughts. Anthropologists
acted as policy maker by becoming a part of development processes and also as the critiques
of the development.
‘Development’ and ‘change’ have been immensely braced in the growing world of
building economy. Prolific scholarly writings are found on the timeless topics of
‘globalisation and development’ (Mehta 2009), ‘ecological and sociological impacts of
development’ (EIA GOI 2009). Development studies have flourished as an autonomous
discipline.
The flash floods related disaster in Uttarkhand (2013), Kinnaur (June 2013), Jammu
& Kashmir (2014) have all been largely attributed to prevailing development models.
Largely, dam construction and related encroachments have been made liable for the high cost
of loss of precious human lives and capital damage. An expert body report submitted to The
Ministry of Environment and Forests Government of India, 2014 has come up with harsh
recommendations for the state body with hints that advocate ‘that several more projects could
be dropped.’ (MOEF report 2013), clearly an admission that there is something
fundamentally wrong, the way we conceptualise development.
National Institute of Disaster Management report puts it on to claim “climatic
conditions combined with haphazard human intervention” a down factor.
As the residents and the bye passers share modern folklores prevalent in the project affected
sites. The paper positions etic and emic approaches (Dundes 1962). To arrange the post dam
narratives, case studies voice a series of experiences from the hill region of Sainj, in district
Kullu, Himachal Pradesh.

Simandan D (2009) Industrialization, In R Kitchin & N Thrift, (Eds.), International Encyclopedia of Human Geography , Oxford: Elsevier, volume 5, pp. 419-425.
ABSTRACT: This article (1) defines industrialisation and indicates ways in which it can be measured, (2) highlights the importance of the timing of industrialisation and the inherent limits to the proper scientific explanation of this phenomenon, (3) disentangles the often confused conceptual relation between industrialisation and capitalism, (4) explicates the causal links between industrialisation and modernisation, (5) undertakes a brief assessment of the relative costs and benefits of industrialisation, and (6) discloses the defining contours of scholarship on industrialisation in Anglo-American human geography and illustrates it with a recent attempt to integrate the field with the help of a master metaphor called ‘recursive cartographies’. Its portrayal of economic reality as interplay of legacies, rhythms, and events conveys the usefulness of spatial thinking in industrialisation research.

For many activists and scholars, urban agriculture in the Global North has become synonymous with sustainable food systems, standing in opposition to the dominant industrial agri-food system. At the same time, critical social scientists increasingly argue that urban agriculture programmes, by filling the void left by the “rolling back” of the social safety net, underwrite neoliberalisation. I argue that such contradictions are central to urban agriculture. Drawing on existing literature and fieldwork in Oakland, CA, I explain how urban agriculture arises from a protective counter-movement, while at the same time entrenching the neoliberal organisation of contemporary urban political economies through its entanglement with multiple processes of neoliberalisation. By focusing on one function or the other, however, rather than understanding such contradictions as internal and inherent, we risk undermining urban agriculture's transformative potential. Coming to terms with its internal contradictions can help activists, policy-makers and practitioners better position urban agriculture within coordinated efforts for structural change, one of many means to an end rather than an end unto itself.

Increasingly, a range of 'things' (e.g. infrastructure, data, knowledge, bodies, etc.) are configured and/or reconfigured as assets, or capitalized property. Accumulation strategies have changed as a result of this assetization process, which characterizes a particular form of technoscientific capitalism. Rather than entrepreneurial strategies based on commodity production, technoscientific capitalism is increasingly underpinned by rentiership, or the appropriation of value through ownership rights (e.g. intellectual property), monopoly conditions, and regulatory or market devices and practices (e.g. investment dispute courts, exclusivity agreements, etc.). While rentiership and rent-seeking are often presented as negative phenomena (e.g. distorting markets, unearned income) in both neoclassical and Marxist literatures – and much in-between – it is my intention in this paper to unpack rentiership as an increasingly constitutive political-economic process underpinning technoscientific capitalism. Rather than being framed as a problematic 'side-effect' of capitalism, I argue that rentiership can help us to understand how different forms of value extraction are constituted by and come to constitute different forms of technoscience. This has significant analytical, political, and normative implications for understanding the relationship between science, innovation, and business (e.g. how do rentier rationales configure research agendas, how does innovation enable rentiership, what are the consequences for social equity, etc.).

Introduction: in Marx's Laboratory PART ONE: ACHIEVEMENTS AND LIMITS OF THE GRUNDRISSE The Grundrisse after Capital, or how to Re-read Marx Backwards, Riccardo Bellofiore Method: from the Grundrisse to Capital, Juan Inigo Carrera The Four Levels of Abstraction of Marx's Concept of 'Capital'. Or, Can We Consider the Grundrisse the Most Advanced Version of Marx's Concept of Capital?, Roberto Fineschi PART TWO: ABSTRACT LABOUR, VALUE AND MONEY The Practical Truth of Abstract Labour, Christopher J. Arthur Unavoidable Crises: Reflections on Backhaus and the Development of Marx's Value-Form Theory in the Grundrisse, Patrick Murray PART THREE: THE CONCEPT OF CAPITAL The Transformation of Money into Capital, Martha Campbell The Concept of Capital in the Grundrisse, Howard Engelskirchen PART FOUR: TECHNOLOGY, DOMINATION, EMANCIPATION The 'Fragment on Machines': A Marxian Misconception in the Grundrisse and its Overcoming in Capital, Michael Heinrich The 'G...

Responding to David Harvey’s critique of my paper ‘Why a radical geography must be anarchist’, I once again reiterate the importance of anarchist perspectives in contemporary politics and geographical praxis. In challenging Harvey on the limits to Marx, I urge him to think again about the hidden vanguardism, implied statism, and veiled hierarchy that continue to lurk within the Marxist project, and importantly how these specters constrain both our collective political imagination and the possibilities of radical geography. I am admittedly very critical of Harvey, but I nonetheless refuse to close the door on dialogue between the Black and Red, even in the face of ongoing Marxist ridicule of anarchist politics. Accordingly, I propose an agonistic embrace of a ‘postfraternal’ or ‘postsororal’ politics on the left, where we come to appreciate ongoing conflict as a sign of a healthy leftist milieu. In doing so we can move beyond the misguided idea that all disagreements over strategies, tactics, and organizing methods will ever be resolved. Ultimately, what I have dubbed ‘the condition of postfraternity’ keeps us alert to the continually unfolding possibilities of a thoroughly politicized and forever protean space. By embracing this shifting horizon, not as a static limit to our politics, but as a beautiful enabler of visionary possibilities, the rhizomes of emancipation grow stronger.

Notre projet vise à saisir la particularité de la problématique des  "Systèmes économiques dans l'histoire et la théorie" (livré édité par Polanyi, Arensberg et Pearson, sous le titre "Trade &n Markets in early empires", 1957) tout en tentant de saisir la logique de ce qui a recouvert trop longtemps l’originalité de cette perspective, dont on ne répétera jamais assez qu’elle est le prolongement nécessaire de la Grande Transformation. Contre les préconceptions typiques des différents avatars de l’idéologie économique, nous voulons souligner le potentiel critique - toujours intact selon nous -  que contient le substantivisme. La présente introduction contient ainsi trois parties distinctes. En premier lieu, nous tentons de mettre à jour les différents obstacles épistémiques constitués par l’idéologie économique et ses formes changeantes . En second lieu, nous réfléchirons à la signification de la démarche comparative qui est l’axe central du travail de SEHT. Car, par delà les débats et polémiques que doit susciter un texte des années 1950, fût-ce un texte majeur de la sociologie économique, c’est cette méthodologie spécifique qui est le legs durable de Karl Polanyi aux sciences sociales. Enfin, nous ferons un état des lieux, forcément très partiel, de quelques problèmes posés par l’ouvrage.

The aim of this article is to examine a series of recent contributions to the reading of Marx's Capital that stress its specific determination as a dialectical investigation of objectified or fetishised forms of social mediation in capitalist society: on the one hand, the so-called Neue Marx-Lektüre originated in Germany towards the end of the 1960s and, on the other, the more widely circulated work of authors associated with so-called Open Marxism. The interesting aspect of these works is that they draw the implications of Marx's critique of political economy not only for the comprehension of the fetishised forms of social objectivity in capitalism, but also for the comprehension of the forms of subjectivity of the modern individual. More specifically, all these contributions broadly share the insightful view that the content of the simplest determination of human individuality in the capitalist mode of production is its alienated existence as 'personification of economic categories'. However, this article argues that the limits of these perspectives become apparent when it comes to uncovering the grounds of the revolutionary form of subjectivity which carries the potentiality to transcend capitalist alienation. For these perspectives fail to ground the revolutionary form of subjectivity in the immanent unfolding of capitalist forms of social mediation. In the case of the Neue Marx-Lektüre, it quite simply leaves the problematique of the revolutionary subject outside the scope of the critique of political economy. In the case of Open Marxism, despite
valiant attempts at overcoming all exteriority in their conceptualisation of the relationship between human subjectivity and capital, they end up grounding the revolutionary transformative powers of the working class outside the latter’s alienated existence as personification of economic categories; more specifically, in an abstract humanity lacking in social determinations. In contrast to these perspectives, this paper develops an alternative approach to the Marxian critique of political economy which provides an account of the revolutionary potentialities of the working class as immanent in its full determination as an attribute of the alienated or fetishised movement of the capital-form.

Urban agriculture (UA) is spreading across vacant and marginal land worldwide, embraced by government and civil society as source of food, ecosystems services and jobs, particularly in times of economic crisis. ‘Metabolic rift' is an effective framework for differentiating UA's multiple origins and functions across the Global North and South. I examine how UA arises from three interrelated dimensions of metabolic rift—ecological, social and individual. By rescaling production, reclaiming vacant land and ‘de-alienating’ urban dwellers from their food, UA also attempts to overcome these forms of rift. Considering all three dimensions is valuable both for theory and practice.

This article looks anew at questions of social class in China. It does this through the prism of three recent books on China dealing with class. Key problems regarding social class in China treated in the article are those of the constitution of the working class given the fact that China’s workforce is largely composed of a ‘floating population’ of migrants, and of the position of the peasantry which had emerged as the revolutionary agent of the Mao years.

At a time when neoliberalism has become an accepted term in public debate to refer to the current state of modern societies and their political economies, Kean Birch critically analyses the conflicting theories that shape our understanding of ‘neoliberalism’.

With an ever-expanding variety of perspectives on the concept of neoliberalism, it is increasingly difficult to identify any commonalities. This book explores how different people understand neoliberalism, and the contradictions in thinking of neoliberalism as a market-based ethic, project, or order. Detailing the intellectual history of ‘neoliberal’ thought, the variety of critical approaches and the many analytical ambiguities, Kean Birch presents a new way to conceptualize contemporary political economy and offers potential avenues for future research through a judicious exploration of ‘neoliberal’ practices, processes, and institutions.

This work will be an essential resource for undergraduate and postgraduate students, scholars, and researchers to critically assess the concept of neoliberalism across many disciplines. The book will also serve as a general introduction to a wider audience interested in the term ‘neoliberalism’, its potential pitfalls, and its contested future.

This paper uses aggregate-level data, as well as case-studies, to trace the evolution of some key structural features of the Indian economy, relating both to the agricultural and the informal industrial sector. These aggregate trends are used to infer (a) the dominant relations of production under which the vast majority of the Indian working people labour, and
(b) the predominant ways in which the surplus labour of the direct producers is appropriated by the dominant classes. This is Part II of the paper covering the “informal” industrial sector.

Yirminci yüzyılın son on yılından itibaren dünyanın ileri kapitalist merkezlerinde bilgi ve yeniliğe dayalı bir 'yeni kapitalizm' aşamasına geçildiği görülmektedir. Bu makalenin amaçlarından biri, merkez ülkelerde gelişen çağdaş kapitalizme ilişkin modern ana-akım ve Marxian teorileri incelemektir. Diğer yandan, bu makalenin diğer bir amacı ise Türkiye ekonomisinin böyle bir yapısal dönüşüm için asgari önkoşulları taşıyıp taşımadığını tartışmaktır. Bu makalede çağdaş ana-akım bilgi teorilerinin basit ve yetersiz yapılarının radikal bir eleştirisi sunulmaktadır. Buna karşın, Marxian teorilerin, daha kapsamlı, karmaşık ve çok boyutlu bir çağdaş kapitalizm perspektifi sağladığı ileri sürülebilir. Bu çalışmada incelenen Marxian yeni kapitalizm teorileri şunlardır: dijital kapitalizm teorisi, otonomist teori, bilişsel kapitalizm teorisi, ulusötesi bilgisel kapitalizm teorisi ve bilişsel materyalizm teorisi. Yeni kapitalizmi, tarihsel kapitalizmin bir aşaması olarak gören Marxian teoriler, toplumsal ilişkilerin tarihsel boyutunu, üretken güçlerin gelişimini, bilgi/güç ilişkilerini ve sınıf çelişkilerini teorik analizlerine dahil etmektedirler. Tekno-iyimser ortodoks iktisatçılar, yeni kapitalizmin yüksek-becerili, yüksek ücretli işler yaratacağını ve ayrıca, toplumsal eşitsizliklere ve iktisadi durgunluğa son vereceğini düşünüyorlardı. Buna karşın, dijital dönüşümün merkez ülkelerde aşırı-birikim sorununu daha da ağırlaştırdığı, iktisadi eşitsizlikleri daha da arttırdığı, kitlesel işsizliği yaygınlaştırdığı ve güvencesiz/geçici istihdamı büyüttüğü gözlemlenmektedir. Diğer yandan, küresel ekonominin çevre ve yarı-çevre ekonomilerinin, yeni kapitalizm çağında ileri kapitalist merkezler ile aralarındaki açığı kapatabilmeleri için ekonomilerini bu yeni çağın gereklerine göre dönüştürmeleri ve teknolojik yenilik odaklı bir iktisadi büyüme modeline geçmelerinin zorunlu olduğu düşünülmektedir. Türkiye'de hem 'elit' entelektüel emek niceliksel ve niteliksel olarak yetersizdir ve hem de eğitimin yeterince yaygınlaşmaması nedeniyle bilişsel kapitalizmin zorunlu unsuru olan kitlesel entelektüellik gelişmemiştir. Ayrıca, Türkiye ekonomisinin önemli 'yapısal zayıflıkları' ve bilim ve teknolojiye ayrılan göreli olarak yetersiz kaynaklar, teknoloji-odaklı uzun-dönemli bir iktisadi dönüşüm için önemli engellerdir.

Various strains of heterodox economics have sought, and largely failed, to dismount orthodoxy from its dominant position. This book critiques the criticizers, explaining why heterodox economics challenges have faltered, and then presents a coherent alternative paradigm of its own. This simultaneously exposes the vacuousness of neoclassical economics, the limitations of heterodox critique and the subverting of
Karl Marx’s revolutionary economic thought by his own disciples.

The book draws in particular on two key intellectual traditions in making its arguments: critical realism and Marxism. From the refounding of critical realist philosophy of science in the hands of Roy Bhaskar, emphasis is placed upon the position that the ontological nature of the object of study determines the form of its possible science. However, in their theoretical constructions, neither orthodox economics nor heterodox economics problematizes the unique ontology of capitalism to the detriment of knowledge about the social world. The book maintains that a century of misthinking over Marx’s corpus has resulted in a missed opportunity to construct a paradigmatic alternative to orthodox economics. Drawing upon the tradition of the Japanese Uno approach to Marxism, and supported by Bhaskar’s development of critical realism as underlaborer for science, the book defends Marx’s writing in his monumental Capital as founding an economic science adequate to its ontological object of study. It then elaborates upon how Marxian economic theory exposes the hidden scourges of capitalism
and what is required to unleash the potential of this theory for comprehensive analysis of capitalist vicissitudes, the study of economic life in precapitalist societies and the design of a desperately needed postcapitalist social order.

Broadening its appeal as it sets out to reclaim Marx’s revolutionary legacy, this original volume critically traverses writings in mainstream and heterodox economics, cutting edge philosophy of science and Marxian political economy and introduces readers to a reconstruction of Marx’s Capital engineered in Japan. This provocative book is essential reading for everyone interested in heterodox economics, critical realism, Marxian economics and critiques of capitalism.

This article revisits the agrarian question and the related problematic
of so-called unfree labor through the prism of two
contending approaches to Marxist theory. In highlighting the
limitations of the received approach, the conceptual infrastructure
of which is pushed to the limit in the face of seismic
shifts in the world economy, the article draws on the Uno
approach to Marxist theory to examine the case Marx makes
for the role of agrarian change in capitalism and sketches out
the implications of that for understanding labor relations in
nondeveloped economies at the current conjuncture.
Operationalizing theoretical insights arrived at in this discussion
the article turns to evidence on agrarian change and the
commodification of labor power in China.