History and Strategic Studies

Nigeria has one of the most corrupt defense and security sectors in the world, indeed, this vicious circle of corruption proves so intricate that those agents of the Nigerian state whose responsibility it is to provide and ensure security to the people, remove or deter obstacles to it, are the ones who turn out initiating and abetting the corruptionMathew Page (2018). Considering the rise in the spate of criminal activities in geopolitical regions, insecurity in Nigeria has risen sharply in the last few years. In every almost all the states of the country, there is either one kind of crime or the other. Northern Nigeria and indeed the North West sub-region is one of the hottest crime zones now. Varin & Onuoha, (2020). For almost two decades now, various security situation reports Achumba, I. C., Ighomereho, & Akpor-Robaro, (2013) have corroborated on the fact that some states of Northern Nigeria-particularly Zamfara, Kaduna, Niger, Sokoto, Kebbi, and Katsina have become hot zones of either kidnapping or banditry with enormous consequences of loss of thousands of lives and property. It has been estimated that about 21 million people living in these states have been exposed to insecurity from banditry activities (ACAP). These threats have contributed to Nigeria's global ranking as the 7th in 2017, 6th in 2018, and 2019 most insecure nation in the globe (EVM, 2018), (EVM, 2018), (EVM, 2018).
This is in addition to the existential threats of organized crimes; Nigeria's borders; climate change; communal and ethnoreligious conflicts; pastoralists and farmers conflicts; governance issues; poverty; the proliferation of small arms and light weapons; illegal migration; and economic challenges. Etim, Duke, & Ogbinyi Jr, (2017), Muhammed, Salihu, & Alhassan, (2018), Akuul, &Shaibume, (2018), Nwangwu, &Enyiazu, (2019), Orkar, Shaminja, & Solomon, (2019), Nnam, Ugwuoke, Njemanze, &Akwara, (2020).These existential threats have been viewed differently in terms of origin, causes, dynamics, or even consequences. Okoli, &Ugwu, (2019) have been made to show the dimension of corruption in the enduring problem. This study as it recognizes these endeavors and their limitations seek to focus on the role that corruption plays in the bid to combat kidnapping and banditry in Nigeria's North-West zone. This is especially because the analysis of corruption in Nigeria generally, Akindele, (2005) has constantly juxtaposed how all sectors of the Nigerian economy and state apparatus are bedeviled by corruption. Mohammed, U. (2013) Ogundiya, (2009).  Gire, (1999), Ogbeidi, M. M. (2012), & (Lawal, & Victor, 2012).

This article provides an alternative view for examining Revolutions in Military Affairs (RMAs), perceiving them both as sociopolitical institutions and as war-fighting models. The weaknesses in the ways in which the RMA theory has been approached are analyzed, resulting in the formation of three different, but parallel, paradigms of the RMA phenomenon (the Social Wave, the Radical Transformation, and the Continuity and Evolution). Two historical case studies, the Napoleonic RMA and the First World War RMA, are used in order to draw out the lessons learned regarding past revolutions and to examine the validity of the paradigms.

This paper deals with the background, role players, sequence of events, geopolitical considerations and history of the Angolan War which took place from 1975 to 1990 between the Soviet Union and its allies & proxies on the one hand, and the Republic of South Africa and its allies on the other. It also has a section presenting a rebuttal of previously published material on this subject, and a section on disinformation techniques used in and by the Soviet Union.

Цель данной главы - анализ роли и места "советского фактора" в эволюции "баланса сил" в Европе в 1919 - 1925 гг. Выделяются три важных трансформации, напрямую или опосредованно связанные с советским фактором: 1) ослабление позиций Советского государства по сравнению с императорской Россией при сохранении многих элементов совокупной мощи; 2) возникновение или воссоздание государств в Центральной и Восточной Европе в результате распада и стратегического «отступления» империй; 3) утрата Россией и Германией общей границы и возникновение «вакуума силы» на Востоке Европы, что по-новому поставило проблему долгосрочной стабильности всего региона. Источниковой базой настоящего исследования служат архивные и опубликованные дипломатические и военные документы, характеризующие деятельность как Советского Союза, так и ведущих западных держав (Великобритании и Франции). Последние воспринимались Москвой как потенциальные противники. Позиция Германии, вероятного партнера СССР, рассматривается преимущественно на базе имеющихся исторических исследований. Архивные материалы о деятельности военных и разведывательных ведомств позволяют сбалансировать крен в сторону традиционной дипломатической проблематики с опорой на документы МИД соответствующих стран, наметившийся в новейших работах по истории 1920-х годов . Сравнение оценок, которые давали событиям руководители как СССР, так и западных держав, создает возможность многомерного видения международных отношений периода от Версаля до Локарно, что облегчает выявление закономерностей и тенденций общего порядка.

Original Title: The Influence of Changing Understanding of Power over Strategy: A Genealogical Essay
Abstract: The link between social theory and the production of innovative strategic knowledge in different contexts and eras remains a complex question. Nevertheless, strategic studies being a radically instrumental discipline, the notion of power is at the centre of its relationship with the social world. In line with the Cambridge school of political thought, this article lays out a brief genealogical exercise applied to strategic thinking in the ‘West’ in order to better understand Western leaders’ changing approach toward strategy ‘in their own terms’.  This exercise of ideational contextualisation allows for isolating the fluctuating understanding of the very notion of power, and its correlative concept of critique, as the most influential theoretical precondition for strategic innovation in strategic studies. Our analysis retraces a dual tradition competing to inform Western strategy, which is of primordial importance to the problematique of innovation in strategic studies.  The first lineage—in line with Machiavelli, Nietzsche and Foucault—advises the subject in terms of technical dynamics of power while the second—in line with Aristotle, Kant and Habermas—enlightens him on the legitimate footings of power. Critical strategic studies cannot integrate the insights of reflexivity—as its distinctive cognitive tool—as long as it encompasses these two distinct perspectives indiscriminately.  Their coeval consideration generates an inherent cognitive tension from which arise both the desire for critical strategy to consider power as force and power as legitimacy separately, and the corresponding responsibility for the strategist to balance their implications in practice.

Titulo: La influencia de la comprensión cambiante del poder sobre la estrategia: un ensayo genealógico
Resumen: El vínculo entre teoría social y la producción de conocimiento estratégico de innovación en diferentes contextos y épocas continúa siendo un interrogante complejo. No obstante, para los estratégicos que conforman una disciplina radicalmente instrumental, la noción de poder es el punto central de su relación con el mundo social. En consonancia con el pensamiento político de la escuela de Cambridge, el pre- sente artículo presenta un breve ejercicio genealógico aplicado al modo estratégico de pensar en Occidente, con el propósito de obtener una mejor comprensión de su enfoque cambiante hacia la estrategia ‘en su propia dinámica’. Este ejercicio permite distinguir la  fluctuante comprensión de cada una de las nociones de poder involucradas, y su concepto correlativo de crítica, como la precondición teórica más influyente para la innovación estratégica en estudios estratégicos. Nuestro análisis recorre de nuevo el camino de dos tradiciones con visiones antitéticas de la estrategia occidental, lo cual es de vital importancia para comprender la problemática de la innovación en estudios estratégicos. La primera tradición —siguiendo el pensamiento de Maquiavelo, Nietzsche y Foucault— concibe el sujeto en términos de las dinámicas técnicas de poder, en tanto que la segunda —siguiendo el pensamiento de Aristóteles, Kant y Habermas— lo dilucida a partir de las bases legítimas del poder. Los estudios estratégicos críticos no pueden integrar las percepciones de reflexividad —en tanto herramienta cognitiva diferenciador— dado que incorpora indistintamente estas dos perspectivas inconmensurables. Su consideración simultánea genera una tensión cognitiva inherente, de modo que suscita tanto el interés por una estrategia crítica para abordar discretamente el poder como fuerza y el poder como legitimación y la respectiva responsabilidad por parte del estratega de equilibrar sus implicaciones en la práctica.

Titre: L’influence de la compréhension changeante du pouvoir sur la stratégie: un essai généalogique
Résumé: Le lien entre la théorie sociale et la production de savoirs stratégiques innovants dans différents contextes et époques est une question complexe. Cependant, puisque la discipline des études stratégiques demeure radicalement instrumentale, la notion de pouvoir est le pivot central de sa relation avec le monde social. Conformément à l’approche méthodologique de l’École de Cambridge en histoire des idées politiques, cet article présente un essai généalogique appliqué à certains moments marquants de la pensée stratégique en occident. Et ce, afin de mieux comprendre son évolution dans ‘ses propres termes’. Cet exercice de contextualisation idéationnelle nous permet de d’isoler des compréhensions  fluctuantes de la notion de pouvoir, et leurs concepts corrélatifs de ‘critique’. Il est argué que ces variations représentent la précondition théorique la plus influente sur les principaux moments d’innovation en études stratégiques. Notre analyse retrace une dualité dans les traditions concurrentes informant la stratégie occidentale. La première tradition—en ligne avec Machiavel, Nietzsche et Foucault—conseille le praticien en termes de dynamique technique du pouvoir tandis que la seconda—en ligne avec Aristote, Kant et Habermas—l’éclaire sur les bases légitimes du pouvoir. Les études stratégiques critiques ne pourront intégrer les apports de la réflexivité—de façon cohérente et comme un outil cognitif qui les distinguent des études stratégiques classiques—tant que la forme de critique préconisée englobera indistinctement ces deux perspectives in- commensurables. Nous concluons en préconisant leur considération simultanée, mais de façon distincte, de façon à ce qu’elles génèrent une tension cognitive heuristique où le producteur de “stratégie critique” doit considérer à la fois, le pouvoir comme force et le pouvoir comme légitimité et ce, avec la terrible responsabilité d’équilibrer leurs implications dans la pratique.

Título: A influência da evolução do conhecimento em relação ao poder sobre a estratégia: um ensaio genealógico
Resumo: A ligação entre a teoria social e produção de conhecimento estratégico inovador em diferentes contextos e épocas continua a sendo uma questão complexa. Entretanto, os estudos estratégicos sendo uma disciplina radicalmente instrumental, a noção de poder está no centro da sua relação com o mundo social. De acordo com a escola de Cambridge do pensamento político, este artigo expõe um breve exercício genealógico aplicado ao pensamento estratégico do “Ocidente”, a  m de compreender melhor a sua abordagem para mudar a estratégia em seus próprios termos. Este exercício permite isolar a compreensão da  flutuação da própria noção de poder, e seu conceito correlato de crítica, como precondição teórica mais influente para a inovação estratégica em estudos estratégicos. Nossa análise refaz uma dupla tradição competindo para apresentar a estratégia ocidental, que é de importância primordial para a problemática da inovação em estudos estratégicos. A primeira linhagem vai desde Maquiavel, Nietzsche e Foucault-aconselha o asunto em termos de dinâmica técnicas de poder, enquanto a segunda linhagem com Aristóteles, Kant e Habermas-ilumina-lo sobre os fundamentos legítimos de poder. Os estudos estratégicos críticos não podem integrar os insights de reflexividade-como sua ferramenta cognitiva distintiva- enquanto englobe estas duas perspectivas incomensuráveis indiscriminadamente. Sua mesma consideração gera uma tensão cognitiva inerente partir do qual, surgem tanto o desejo pela estratégia crítica a considerar discretamente poder como força e poder como legitimidade e a correspondente responsabilidade do estrategista para equilibrar suas implicações na prática.

O trabalho visa examinar a política externa e de segurança da Rússia durante os governos Putin (2000–2008 e 2012–2016) e Medvedev (2008–2012) para descobrir seus aspectos normativos, securitários e geopolíticos e o lugar da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) na grande estratégia russa. Divide-se a pesquisa em três seções. A primeira traça um breve histórico da grande estratégia da Rússia. Já a segunda trata de seus aspectos normativos: a sua concepção de legitimidade na ordem internacional, ativismo global, concepção de soberania e processos de integração regional. Na terceira parte, são analisados os aspectos securitários e geopolíticos, tais como guerras e intervenções militares, participação em operações de paz da ONU, doutrina militar e mecanismos regionais de segurança. Conclui-se que a ONU, na grande estratégia russa, seria central à ordem internacional ao solidificar as instituições que mantêm a estabilidade desta e ao assegurar o status russo de grande potência.

Military and civilian organizations in the past have attempted to understand culture and the cultural environment of conflict zones through anthropology. While there is a small and growing number of studies examining the use of anthropology for counterinsurgency, no studies have compared the Anglo-Saxon ABCA Armies' approaches to understanding cultural factors for counterinsurgency and civil–military operations.

Crisis of Cultural Intelligence: The Anthropology of civil–military Operations thus represents a timely investigation into a number of issues regarding the past and present relationship between militarized anthropology, settler colonialism, and Indigenous militancy and the Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which has internationalized the claim of encapsulated nations for equal rights. Covering issues such as the use of militarized anthropology in the Vietnam War and the controversial Human Terrain System (HTS) program used in Afghanistan, this book addresses the need for constructive and informed discussions about the nature and function of cultural data collection and analysis for counterinsurgency, peace-building, and conflict prevention operations.

Crisis of Cultural Intelligence: The Anthropology of civil–military Operations is particularly important today, as cultural values and heritage continue to inform civil–military interventions of intrastate armed conflict amongst the people. Following the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this book will provide some insights into how militaries will now need to look ahead and consider the types of conflicts they may become involved in.

Efetuou-se um estudo de uma fonte medieval relacionada com a conquista de Alcácer do Sal, em 1217, recorrendo a um modelo de análise contemporâneo, que estratifica verticalmente a guerra em níveis. Na consciência de que se trata de uma abordagem envolta num certo nível de anacronismo, o modelo constitui, no entanto, um meio de análise válido, já que permite a transferência de informação, de um modo coerente e organizado, facilitando a perceção de dinâmicas inerentes à conflitualidade em Portugal no quadro da Reconquista no início do século XIII.

Defense of the Baltic has gained unprecedented prominence in the West in view of a post-2014 resurgent Russia. The West's East follows the principles of strategic analysis for a systematic introduction to defense of the three Baltic states within their own context of broader security vulnerabilities as well as the historical and current contexts of both allies and neighboring powers. This 800-year overview-from indigenous Baltic tribes to the post-Cold War period-provides a historical and strategic perspective on conditions in which independent states existed and flourished among predatory great powers.

More recent historical events and personalities also form the basis for analogies which are often used, rightly or wrongly, by Western observers to understand Russia and its relationship to the West. Today's strategic balance in the Baltic region is characterized through general analysis of the individual actors' geopolitical outlook, strategic culture, military capabilities, and non-military security vulnerabilities. The dynamics of potential strategic interactions between NATO and Russia are anticipated in case of hypothetical conflict in the Baltic, premised upon the general theory of strategy and essential strategic logic. These potential interactions range from deterrence, through various considerations of strategy in war itself, and the thorniness of war termination. Finally, more technical and esoteric aspects of military strategy related to instrumentality, effect, adversary, and control are considered in relation to the ultimate question of how much defense for the Baltic is enough.

Given at international conference "STRATEGIES XXI. TECHNOLOGIES, MILITARY APPLICATIONS, SIMULATION AND RESOURCES" (18-19 March 2021) of the National Defense University 'Carol I', Bucharest, Romania

A paper on the importance of religions and religious infrastructures in crisis situations, whether as pretext for starting conflict, as a mean to weaken the enem, or as mediation stategz in the name of religious values. Military leadership in war zones, especially within NATO and UN presence, must incorporate awareness of religious situation in the deployment area. Religious infrastructure means first and foremost the material: religious buildings, holy places, sacred sites, sacred objects and relics. Material infrastructure concretely visualises invisible features such as religious convictions, transcedental views and beliefs.

Se busca indagar en la coyuntura actual de revigorización de la doctrina de Contrainsurgencia en América Latina, mediante el complejo proceso de judicialización de la política o lawfare en tanto una nueva fase estratégica regional al interior del Estado, para generar desestabilización social, crisis y situación de guerra en contextos determinados. De esta manera, se produce la necesidad de "restablecimiento del orden" haciendo de la sociedad en cuestión un blanco de intervención política-incluso militar-en cualquiera de sus formas. En este escenario, las fuerzas armadas aparecen como la institución adecuada para realizar las tareas del orden y estabilidad, mientras que se legaliza la guerra como estrategia geopolítica. Bajo este proceso de lawfare podemos entender las actuales coyunturas desestabilizadoras en América Latina, como la destitución de Dilma Rousseff y el encarcelamiento de Luís Inácio "Lula" da Silva en Brasil, las persecuciones judiciales de líderes políticos de izquierda como Cristina Fernández en Argentina y Rafael Correa en Ecuador, así como la campaña mediático-judicial de Evo Morales en Bolivia. Todo ello, acompañado de la reactivación de bases aéreas y espaciales, entrenamiento y operaciones militares conjuntas y el patrullaje de la IV Flota del Comando Sur en la región, como expresiones de la doctrina de Contrainsurgencia, adaptada a las directrices geopolíticas del siglo XXI caracterizadas por la sofisticación de las estrategias imperialistas de Estados Unidos, como lo muestra el lawfare, en su intento por estirar lo más posible su hegemonía en la región.

Undoubtedly, one of Europe’s finest statesmen who had great impact on world history in the nineteenth century was Otto von Bismarck, the Prime Minister of Prussia, who by shrewd and clever diplomacy masterminded the unification of a Prussian-dominated German empire in 1871 and directed affairs in the international system until his exit from power in 1890. This paper discusses Bismarck’s statesmanship from his rise to his exit from power, his shrewd and tactical diplomacy, and his exploits in the international system. Ultimately, the paper concludes that when a nation is firmly under the leadership of a patriotic statesman who sufficiently understands national greatness, emergence into a power to reckon with in the international system is a great possibility.

This is part one of a mini-series attempting to grapple with US grand strategy and the potential need for its re-assessment. The goal of this series is to introduce readers to grand strategy, ideally prompting more to grapple with US grand strategy and grand strategy more broadly. The author is fleshing out their own ideas, so don’t take the work as gospel, but rather as a starting point for your own journey.
In part one, an overview of the current state of US grand strategy is given. In part two, grand strategy is defined as a concept, a more detailed argument for the need of reassessment is put forth, and resources on grand strategy are listed for interested readers. In part three, four typologies of US grand strategic thought are summarized and contrasted with what US grand strategy has arguably been since the end of WWII. In part four, some general thoughts on the means and ends of reassessing US grand strategy will be described. Additional articles on grand strategy may appear over time.

https://plotpolitics.com/2021/08/11/reassessing-us-grand-strategy-part-1-the-current-state-of-us-grand-strategy/

This paper examines a medieval source on the conquest of Alcácer do Sal in 1217 using a present-day analysis model that divides war into vertical levels. While this sort of approach is somewhat anachronistic, the model is a valid tool to transfer information in a coherent and organized manner and to understand the dynamics of war in Portugal in the context of the Reconquista at the onset of the thirteenth century.

M atthew Kroenig argues nuclear superiority, “a military nuclear advantage over an opponent,” matters—especially for the United States (3). Nuclear superiority requires more than the possession of a secure second-strike capability. As he explains, nuclear superiority is a situation in which a state’s expected costs in a nuclear war are lower than its adversary’s, even if the expected costs are high for both states. Kroenig states, “A robust nuclear posture reduces a state’s expected cost of war, increasing its resolve in international political disputes, and thus providing it with a coercive advantage over states more vulnerable to a nuclear exchange” (3–4). He makes four contentions: a US posture of nuclear superiority is more likely to contribute to international stability than a position of nuclear parity; there is no observable link between the size of the US nuclear arsenal and the proliferation of nuclear weapons among other states; nuclear arms races are uncommon and have som...