Beatriz Vitar

Resumen Uno de los grandes desafíos que afrontó la empresa evangelizadora de la Compañía de Jesús en tierras sudamericanas fue la conquista " espiritual " del Chaco. Este artículo pretende analizar, desde un compendio de obras escritas por los missioneros de la Compañía, valores ajenos a los hábitos tradicionales de los grupos indígenas del Chaco. Estas obras tienen trazos negativos con los que los jesuitas describieron a las mujeres indígenas y se volvían más incisivos al referirse a las ancianas, por su rechazo a la evangelización. Este estudio hace hincapié en especial, el papel y el poder de las ancianas en la política y en la guerra y también la "visibilidad" de la mujer, ocupando espacios autónomos de actuación y decisión que tenían una clara incidencia en la vida comunitaria. Resumo Um dos principais desafios enfrentados pela empresa evangelizadora jesuítica em solo sul-americano foi a conquista "espiritual" do Chaco. Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar, a partir de uma coleção de obras escritas pelos Missionários da Companhia, valores estranhos aos hábitos tradicionais dos grupos indígenas do Chaco. Estas obras apresentam traços negativos com os jesuítas descrevem as mulheres indígenas e tornom-se mais incisivo ao referirem-se as anciãs, por sua rejeição à evangelização. Este estudo enfatiza, particularmente, o papel e o poder das anciãs na política e na guerra e a "visibilidade" das mulheres que ocupam espaços autonomos de ação e decisão que tinham um claro impacto na vida da comunidade. Palavras-chave: Companhia de Jesus; Evangelização; Mulheres indígenas. Introducción Uno de los grandes desafíos que afrontó la empresa evangelizadora de la Compañía de Jesús en tierras sudamericanas fue la conquista " espiritual " del Chaco, territorio indígena que en el siglo XVIII aun se hallaba inmerso " en las tinieblas de la gentilidad " , como rezaba la acostumbrada coletilla de los relatos misioneros sobre la región. Los religiosos ignacianos, ávidos de sacrificios y fieles al lema Ad maiorem Dei gloriam, debieron vencer las no pocas resistencias de los guerreros cazadores chaqueños, tras ser reducidos en los pueblos fundados en las fronteras de las gobernaciones del Tucumán, 1 Docente e investigadora de la Universidad de Sevilla: mvitar@us.es.

Resumen: El presente artículo tiene como tema central la migración de las provincias orientales de Andalucía (Málaga, Granada y Almería) hacia las provincias de Rosario y Buenos Aires (Argentina), en las primeras décadas del siglo XX. El énfasis está puesto en aspectos tales como la memoria y la identidad a través de la historia oral. Esto se hará mediante el análisis del testimonio aportado por Miguel H., descendiente de granadinos (de Motril) afincados en Albardón (San Juan, Argentina). Presentaré algunas conclusiones sobre la importancia de los recuerdos y de las vivencias familiares y colectivas como forjadoras de la identidad del grupo migrante. Abstract: The present paper is centered in the migration from the oriental provinces of Andalusia (Malaga, Granada and Almeria) to the provinces of Rosario and Buenos Aires (Argentina), in the first decades of the 20 th Century. The focus is posed in aspects such as memory and identity through the oral history. The testimony of Miguel H., a descendent of Grenadians migrants placed in Albardón (San Juan, Argentina), will be analyzed. Thereupon, I will present a few conclusions about the importance of the resources and the familiar and collectives experiences as shapers of the migrant group identities. Introducción n el conjunto de la emigración española hacia América a finales del siglo XIX y primeras décadas del XX, las provincias de Málaga, Granada y Almería (Andalucía oriental) tuvieron un marcado protagonismo. Los flujos migratorios de esta región registrados desde los años 1880 se vieron propiciados por el fomento de la inmigración europea para cubrir las necesidades de mano de obra en países como Brasil-haciendas cafetaleras-y Argentina-cultivo de cereales, industrias e infraestructura de transportes. En estos movimientos poblacionales incidieron también factores de orden local, tales como las crisis agrícolas (cereal y caña de azúcar), la plaga de la filoxera (que afectó a los viñedos) y la estructura de la propiedad rural (dificultades de los minifundios) en Andalucía, a lo que se sumó, en los comienzos del siglo XX, la guerra de África. En lo que incumbe a Argentina, los inmigrantes andaluces –en muchas ocasiones procedentes de Brasil-se radicaron en las provincias de Buenos Aires y Rosario (en la zona litoral, para la construcción ferroviaria y

Resumen En este trabajo se analiza la construcción de la imagen de un territorio en el marco del proceso de formación nacional en Argentina y del fomento de la inmigración y colonización europea como vía para el dominio efectivo de las zonas indígenas aun no sometidas al control del Estado. En una coyuntura de expansión capitalista, orientada a la explotación de los recursos naturales dentro del modelo económico agro-exportador, fue clave la disponibilidad de vías interiores de comunicación, terrestres y fluviales. En este contexto se realizaron en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX una serie de viajes de exploración al Chaco, entre los que se encuentra la expedición por el río Bermejo en 1872 con el fin de estudiar su navegabilidad, dando origen al relato en el que se basa este estudio. El análisis de esta obra permite constatar el papel de la narrativa de viajes como legitimadora del proyecto estatal de consolidación territorial, bajo el lema de civilización y progreso y, asimismo, discernir el fenómeno de (re)elaboración de identidades en un espacio de múltiples confluencias étnicas a través de una estrategia discursiva cuyo fin es justificar la superioridad europea en los planes de colonización del Chaco con inmigrantes de ese origen, nuevos agentes civilizadores que sacarían a los indígenas de su primitivismo convirtiéndolos en sujetos productivos. ˂Chaco> ˂Viajes exploratorios> ˂Territorio> ˂Identidades> Abstract This paper examines the construction of the image of a territory within the framework of the process of national formation in Argentina, and the promotion of the immigration and European colonization in order to achieve the effective domain of indigenous areas not yet under the control of the State. At a juncture of capitalist expansion, aimed to the exploitation of the natural resources within the agro economic model, the availability of internal communication, land and river routes was crucial. In this context, a series of trips of exploration to the Chaco were performed in the second half of the 19th century, among which the expedition by the Bermejo River in 1872 to study its seaworthiness, lead to the story in which this study is based. The analysis of this work allows to verify the role of travel narrative as legitimizing of the State project of territorial consolidation, under the banner of civilization and progress. Besides, it permits to discern to discern the phenomenon of (re) defining identities in a space of multiple ethnic junctions. This is achieved through a discursive strategy which aims to justify the European superiority in the colonization of the Chaco plans with immigrants from that origin. These inmigrants were conceived as as new civilizing agents who would convert the primitive Indians into productive subjects. ˂Chaco> ˂Exploratory travels> ˂Territory> ˂Identities>

Este trabajo presenta algunos avances en el estudio del papel económico de las muje-res en las misiones de las fronteras del Chaco en el siglo XVIII. Para ello, se analizan los rasgos de la vida productiva de los cazadores recolectores —en ciertos casos también cul-tivadores en pequeña escala—, la concepción jesuítica de las mujeres, de sus funciones den-tro de la economía reduccional y su impacto en la población femenina, así como algunas de sus respuestas frente al reordenamiento de la producción comunitaria. PALABRAS CLAVE: Misiones de la frontera del Chaco; Trabajo; Jesuitas; Mujeres indígenas; Siglo XVIII; Estrategias indígenas. This paper intends to present some advances in the study of the economic role of women in missions Chaco frontier in the eighteenth century. For this purpose, are analyzed the features of the productive life of hunter-gatherers —in some cases also small-scale growers—, the Jesuit conception of women and their roles within the missionary economy and its impact on the female population and their some responses to the rearrangement of community production.

The experiences of American indigenous peoples during the Republican period are of great interest to those who study the socioeconomic conditions imposed by the liberal states. Economic development under the dictates of liberalism and modernization had a profound impact on the Indians, especially those considered bárbaros, living on the frontiers of civilization. This work by Gary Van Valen, dealing with the Mojos people of the Bolivian Amazon between 1842 and 1932, reveals the permanence of indigenous agency under the liberal state and the contemporary rubber boom. Interestingly, the legacy of the missionary system introduced in colonial times played a crucial role in the history of the native peoples inhabiting the Llanos de Mojos. The author defines this system as a " viable mission culture, based on agriculture, artisan industry, and cattle raising " (27): a participatory tradition of mission government organized through the cabildos, an institution created by the Jesuits for the administration of temporalidades (material production of the mission). This indigenous agency, which survived the expulsion of the missionaries and the creation of the Bolivian republic, had an early manifestation in the decision to accept missions as a way of avoiding enslavement by the settlers of Santa Cruz. The liberal states born in the nineteenth century in the former Spanish colonies regarded autonomous indigenous territotories as a barrier to their understandings of progress and civilization. The implementation of liberal reforms in the first half of the nineteenth century, such as the urban transformation of missions, educational change, and the opening of trade and communication routes, did not have the anticipated effect. Despite the reforms, in the mid-nineteenth century the Indians of the former missions of Beni retained the missionary culture. An example is the permanence of the cabildo and its indigenous officials, even though we can observe the rivalry between leaders, the weakening of parcialidades (ethnic division), subordination to the municipal authority, and the phenomenon of mixed unions between members of cabildo elites and whites (carayanas), which introduced new ethnic loyalties. However, Van Valen concludes that the loss of certain elements of the missionary legacy was itself an expression of Indian agency: for instance choosing activities through which they could earn a salary. The invention of the vulcanization process by Goodyear in 1839 produced a strong global demand for rubber in various industries. In the case of Bolivia, it became " a country vulcanized " (58). The rubber industry was promoted by president José Ballivián and the local elites of Santa Cruz. With respect to the peoples who inhabited the Amazon, this became a decisive factor in the process that gradually led to the disappearance of the former missions. The author highlights the flexibility and adaptability of the Mojos peoples who faced the circumstances created by the rubber boom: for instance, the migration from Llanos habitats to the rainforests of the north and also to Brazil. The abandonment of villages to rubber work was considered by Indians as an opportunity to avoid the tax, tribute, and unpaid labor of the former missions. It is clear that the exploitation of rubber produced significant changes in the indigenous communities of Mojos but, as Van Valen emphasizes, " it is equally true that the Indians were not helpless victims " (103–4), because under the control of the Indian elite, the cabildo continued to operate as a guardian of cultural continuity. However, it should be noted that these elites consolidated their power by marriage alliances with whit white authorities and neighbors in Santa Cruz, while worsening the situation of the mass of indigenous people. After 1880, rubber exploitation showed its more negative effects: the pressure from the carayanas to recruit labor for rubber extraction (enganches) and the open breach between commoners and the cabildo elites, who had moved closer to the interests of the white population. These circumstances caused the emigration of the Mojos of the village of Trinidad to San Lorenzo, where they reconstituted the cabildo and organized a resistance movement (1886–87), in which indigenous traditions mixed with elements of colonial Catholic culture. This movement, which was harshly repressed by the white authorities, is analyzed through valuable sources, including the writings of carayanas authorities and the travel stories of three Jesuit missionaries. The author covers in depth the millenarian movement and the emergence of the ventriloquist messiah Andrés Guayocho. This phenomenon deepens our understanding of indigenous responses to colonial rule and later national states: a phenomenon also observed in the twentieth century, in other spaces and with other actors, as part of the native reaction against capitalist exploitation. The Mojos millenarian movement has remarkable similarities with the cult of the " talking cross " (Cruz Parlante) in the so-called " caste war " in Yucatán (Mexico), where Mayan communities were affected by the expansion of sugar plantations into the eastern zone of that peninsula. Moreover, in Bolivia there were other important millenarian movements, including the one that arose among the chiriguanos of the Andean foothills in 1890, a case studied by Thièrry Saignes. Van Valen's book also includes an analysis of another Mojo leader, Santos Noco, who led the return to San Lorenzo, which had been abandoned after the 1887 repression. This cacique enjoyed community consensus because, through their actions, they managed to respect the indigenous land, which allowed for the continuation of traditional cultural practices. At the same time, Noco used " weapons " provided by the liberal discourse of citizenship for the benefit of community interests. After the experience of Guayochería and Noco's leadership in San Lorenzo, in the 1888–1930 period the Mojos experienced great changes. Through the study of two villages, San Ignacio and Trinidad, Van Valen exposes the causes that hindered the deployment of indigenous agency: the consolidation of large estates and the loss of land to the advance of haciendas and sugar planting, along with the growth o f the white population. In this context, the Mojos tried to keep alive practices inherited from the missionary era, such as the cabildo, religious beliefs, and ceremonies. The ability to adapt their cultural habits to new circumstances is reflected perfectly in the machetero dancing that occurs on Bolivian Independence Day. Finally, I would emphasize the words with which the author concludes his acknowledgments (xi-xii), which include thanks " to the Mojos themselves. " I fully agree with the author and his reflections on the meaning of the work of ethno-historians, who spend much time in archives far distant from the subject of their research. Such scholars can at least help reconstruct part of the past for the descendants of those men and women who fought to preserve their culture and identity against external threats. In short, this is a valuable tool that can be used today, in the context of neo-liberal policies and economic globalization. The book contains plans, maps, tables, and photographs and illustrations of different aspects of Mojos life, especially during the rubber boom. There is also a glossary of local variants, Spanish terms, and toponymic-geographic names, which is a very useful aid when reading this excellent book.