ASEAN

The New Global Politics of the Asia Pacific: Conflict and Cooperation in the Asian Century, 3rd Edition
©2017 Routledge: London & New York. 341pp. + x. Link: https://www.routledge.com/The-New-Global-Politics-of-the-Asia-Pacific-Conflict-and-Cooperation-in/Connors-Davison-Dosch/p/book/9781138647022

Now in its new and fully updated third edition, The New Global Politics of the Asia Pacific continues to provide a compelling analysis of a region undergoing dramatic changes. Based on new research and offering fresh interpretation, this edition evaluates the prospects for continuing US dominance in the ‘Asian Century’. Whilst presenting evidence for a multifaceted ‘Beijing Strategy’, which aims to counter the US by building an alternative regional order, it also explains Japan’s definitive departure from its limited military role. Key content includes:
- Intra-regional conflicts in the South China Sea and the Korean peninsula,
- The different responses within the Asia Pacific to globalisation and western ideas of democracy and political economy,
- The underappreciated success of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in building a regional identity
- The European Union’s soft power in the region.
A highly topical account, which offers an overview of the main actors, institutions and contemporary issues in the Asia Pacific, the book will be essential reading for students of Asian Studies, International Politics, and anyone interested in the region.

Michael K. Connors teaches at the University of Nottingham, Malaysia Campus and is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University. He is the co-editor of Thai Politics in Translation: Monarchy, Democracy, Constitution (forthcoming).
Remy Davison holds the Jean Monnet Chair in Politics and Economics at Monash University. He is the author of The Political Economy of Single Market Europe (2011).
Jörn Dosch is Professor of International Politics and Development Cooperation at the University of Rostock, Germany, and Adjunct Professor at Monash University Malaysia. His recent publications include Malaysia Post-Mahathir: A Decade of Change (2015).

As the education is the public goods and it has positive externalities for society, most of the governments thought to how much spending of their budgets to invest in education. Diverging from them, Singapore authorities designed as education industry regarding to the Singapore ambition – become a global education hub. Singapore tried to integrate the education sector with the progressive service industry. The main purposes of this study were to evaluate on how Singapore Private Education Sector contributes the nation’s GDP and its growth trend. Although its GDP contribution in 2009 was 2.9%, it was seemed to fall down after that. It was also found that it is not an isolated sector in the market economy, it has relationships with other sector such as financial, tourism and health-care services. Not surprisingly, the government intervention caused the free market loosed momentum of economic growth but that intervention could prevent the Singapore branding. This landscape of Singapore’s Private Education is the empirical reference for Myanma emerging private education sector.

Selepas Era perang dunia ke-dua,Negara-negara Asia Tenggara yang  telah mencapai kemerdekaan telah bersepakat menubuhkan ‘The Association of Southeast Asia ‘ ( ASA ) di Bangkok . Tujuan penubuhan ini adalah untuk mengadakan kerjasama dari segi ekonomi , politik dan keselamatan Negara serantau .ASA ini diaggotai oleh Malaysia , Filipina dan Thailand . Penubuhan ASA ini telah gagal  dan membawa pula kepada  penubuhan Maphilindo iaitu dari gabungan Negara Malaysia , Filipina , dan Indonesia pada awal tahun 1960 . Penubuhan Maphilindo ini juga turut gagal dan kegagalan ini telah membawa kepada penubuhan ASEAN . ASEAN mula ditubuhkan pada 8 ogos iaitu pada tahun 1967 apabila menteri-menteri luar dari lima Negara iaitu Indonesia , Malaysia , Filipina Singapura dan Thailand berjumpa di kementeriaan hubungan luar Thailand di Bangkok untuk menandatangani Deklarasi ASEAN

Countries may utilize a long coastline in relation to their landmass as a resource to develop their maritime economy. This paper argues that ASEAN countries differ in utilizing their maritime potential. As a basis for further comparative studies the Center for Policy Research and International Studies (CenPRIS) in Penang developed a set of indicators to measure the maritime potential of nations, the state of their maritime industries, and the degree to which the maritime potential has actually been utilized.

In a crisis scenario caused by the Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemics, a number of social, political, and economic vulnerabilities, which were coming up in the past few years, are aggravated. This set of vulnerabilities do not limit itself to a local reality, since it exposes some deficiencies at the national and international levels. Regional mechanisms for integration and multilateralism, promoted by international organizations, have been an option used as countries are facing the virus. The exchange of information and data about infected people worldwide, the development of a cure, or even a vaccine have been at the top of international institutions' discussion agenda, and the Southeast Asian countries apparently do the same.

The purpose of this article is to examine the personal, academic, and professional experiences of five Japanese university students who did short-term academic internships in three southeast Asian nations. Since students in Japan often associate international opportunities with inner-circle English-speaking countries (e.g. the United States of America or the United Kingdom), this article highlights the perceived benefits of choosing Southeast Asia as an educational destination. In limited published studies, researchers have revealed that Japanese students may gravitate towards Southeast Asia for multilingual language learning opportunities, lower perceived discrimination, and reduced financial costs. This article provides additional insight into the discerned advantages and disadvantages. Data for this qualitative exploratory study include weekly written reflections from students who were in southeast Asian countries from late 2018 to early 2019, followed by a focus group and individual questionnaires in the months following the participants’ return to Japan.  Based on thematic analysis of self-reporting, results suggest that the participants found value in their experiences due to the (a) proximity and costs involved, (b) comfort with using a non-native variety of English, and (c) development of intercultural competences and soft skills.  More specifically, participants felt that their experiences were less financially burdensome on parents, compared to similar experiences in inner-circle destinations. Also, participants reported feeling comfortable using English as a lingua franca, despite communicating in lower-context environments. This, in turn, contributed to the development of their adaptation, negotiation, and communicative skills. If higher education stakeholders and recruiters can better promote the educational experiences of Japanese university students in Southeast Asia, such as those featured in this article, then it is possible that access and participation may increase in the future.

Andrew Yeo's new book, Asia's Regional Architectures: Alliances and Institutions in the Pacific Century, provides a comprehensive overview of Asia's regional security architecture in the post-World War II period, exploring why Asia's regional institutions have overlapped and coexisted for so long and how they have been shaped and are shaping regional actors' ideas and behavior. Just as international relations scholars have begun looking at historical institutionalism to explain international issues, ones ranging from interstate relations to regional security institutions to nonproliferation regimes, Yeo employs its theoretical approach to analyze the establishment and evolution of regional architecture from the postwar period onward. He provides detailed yet succinct accounts of the main political, economic, and security regional institutions in Asia. 1

Em um cenário de crise, provocado pela pandemia de Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), agravaram-se uma série de vulnerabilidades sociais, políticas e econômicas que já vinham despontando nos últimos anos. Este conjunto de vulnerabilidades não se limitou à dinâmica local, na medida em que expôs carências a nível nacional e internacional. Mecanismos regionais de integração e o multilateralismo promovido por organizações internacionais têm sido uma alternativa utilizada no processo de enfrentamento do vírus. A troca de informações e dados sobre o quadro de infectados, o desenvolvimento de possíveis tratamentos e vacinas ganhou destaque nas relações estabelecidas por meio destas instituições, e os países do Sudeste Asiático também avançaram nesse sentido.

This article argues that the ASEAN Member Nations need to support the establishment of a Mutual Recognition Agreement for Teaching Services to build a stronger ASEAN Community, to support the achievement of the 2030 UN Sustainable Development Goals, and to enhance quality and respect for the teaching profession.

La Unión Europea, con 500 millones de habitantes y ASEAN, con 600, tienen unas relación económicas que, por el momento, no se ha traducido en una equivalente apuesta política. El valor de este trabajo reside en una proyección a futuro de los lazos UE-ASEAN referente a temas como un Tratado de Libre Comercio interregional, la ventaja estratégica de una apuesta en conectividad así como los retos político-securitarios provenientes de esta región del mundo.

The birth of the EU (European Union) and ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) is nearly two decades apart but both organizations are strongly influenced by the bipolar world in the time of cold war. However, after more than 60 years of EU development, it is recognized by the world as the most successful regional, economic and political association. In contrast, ASEAN is initially established with 5 members: Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines with the first motive of
cooperation and coordination on security and politics. Although established with the same purpose, both organizations have different goals and integration principles from which to bring about different achievements. The paper analyzes and compares
deeply the process of international economic integration of countries in the EU and ASEAN.

This book places the presidency of Donald Trump as well as the brewing Sino-American Cold War within the broader historical context of American hegemony in Asia, which traces its roots to Alfred Thayer Mahan’s call for a naval build up in the Pacific, the subsequent colonization of the Philippines and, ultimately, reaching its apotheosis after the defeat of Imperial Japan in the Second World War. The book, drawing on visits from Cairo to California and Perth to Pyongyang as well as interviews and exchanges with heads of state and senior officials from across the Indo-Pacific, provides an overview of the arc of American primacy in the region for scholars, journalists, and concerned citizens.

The Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are not only progressing in the deepening of economic integration among themselves, but are also active in pursuing free trade agreements (FTAs) with their strategic economic partners (SEPs). It is generally expected that the implementation of all existing ASEAN-led FTAs will provides benefits to all enterprises in individual ASEAN member states (AMS) in the forms of greater export opportunities and greater availability of raw materials, intermediate inputs and capital goods with competitive prices and better quality. However, there are concerns over the extent to which MSMEs in individual AMS have benefited from these commercial pacts. Although literature on this issue is limited, available evidence suggests that MSMEs are by far the least active economic actors in the region to make use of such trade agreements. Aside from identifying key challenges and opportunities confronted by ASEAN-based MSMEs in taking advantage of ASEAN-led FTAs, this article also provides practical and policy recommendations that could allow the greater use of these FTAs by these enterprises.

This paper is an early stage of the ongoing PhD research and is intended to discuss the conceptual development of the proposed tele-diagnostic tool using metaheuristic case-based reasoning for ASEAN Health Care Community. This community has agreed to open cross border trade health care including remote diagnostic services. In 2013 Diabetes Mellitus cases, an estimated 46% of 382 million DM cases are as yet as undiagnosed. However, the main problem is the accuracy to diagnose DM. The reliable and sufficient diagnostic tool is needed to satisfy ASEAN Health Care Framework. It is able to diagnose patient cases with the best solutions and treatments. The current Case Based-Reasoning (CBR) technique has been adopted and it is identified as under WHO International Code Disease (ICD-10). This technique revises and reuses and is compared with similar existing case, therefore produces a new solution for the particular patient case. It yet needs to be improved. Hence, the major purpose of this research  is to develop specifically designed conceptual model  for the ASEAN Tele-Diagnostic Tool using improved and optimized CBR hence hypothetically improving the accuracy in diagnose chronic ICD-10 disease.

This chapter highlights the significant economic opportunities from the implementation of the circular economy paradigm for plastics as a requirement for halal industry in the ASEAN region. If this can be realized, the ASEAN halal industry will have a comparative advantage that will all at once leads radically in reducing plastic pollution in halal market. ASEAN has opportunities for influencing the value to halal market in Asia. All the more, Asia also has opportunities for influencing the value to halal market around the world. With support from the digitally enabled community, this circular economy best practice may spread and influence another region or another industry in Asia. This not only opens up opportunities of ASEAN for leading a halal hub in Asia, but it can also be encouraging the collaboration between community groups, businesses, industry, local and national governments, international donors, and world-class experts seeking meaningful actions to defeat plastic pollution.

The United States has lost its political and moral primacy and is now confronting an increasingly assertive China. As power shifts from West to East, the Asia-Pacific has emerged as a crucial arena. The next multipolar world order under negotiation poses questions as to what role multilateralism might play in it.
In The New ASEAN in Asia Pacific & Beyond ASEAN expert Shaun Narine offers an exhaustive analysis of the organisation’s history, institutions and international linkages with a view to determining its role in the next decade.

“Cross Cultural Perspectives of Decision-making and Control in Multinational Corporations operating in ASEAN”, Refereed Proceedings of  the 2000 Conference of  Australian – New Zealand  International Business  Academy , October 12 & 14, 2000, pp. 491 – 498, ISBN 0-908689-65-9, Auckland, New Zealand. (With M. Sadiq  Sohail)

When Japan ignited World War II in the Pacific by bombing Pearl Harbor and several US military facilities in the Philippines. It was the start of the Japanese Empire’s campaign to invade Southeast Asia in pursuit of its plan to establish the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Japanese bombers were launched from the island of Taiwan, which was then under Japanese military rule after the first Sino-Japanese War. Throughout the war, Taiwan served as the staging area and major supply base that sustained Japan’s armies in Southeast Asia and as the control point for all shipping through the Taiwan Strait. The U.S. State Department at the time stated that strategically no location in the Far East, apart from Singapore, occupied such a controlling position.
Taiwan’s strategic position cannot be ignored, situated at the edge of the South China Sea’s shipping lanes, Taiwan is positioned 100 miles east of China. To the south it is 200 miles from the Philippines, 700 miles from China’s Hainan Island, and 900 miles from Vietnam and the Spratly Islands. It is linked to the north with the Ryukyu Islands, and lies 700 miles from Japan’s home islands. Historically, Taiwan’s pivotal location off the China coast and between Northeast and Southeast Asia has served a variety of strategic purposes for regional powers, both offensive and defensive. In the contemporary era, Taiwan remains geographically at the intersection of most of East Asia’s danger points.
This paper aims to analyze the strategic geography of Taiwan and its implications and importance to the political security of the ASEAN region.

Второй саммит Россия - АСЕАН показал, что у нашей страны есть шанс для расширения своего влияния в странах Юго-Восточной Азии, есть взаимная заинтересованность в углублении политического, торгового-экономического сотрудничества и сотрудничества в области безопасности.

This policy paper explores how diverse modes of differentiation occur in regions beyond Europe. From the perspective of comparative regionalism, the paper examines how the practice of differentiation facilitates flexibility and accommodates diversity in regional cooperation processes in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Examining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Common Market (Mercado Común del Sur, MERCOSUR), the paper analyses how differentiation is applied and how it ties in with primarily trade integration. Specifically, the paper assesses whether differentiation leads to centrifugal or centripetal dynamics, and it examines the impact of differentiation on internal as well as external cooperation. After comparing the three cases, the paper draws policy recommendations for the EU. Bart Gaens is Senior Research Fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA). Bernardo Venturi i...

แนะนำแอปพลิเคชัน DoctorAsks Myanmar ที่สำนักงานรัฐบาลอิเล็กทรอนิกส์ (องค์การมหาชน) ร่วมกับ สถาบันวิจัยภาษาและวัฒนธรรมเอเชีย มหาวิทยาลัยมหิดล และสำนักงานกองทุนสนับสนุนการสร้างเสริมสุขภาพ (สสส.) พัฒนาขึ้น ช่วยให้หมอชาวไทยและคนไข้ชาวพม่าสามารถติดต่อสื่อสารกันได้สะดวกยิ่งขึ้น

The Universal Periodic Review is an innovative mechanism for protecting and promoting human rights within the United Nations. Instituted by the Human Rights Council in 2006, it reviews human rights situations in all States. This article analyses the configuration of this new procedure in order to assess its success in de-politicizing human rights, and in providing substantive output on the improvement of human rights at domestic level. While it remains early to detect trends, the experience of the first session of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review could shed light on both positive developments and concerns.

The ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) is one of the pillars of the ASEAN Community. AEC goal is regional economic integration by 2015. AEC envisages the following key characteristics: (a) a single market and production base, (b) a highly competitive economic region, (c) a region of equitable economic development, and (d) a region fully integrated into the global economy. Yogyakarta is a city in Indonesia where many citizens are involved in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Based on the data obtained from the Department of Trade, Industry and Cooperatives Bureau of Yogyakarta, in 2015 there were 230,047 SMEs. The fierce competition from the single market will have an impact on the survival of the SMEs. The Indonesian government ratified the ICESCR into ICESCR Ratification Act 2005. The government has a binding obligation to take various measures "to respect", "to protect" and "to fulfil" human rights towards SMEs in Yogyakarta.

(Draft - Final Chapter - Master's Thesis) This paper exhibits the possibility of EU democratizing ASEAN member states, which is by supporting Timor Leste's membership application in the Southeast Asian regional grouping. For this, the analysis of Democracy From The Outside-In by Pevehouse is used.

This literature review explores the extent of integrating educational technology in contemporary classroom environment among the ASEAN Member States focusing more on the undeveloped and developing countries. It describes the profile of the countries under study in terms of the total population, gross national income (GNI), literacy rating and ICT development index (IDI) and to determine the barriers for educational technology integration; and test the correlation among the profile variables. Results showed that some of the identified probable causes of educational technology integration in most developing countries are: inadequate financial support and infrastructure, human capital, management support, as well as behavioural and environmental aspects. Gross National income is considered a factor that can directly or indirectly influence the Literacy rating and ICT Development Index value of the country while the total population based on ranking of countries has nothing to do with the ranking of GNI, Literacy Rating and IDI value of each country.

Urbanization is driving Southeast Asia’s economies, moving vast numbers of people to urban centers at a pace unheard of in the West. As impressive as these cities are, they bring with them massive problems in terms of sanitation, pollution, income disparity and infrastructure challenges. If the region is to enjoy the benefits of urbanization it will have to balance the old and new, taking advantage of both traditional knowledge and modern technology, writes Bharat Dahiya.