Anna Roosvall
Stockholm University, Department of Media Studies (IMS), Faculty Member
- Media Studies, Media and Cultural Studies, Social Theory, Journalism, Climate Change, Identity, Nationalism and Nation-State, and 22 moreClimate Justice, Identity politics, International Journalism, Politics of Place, Globalization, Indigenous Peoples Rights, Indigenous Knowledge, Religion, Media, and Culture, Documentary Film, Indigenous Peoples, Newspapers and online journalism, Solidarity, Visual Communication, Online Journalism, Cultural Globalization, Traditional Ecological Knowledge, Nation-State, Nation, Media and Nationalism, Nancy Fraser, Martha Nussbaum, and David Harveyedit
The aim of this study is to map and scrutinize developments within Swedish cultural journalism, with a particular focus on transformations in genres, text types and thematic repertoires. Drawing on a constructed week sample from press,... more
The aim of this study is to map and scrutinize developments within Swedish cultural journalism, with a particular focus on transformations in genres, text types and thematic repertoires. Drawing on a constructed week sample from press, television and radio during four decades (1985, 1995, 2005, 2015), we address three aspects of ‘the crisis discourse’ of cultural journalism: (1) the potential decline in cultural coverage due to economic cutbacks and downsized cultural desks; (2) cultural journalism’s perceived ‘quality crisis’ connected to transformations of thematic repertoires; and (3) the alleged decline of cultural expertise related to changes in cultural journalism’s generic structures. The study makes a unique contribution to cultural journalism scholarship by identifying media-specific differences and complementary relationships between media forms, building on media ecology and genre theory. In contrast to the crisis discourse, results show that cultural journalism has expanded significantly through popularization and thematic and generic diversification, but the transformations are different in press, radio and television due to differing role positions in the larger media ecosystem. In addition, some parts of the cultural journalism media ecology appear to be endangered.
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ABSTRACT
This article discusses meanings of people–place relationships, relating to ethnicity–class–gender intersections. The case examined concerns the ‘contested place-making’ of Irish Travellers at Dale Farm (UK), where the Travellers were... more
This article discusses meanings of people–place relationships, relating to ethnicity–class–gender intersections. The case examined concerns the ‘contested place-making’ of Irish Travellers at Dale Farm (UK), where the Travellers were eventually evicted from a place they owned. The material consists mainly of online slideshows in the Guardian. Visuals and place share the role of concretizing news, situating them and underlining their truth claims. Hence, news visuals are well suited for discussions of relationships between places and peoples. The study comprises theories of media, place and identity, relating to mobility, minorities and globalization. Methodologically, compositional analysis, discourse-theoretical method and an intersectional approach are combined. The place conflict is rarely understood in terms of justice. Instead, ethnicity–class–gender intersections appear as significant in the imagery, countering certain old stereotypes, but also connecting to discourses of ‘threatening minorities’, and ‘bad mobility’. Manifested through excessive imagery of barricades/fences/walls/gates, ‘identity management’ meets ‘place management’, detaching some identities from some places. The Travellers thus appear as anomalies, separated from others. This is partly connected to the slideshow format, where linguistic elaboration on motifs is very limited, partly to the selection of certain themes and motifs in the slideshows, and partly to the societal politics surrounding the issue.
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Justice is a significant undercurrent in journalism and in international politics on climate change. Yet it is too seldom explicitly discussed or problematized in these contexts. This largely theoretical and explorative chapter heeds the... more
Justice is a significant undercurrent in journalism and in international politics on climate change. Yet it is too seldom explicitly discussed or problematized in these contexts. This largely theoretical and explorative chapter heeds the re-thinking of justice, responsibility and solidarity in a globalizing world, as expressed in political philosophy as well as in media studies. The international politics of climate change are most pertinently discussed and evaluated in editorials, which provide the research material for this chapter. In qualitatively examined example editorials from high-income countries, the discourse calls for global action while concurrently applying diverse versions of domestication. The editorials use strong obligation modality language (something “must” be done), refer to responsibility and justice, but do not specify the injustice or what should be done to amend it. The discourse does not (yet) reassess economic privilege or the dynamics of political representation. It is a solidaritarian discourse, but only vaguely so due to lack of specifications.
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Rättvisa brukar definieras som rätten att delta på samma villkor som alla andra (Fraser, 2008). Deltagande är samtidigt centralt i diskussioner om journalistik och särskilt digital journalistik. Men att rättvisa krävs för att alla ska... more
Rättvisa brukar definieras som rätten att delta på samma villkor som alla
andra (Fraser, 2008). Deltagande är samtidigt centralt i diskussioner
om journalistik och särskilt digital journalistik. Men att rättvisa krävs
för att alla ska kunna delta på lika villkor lyfts sällan fram. Det krävs
ett rättvist samhälle för att rättigheter ska kunna utnyttjas. Därmed
krävs inom journalistiken en medvetenhet om rättvisedimensioner
och rättvisekonflikter samt dessas starka koppling till rättigheter.
I detta kapitel belyser jag hur ökad medvetenhet om relationer
mellan journalistik, rättvisa och rättigheter kan bidra till ett mer
hållbart demokratiskt samhälle, inte minst i en globaliserande tid.
Medborgares deltagande diskuteras i anslutning till detta utifrån en
uppdelning i: direkt deltagande, där medborgare kan göra sig hörda
utan journalistisk inramning (utanför journalisters artiklar/inslag)
och indirekt deltagande, genom representation av medborgare i journalistiska texter. Detta illustreras med exempel från två områden:
(diskussioner om) kommentarsfält på nyhetssajter samt rapportering
om minoriteter. I det senare fallet diskuteras hur ursprungsfolk och
klimaträttvisa, respektive romer skildras i pressen. Dessa empiriska
delar anknyter på olika sätt till centrala ämnen för en rättvis mediepolitik,
nämligen: minoriteters villkor och möjligheter, diskriminering,
mångfald, inomnationella såväl som transnationella dimensioner,
samt hur medborgare återges av och överlag har möjlighet att delta
i medier (se även Hulténs kapitel kring mångfald i journalistiken).
I det följande skisseras en bakgrund gällande lagar, konventioner
och deklarationer om diskriminering, mänskliga rättigheter, yttrandefrihet
och mångfald. Denna lägger grunden för den efterföljande
genomgången av teorier om och tidigare studier av rättvisa och ansvar
respektive rättigheter och demokrati, i relation till globalisering och
digitalisering. I avsnittet om rättigheter och demokrati anknyts kort
forskning kring kulturjournalistik i press och public service-medier
och särskilt pressdebattens betydelse för demokratin. De huvudsakliga
empiriska exemplen ges dock i två påföljande avsnitt vilka
söker svara på i vilken mån medborgare ur olika grupper kan delta i
medierna genom 1) att delta direkt i diskussioner på diskussionsforum,
såsom kommentarsfält i online-medier genom tillgång till a) tekniska
förutsättningar, samt b) sociala förutsättningar som demokratiska
säkra samtalsmiljöer och 2) att delta indirekt genom att få sina perspektiv erkända och röster hörda i berättelser om gruppen
(exemplifierat med forskning om ursprungsfolk och romer). Kapitlet
avslutas med en sammanställning av slutsatser och implikationer för
mediepolitiken, utifrån de perspektiv som här belyser ämnesområdet.
andra (Fraser, 2008). Deltagande är samtidigt centralt i diskussioner
om journalistik och särskilt digital journalistik. Men att rättvisa krävs
för att alla ska kunna delta på lika villkor lyfts sällan fram. Det krävs
ett rättvist samhälle för att rättigheter ska kunna utnyttjas. Därmed
krävs inom journalistiken en medvetenhet om rättvisedimensioner
och rättvisekonflikter samt dessas starka koppling till rättigheter.
I detta kapitel belyser jag hur ökad medvetenhet om relationer
mellan journalistik, rättvisa och rättigheter kan bidra till ett mer
hållbart demokratiskt samhälle, inte minst i en globaliserande tid.
Medborgares deltagande diskuteras i anslutning till detta utifrån en
uppdelning i: direkt deltagande, där medborgare kan göra sig hörda
utan journalistisk inramning (utanför journalisters artiklar/inslag)
och indirekt deltagande, genom representation av medborgare i journalistiska texter. Detta illustreras med exempel från två områden:
(diskussioner om) kommentarsfält på nyhetssajter samt rapportering
om minoriteter. I det senare fallet diskuteras hur ursprungsfolk och
klimaträttvisa, respektive romer skildras i pressen. Dessa empiriska
delar anknyter på olika sätt till centrala ämnen för en rättvis mediepolitik,
nämligen: minoriteters villkor och möjligheter, diskriminering,
mångfald, inomnationella såväl som transnationella dimensioner,
samt hur medborgare återges av och överlag har möjlighet att delta
i medier (se även Hulténs kapitel kring mångfald i journalistiken).
I det följande skisseras en bakgrund gällande lagar, konventioner
och deklarationer om diskriminering, mänskliga rättigheter, yttrandefrihet
och mångfald. Denna lägger grunden för den efterföljande
genomgången av teorier om och tidigare studier av rättvisa och ansvar
respektive rättigheter och demokrati, i relation till globalisering och
digitalisering. I avsnittet om rättigheter och demokrati anknyts kort
forskning kring kulturjournalistik i press och public service-medier
och särskilt pressdebattens betydelse för demokratin. De huvudsakliga
empiriska exemplen ges dock i två påföljande avsnitt vilka
söker svara på i vilken mån medborgare ur olika grupper kan delta i
medierna genom 1) att delta direkt i diskussioner på diskussionsforum,
såsom kommentarsfält i online-medier genom tillgång till a) tekniska
förutsättningar, samt b) sociala förutsättningar som demokratiska
säkra samtalsmiljöer och 2) att delta indirekt genom att få sina perspektiv erkända och röster hörda i berättelser om gruppen
(exemplifierat med forskning om ursprungsfolk och romer). Kapitlet
avslutas med en sammanställning av slutsatser och implikationer för
mediepolitiken, utifrån de perspektiv som här belyser ämnesområdet.
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Mass media and nationalism have been intertwined for as long as they have existed. In Europe the introduction of the printing press, together with increased use of folk languages, became essential for the emergence of mass media and... more
Mass media and nationalism have been intertwined for as long as they have existed. In Europe the introduction of the printing press, together with increased use of folk languages, became essential for the emergence of mass media and nationalism alike. Media development has subsequently repeatedly coincided with nationalistic tendencies, as when the peak of imperialism intersected with the emergence of the telegraph and of photography. Media and nationalism are perhaps most obviously entangled in times of war and conflict, when both regulation and language use may become more nationalistic. Moreover, the gendered nature of mediated nationalism tends to stand out most clearly in wartime too. Media and nationalism can furthermore be understood in terms of “hot” versus “banal” forms, spatial categorization, media ownership and laws, postcolonialism, consumerism, and methodological nationalism in journalistic methodology. Previous dichotomization of nationalism and globalization in research has recently been countered through terms such as “hybridity” and “trans-locality.”
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Medierapportering spelar roll. Det har sällan varit så tydligt som när DN den 8 maj 2015 skriver på första- sidan: ”Polischefen ber romer om ursäkt. Eliasson lovar bättring efter DN:s avslöjande”. Rubriken refererar till DN:s egen... more
Medierapportering spelar roll. Det har sällan varit så tydligt som när DN den 8 maj 2015 skriver på första- sidan: ”Polischefen ber romer om ursäkt. Eliasson lovar bättring efter DN:s avslöjande”. Rubriken refererar till DN:s egen reportageserie om det så kallade rom-registret i september 2013, ett polisregister där romer och resande registrerades oavsett om de begått brott eller inte. Barn såväl som avlidna var medräknade. Rubriken från 2015 visar att DN:s avslöjande fått en tydlig effekt. Polischefens ursäkt får också sin så viktiga offentliga karaktär just genom att den rapporteras i medierna. På detta sätt kommer ursäkten till allmän kännedom.
På samma sätt har all annan medierapportering om romer betydelse för kunskap om och förståelse av romers situation. Den offentliga diskussionen om romer har varit särskilt påtaglig det senaste decenniet. De- battens vågor har gått höga inte bara kring romregistret, utan också kring främst rumänska romer som tigger och sover på gator och i tältläger i Sverige. Rapporteringen om romer berör rörligheten av arbetskraft inom EU-området, frågor om social och ekonomisk utslagning samt debatt om nationalism, ”främlingsfientlighet” och ren rasism. I en ny norsk surveystudie och forskningsrapport om tillresande fattiga från Rumänien i Oslo, Köpenhamn och Stock- holm pekas det på att migranterna – både romer och andra – i huvudsak kommer från grupper och lokal- samhällen som har upplevt ökande grad av social marginalisering och fattigdom i hemlandet (Djuve, Friberg, Tyldum & Zhang, 2015).
I vår studie undersöker vi medierapportering kring romer under de senaste 20 åren, från och med Sveriges EU-inträde 1995 till och med 2014 då rapporteringen om ”romer”, ”zigenare”, ”EU-migranter”, ”tiggare” och allt vad denna grupp kallas, med tiden blir mycket intensiv. När en grupp får många namn på detta sätt är det inte så säkert att det är ett ”kärt barn”; lingvisten Roger Fowler (1991) kallar det istället ”överlexikalisering”, ett fenomen som inträffar då något är omstritt och/eller definierat som onormalt.
Vi studerar artiklar från Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter, de två mest lästa tidningarna ur de gamla kategorierna kvällstidning respektive morgontidning. På detta sätt kommer vi åt både de artiklar som når ut allra bredast via Aftonbladet, och de som publiceras i det organ som brukar betraktas som allra mest avgörande för opinionsbildning i Sverige: DN.
På samma sätt har all annan medierapportering om romer betydelse för kunskap om och förståelse av romers situation. Den offentliga diskussionen om romer har varit särskilt påtaglig det senaste decenniet. De- battens vågor har gått höga inte bara kring romregistret, utan också kring främst rumänska romer som tigger och sover på gator och i tältläger i Sverige. Rapporteringen om romer berör rörligheten av arbetskraft inom EU-området, frågor om social och ekonomisk utslagning samt debatt om nationalism, ”främlingsfientlighet” och ren rasism. I en ny norsk surveystudie och forskningsrapport om tillresande fattiga från Rumänien i Oslo, Köpenhamn och Stock- holm pekas det på att migranterna – både romer och andra – i huvudsak kommer från grupper och lokal- samhällen som har upplevt ökande grad av social marginalisering och fattigdom i hemlandet (Djuve, Friberg, Tyldum & Zhang, 2015).
I vår studie undersöker vi medierapportering kring romer under de senaste 20 åren, från och med Sveriges EU-inträde 1995 till och med 2014 då rapporteringen om ”romer”, ”zigenare”, ”EU-migranter”, ”tiggare” och allt vad denna grupp kallas, med tiden blir mycket intensiv. När en grupp får många namn på detta sätt är det inte så säkert att det är ett ”kärt barn”; lingvisten Roger Fowler (1991) kallar det istället ”överlexikalisering”, ett fenomen som inträffar då något är omstritt och/eller definierat som onormalt.
Vi studerar artiklar från Aftonbladet och Dagens Nyheter, de två mest lästa tidningarna ur de gamla kategorierna kvällstidning respektive morgontidning. På detta sätt kommer vi åt både de artiklar som når ut allra bredast via Aftonbladet, och de som publiceras i det organ som brukar betraktas som allra mest avgörande för opinionsbildning i Sverige: DN.
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Lately, possibilities of producing and spreading news pictures have increased explosively through online media. Concurrently, religion has become increasingly salient in politics and news. Both processes are connected to globalization.... more
Lately, possibilities of producing and spreading news pictures have increased explosively through online media. Concurrently, religion has become increasingly salient in politics and news. Both processes are connected to globalization. This study encompasses globalization, religion and online images and aims to convey how online world news slideshows represent religion, and more particularly how linguistic and visual parts of picture paragraphs are interrelated, as well as related to representations of different religions. Methodologically multimodal analysis and discourse analysis are combined, focusing on composition of images and (dis-)connection of images and texts. Theories on globalization and possibilities and particularities of online news (pictures) and slideshows, frame the analysis. Tendencies to templates for different religions are found. Many religions appear as aesthetic commodities in images, whereas Islam in texts “sells” images of violence/destruction. Image–text relations are thus crucial both in the creation of meaning and of commodities in online news image culture. Two main image–text types are identified: “Religion in text, (potential) violence/destruction/despair in picture” (Islam) and “Spirituality/worshipping/aestheticism” (other religions). The world news slideshows have crucial roles as containers for these polarized image–text types, where they are related to and defined by each other in the genre's (cl)aim to cover the whole world.
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This article aims to explore dialogic and solidaritarian modes of communication in relation to democracy that builds on communicational exchange in and with the media, and particularly in relation to online news communication. Departing... more
This article aims to explore dialogic and solidaritarian modes of communication in relation to democracy that builds on communicational exchange in and with the media, and particularly in relation to online news communication. Departing from the fraud dialogue concept, it defines and exemplifies solidaritarian modes of communication, which are argued to better meet the challenges of democracy and online journalism. This theoretical discussion draws on examples from a debate on the reconstruction of the comments sections in Swedish online newspapers. The debate concerned hate speech, freedom of speech/censorship, anonymity/openness, and moderation/registration policies. I argue that solidaritarian modes of communication include and exceed dialogue through their attitude (discursive mode of address) and practice (discursive or non-discursive mode of action) of reciprocal exchange, empathy, responsibility and restitution. A particular underlining of responsibility as journalistic/editorial/publicist indicates the importance of the communicative setting, online journalism, where ‘journalism’ turns out to be more crucial than ‘online’.
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This chapter is about the journalistic genre termed foreign news and examines the development of the genre during a period that spans from the last years of the Cold War in the 1980s to the years after the new millenium after September... more
This chapter is about the journalistic genre termed foreign news and examines the development of the genre during a period that spans from the last years of the Cold War in the 1980s to the years after the new millenium after September 11, 2001. Articles from the Swedish press published in 1987, 1995 and 2002 are analyzed in relation to notions of globalization. I argue that throughout the time period surveyed, which coincides with the period when the concept of globalization entered academic as well as public discussion to become a generic paradigm, foreign news remained largely un-affected by de-nationalizing tendencies and moreover increased its use of exoticizing perspectives. This development in foreign news contradicts theories of globalization that stress de-nationalization and de-exoticization. In fact, in an age of alleged globalization, foreign news is still steered by the "will to nationhood", as Homi Bhabha terms it, and acts as a flagship of the nation.
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This article aims to fill the media representation gap in identity politics research by exploring connections to different identity politics models in representations of people in world news and relating them to discourses on humanity and... more
This article aims to fill the media representation gap in identity politics research by exploring connections to different identity politics models in representations of people in world news and relating them to discourses on humanity and notions of globalization respectively. News picture slideshows from Swedish, UK and US web newspapers are studied with an analytics-of-mediation approach. Slideshows of May Day are the focus alongside everyday slideshows. Intersections of identity politics models and discourses on humanity/notions of globalization are in the end sketched in a schematic model. The analysis shows that the reifying identity model dominates, and appears as a shortcut to media attention. It also discloses various possibilities of employing universalism and a focus on people’s status. The key role of images in mediated identity politics is highlighted and it is argued that media studies is imperative for identity politics research, and vice versa.
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This chapter discusses rationality/irrationality and how it relates to a set of either/or (rather than both/and) conceptualizations: the idea of a transition rather than transformations of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe after... more
This chapter discusses rationality/irrationality and how it relates to a set of either/or (rather than both/and) conceptualizations: the idea of a transition rather than transformations of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe after 1989/1991 into something essentially different; the idea that Islam has replaced (Soviet) Communism as arch-enemy of the West; the idea of a clash of civilizations between the West and Muslim countries; the idea that religion and politics are separate entities that should not be mixed (like in political Islam). The aim is to explore Swedish media representations of Middle Eastern Islam and (post-)Communism and how they are related to the West over time. Foreign news articles from Swedish newspapers from the last years of the Cold war, via the post-cold-war period of the 1990s, to the post-September 11 period of the new millennium are analysed. In Middle East storylines, religion is recognized as political, while in (post)Communist storylines, politics appears as connected to religious behaviour. Concurrently, both Middle Eastern and (post)Communist countries are represented as connected to pretence, and represented as threats at all examined points in time – the former through an immediate religio-political threat, the latter through a less obvious threat connected to delusion, which might appear as more dangerous due to unpredictability. The continuity of both threats is, however, the factor that stands out the most. Thus there is no either Islam/Middle East or (post)Communism as enemy of the West discourse, but there is a persistent either Islamic/(post)Communist irrationality or Western rationality discourse.
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"The nation is one of the most resilient concepts in our understanding of the world and its societies. Politics, sports and cultural events, in news as well as in fiction, are largely structured by the national logic. Internationalism –... more
"The nation is one of the most resilient concepts in our understanding of the world and its societies. Politics, sports and cultural events, in news as well as in fiction, are largely structured by the national logic. Internationalism – be it in representation, production or consumption – does not challenge the privileged position of the nation. Globalising processes do offer an alternative to the primacy of the nation, but have so far been unable to overcome its dominance. The nation’s resilience is, in part, due to its continuing relevance: ontologically, it offers a sense of territorial stability and security while epistemologically it can supply a sense of familiarity and order in the global landscape.
This volume provides cutting edge analysis of old and new architectures of the nation and its mediated presence in everyday life. In an age of alleged globalisation, nations and nation-states have been claimed to be out-dated. However, the proclamation of the end of the nation (-state) has been premature. Eschewing fashionable obituaries for media, geography and the nation, leading media scholars explore the complex ideological and spatial changes in contemporary understandings of the nation. The nation can be seen as a nodal point of media discourse. Hence the power, the politics and the poetics of the nation will be the subject of this book. "
This volume provides cutting edge analysis of old and new architectures of the nation and its mediated presence in everyday life. In an age of alleged globalisation, nations and nation-states have been claimed to be out-dated. However, the proclamation of the end of the nation (-state) has been premature. Eschewing fashionable obituaries for media, geography and the nation, leading media scholars explore the complex ideological and spatial changes in contemporary understandings of the nation. The nation can be seen as a nodal point of media discourse. Hence the power, the politics and the poetics of the nation will be the subject of this book. "
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This chapter is a study of Swedish media reporting about COP15, the UN climate summit in Copenhagen 2009. It is contained in a book with studies of media reporting on the same issue from 17 other countries around the world. The study... more
This chapter is a study of Swedish media reporting about COP15, the UN climate summit in Copenhagen 2009. It is contained in a book with studies of media reporting on the same issue from 17 other countries around the world. The study comprises both quantitative and qualitative parts, including employment of genres, representations of actors, and employment of news frames. The main frames in the Swedish reporting are the Political Game Frame and the Issue Frame. The Political Game Frame is most salient in the examined elite morning paper, which incidentally had more reporters on location in Copenhagen, whereas the Issue Frame is most salient in the examined tabloid, which had a series of reports focusing on conditions for indigenous peoples, and small nations, in different parts of the world. The latter reports include understandings of climate change as a global phenomenon, and connect the fight against it to the spirituality of nature. Conversely, in the Political Game Frame (actors from) different nations are grouped into categories of competing camps, and those who are to blame are named: mainly China and the USA. An important subframe that also connects to a conflict paradigm is the Safety/Policing Frame. The seldom employed Global Action Frame adds another nuance, but generally stays within the conflict paradigm, because of the depicted conflict between this approach and the regular politics of the summit. Main findings include the observation that climate change frequently appears as separated from other subjects. It is for instance not discussed in the car supplements, and often appears in supplements of its own. The latter, of course indicates that it is simultaneously seen as an important subject. Domestication and glocalization are two competing tendencies in the material. Glocalization is most often connected to the Issue Frame and domestication to the Political Game Frame, which dominates the material. It is in the domestication parts that we find the few depicted heroes of the summit, thus domestication is also self celebratory.
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This article sets out to explore charity and solidarity approaches in three cosmographic genres: aid galas, foreign news, and documentaries about foreign nations. I argue that their nation-based ratio together with the panoptic character,... more
This article sets out to explore charity and solidarity approaches in three cosmographic genres: aid galas, foreign news, and documentaries about foreign nations. I argue that their nation-based ratio together with the panoptic character, that allows the home nation a privileged invisibility as the rest of the world is being written, constitute predominantly charity approaches. Solidarity approaches towards global, inter- and intra-national divides do however appear when dialogic modes of writing (verbally and visually) are used. They also concur with political rather than culturalistic understandings of these divides, therefore oppose naturalization of differences and open up for possibilities of change. In the end I discuss possible ways of analyzing solidarity in relation to power in media studies, as well as ways of constituting solidaritarian media texts. A key feature in this project is the breakup of the opposition of genres that discuss the domestic respectively the foreign.
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Media and Transnational Climate Justice captures the intriguing nexus of globalization, crisis, justice, activism and news communication, at a time when radical measures are increasingly demanded to address one of the most pressing global... more
Media and Transnational Climate Justice captures the intriguing nexus of globalization, crisis, justice, activism and news communication, at a time when radical measures are increasingly demanded to address one of the most pressing global issues: climate change. Anna Roosvall and Matthew Tegelberg take a unique approach to climate justice by focusing on transnational rather than international aspects, thereby contributing to the development of theories of justice for a global age, as well as in relation to media studies. The book specifically explores the roles, situations and activism of indigenous peoples who do not have full representation at UN climate summits despite being among those most exposed to injustices pertaining to climate change, as well as to injustices relating to politics and media coverage. This book thus scrutinizes political and ideological dimensions of the global phenomenon of climate change through interviews and observations with indigenous activists at UN climate summits, in combination with extensive empirical research conducted on legacy and social media coverage of climate change and indigenous peoples. The authors conclude by discussing transnational solidarity and suggest a solidarian mode of communication as a response to both the global crisis of climate change and the broader issues of injustice faced by indigenous peoples regarding redistribution, recognition and political representation.