Andrzej Szabaciuk

The purpose of the study is to analyse the conditions, scale, significance and future development of forced migration in Eastern Europe after 2020 as well as the characteristics of the phenomenon and its significance from the perspective of the Central-Eastern Europe region and in supra-regional terms. The key conditions, geography, scale and future development of the phenomenon analysed in the course of the research are discussed. The migrations forced by the persecution of the Belarusian opposition by
the Lukashenko regime and the migrations related to the transfer of people from the Middle East and Africa through the Polish-Belarusian, Belarusian-Lithuanian and Belarusian-Latvian borders are shown. The forced migration from Russia after the aggression against Ukraine and the so-called “partial” mobilization as well as the migrations within and
out of Ukraine caused by the Russian aggression are characterized.

Present-day Belarusian society does not support the war and strongly opposes the involvement of the Belarusian army in hostilities. The war has now been recognized as a threat by Belarusians, which was not the case before. Anti-war sentiment within society is robust, but the Lukashenka regime is managing to maintain control through its repressive machinery and by imposing prison terms on those who show solidarity with Ukraine. Lukashenka’s primary goal is survival, both personally and politically. He may resort to extreme measures, such as sending troops to fight against Ukraine or taking actions that distance him from Kremlin support. His choices will depend on his perception of the risks to his survival. This increases the chances that the regime may agree to some demands (e.g., releasing political prisoners, engaging in a roundtable with the opposition) when faced with critical situations, such as intolerable pressure from the Kremlin.

Po przejęciu władzy przez bolszewików w Rosji wśród wspólnot wierzących narastał niepokój o ich przyszły los. Obawy łączyły się z antyreligijnym programem społecznym rosyjskich komunistów nawiązujących do koncepcji Karola Marksa. Marks w swoich publikacjach określał religię jako siłę hamującą postęp cywilizacyjny, utrudniającą klasom wyzyskiwanym uwolnienie się od zależności od „kapitalistów" i „obszarników". Religia w jego koncepcjach była „opium dla ludu", silnym
narkotykiem utrudniającym rozeznanie się w otaczającym świecie.

Masowe protesty po sfałszowanych wyborach prezydenckich na Białorusi diametralnie zmieniły sytuację wewnętrzną i międzynarodową państwa. Dramatyczne wydarzenia towarzyszące protestom pokazały, z jednej strony, determinację dużej części społeczeństwa białoruskiego, oczekującego zmian i zmęczonego stagnacją polityczną i gospodarczą, z drugiej – zdecydowanie aparatu państwa. Reżim Łukaszenki
niejednokrotnie decydował się na desperackie kroki, aby zachować władzę. Część tych decyzji szkodzi wprost interesom narodowym Białorusi, a w perspektywie długookresowej zagraża także suwerenności
państwa.

The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigr...

Zbiór jest unikalnym świadectwem zabiegów władz międzywojennej Polski o istnienie Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego i mniejszości polskiej na obszarach, które po upadku caratu znalazły się pod władzą bolszewików. Sto sześć unikatowych dokumentów przybliża realia życia codziennego wspólnot Kościoła rzymskokatolickiego pod władzą sowiecką, sytuację prześladowanych duchownych oraz politykę władz komunistycznych wobec katolików i mniejszości polskiej, ale także wyznawców prawosławia czy wspólnot żydowskich. Jednostkowe przykłady oraz syntetyczne raporty, podparte danymi statystycznymi, pomogą nam lepiej zrozumieć sytuację wyznaniową za wschodnią granicą Rzeczypospolitej w okresie międzywojennym.

This article attempts to analyse the situation in Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression and increasing pressure from the Kremlin towards Eastern European states. The armed confl ict taking place in Ukraine means that the geostrategic situation of Eastern Europe has changed. In this context, the Eastern Partnership, which was meant to be one of the key instruments shaping international relations with the states neighbouring the EU in the East, is quite often seen as an ineffective or even obsolete tool. There can be no doubt that the greatest problem for the Eastern Partnership is that the project is seen in geopolitical categories-thinking of the countries of the Eastern Partnership in the context of the necessity for them to choose between the European Union and Russia (listening to statements by the EU's political decision-makers, it can often seem that those states have no other option). The key research question is whether we will be dealing with an assertive EU policy in tandem with current US policy, or whether there will be another reset in relations between the West and the Russian Federation.

Celem pracy jest analiza sytuacji demograficznej Ukrainy z perspektywy 30 lat niezależności państwa oraz przybliżenie kluczowych determinantów, które miały lub mogą mieć istotny wpływ na charakter i kształt procesów ludnościowych w państwie, w tym ukazanie przyczyn pogłębiającej się zapaści demograficznej. Problem wyludnienia Ukrainy jest obecnie jednym z kluczowych wyzwań w polityce wewnętrznej państwa. Bez zahamowania depopulacji niemożliwa będzie realizacja ambitnych założeń reform politycznych i gospodarczych, których celem jest przybliżenie Ukrainy do struktur zachodnich. W toku naszych dociekań zastanowimy się nad krótko- i długookresowymi skutkami procesów ludnościowych oraz potencjalnymi ich konsekwencjami zarówno dla Ukrainy

This essay evaluates the standpoint that the Roman Catholic Church has adopted regarding the European migrant crisis. Some countries feel a severe outflow of people due to mass labor migration; others must deal with the challenges as transit states, and others - enormous challenges generated by the influx of economic immigrants and refugees. The most popular theories of migration and public policies very often ignore the ethical component of migration. One of the entities that constantly emphasizes the humanitarian aspect of migration is the Holy See. Popes, beginning with Leo XIII, have repeatedly raised the issue of rights to a dignified life and decent work, and if it is necessary also to migrate in search of a safe shelter and a better life. Pope Francis, like his predecessors, referring to the problem of migration, puts people first. He emphasizes that all migration streams consist of individuals who deserve respect and care because we see in them the face of God. This paper concludes that the Church remains the significant international body impartial amidst the growing European schism on the migrant issue.

Kto bardziej rusyfikował ludność na wschodnich Kresach Królestwa Polskiego w drugiej poł. XIX w. Duchowieństwo prawosławne czy administracja? Ten artykuł jest próbą przytoczenia dyskusji między tymi dwiema strukturami na ten temat.
Who more Russified the population in the eastern borderlands of the Kingdom of Poland in the second half 19th century. Orthodox Clergy or administration? This article is an attempt to show the discussion between these two structures on this topic.

Abstract: The aim of the article is to analyze the image of economic emigration from Ukraine to Poland created by pro-Kremlin media after 2014. It shows how Russian propaganda changed during the 20th century, what function it had from the tsarist period, through the years of the Soviet Union, to contemporary times. Its significance in the period after the decomposition of the union state was presented, and in particular the changes that it underwent since Vladimir Putin’s first presidency. There were shown ideological changes, which more or less influenced the public discourse, and thus also the media coverage. The functions of the Russian propaganda after the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and the way of presenting mass labour migration from Ukraine to Poland are presented, both in the context of creating a specific narrative about the current internal and foreign situation of Ukraine after the Dignity Revolution, as well as against the background of Polish-Ukrainian relations and migration processes taking place in Poland. It was shown which aspects of mass migration were most often presented by pro-Kremlin information platforms, in which context and how a specific propaganda discourse was constructed. An important element is the analysis of changes observed in the message of the state-controlled Russian media concerning the mass migration of Ukrainians to Poland and the analysis of the origins, scale, significance
and consequences of this migration. More extensive research leads
to the conclusion that the media controlled by the Kremlin authorities can skilfully construct the message by adapting it to the addressee. In Polish language information services, the information addressed to the recipient is much more detailed and prepared in such a way as to build an aversion between the host society and Ukrainian economic immigrants. While preparing the article, we used the analysis of data found with elements of a comparative analysis.
Keywords: emigration from Ukraine to Poland, Poland, Ukraine, Russian propaganda

The aim of the article is to present the position of the Russian Federation towards the migration crisis in Europe in the context of the Krem­ lin's foreign policy. In order to discredit the European Union and the United States, Russia uses a multidimensional p propaganda machine, popularizing an alternative vision of international relations and painting in a dark colors situation in the countries of Western Europe. The goal of Vladimir Putin and his entourage is, first of all, to push through the abolition of sanctions im­ posed on Russia and normalize relations with the West. The long-term goal should be the reformatting of the global system of international relations and the return of Russia to the world's leading world

Проблема религиозной принадлежности бывших униатов Царства Польского, во время исполнения военной службы в царской армии в 1875-1915 гг. А. Шабачук Люблин, Польская Республика Ликвидация греко-католической церкви в Царстве Польском была длительным процессом. В хорошо подготовленном плане «воссоеди­ нения униатов» существовал существенный недочет. Как это обычно бывает при реализации масштабных задач, человеческий фактор часто оказывается неучтенным. Местное духовенство лишь в малой степени поддержало новую религиозную политику царской власти, проводимую после январского восстания 1863-1864 гг., а пришедшее из Галичины и внутренних губерний империи не всегда быстро привыкало к новым реалиям работы в Царстве Польском. Результатом такого положения было пассивное, а иногда и активное сопротивление униатского населе­ ния против сближения обряда «их отцов» с православием. Желая решить эту затруднительную проблему, власть была вынуждена использовать ряд мер, сокрушающих сопротивление униатов. После 1875 г., от мо­ мента «добровольного воссоединения с православием», это давление еще более усилилось. Одним из факторов, которые в понимании православного духовен­ ства и российской администрации могли позитивно повлиять на положе­ ние униатов и таким образом помочь их сближению с российской культу­ рой, должна была стать военная служба. С помощью контактов с людьми из разных частей империи, повседневного соприкосновения с русским языком и общего проживания с солдатами из внутренних губерний Рос­ сийской империи, они имели возможность познавать русскую культу­ ру, обычаи и быт «древлеправославнош» населения. Не меньшую роль должны были иметь и общие богослужения в православных храмах. Значительный процент униатского населения, особенно выходцев из Южного Подляшья, попал под влияние полонизации. Кроме этого, в его среде очень популярной была римско-католическая церковь. Решая споры, касающиеся римо-католиков, Министерство Внутренних Дел и Святейший Синод выдали определение, что все переходы с униатско­ го на римско-католический обряд, которые имели место после 1836 года, указа о смешанных браках, являются незаконными и таковые лица сле­ дует считать православными. Подобная ситуация была и с детьми из та­ 49

The aim of the article is to familiarize the problem of forced migration in the post-Soviet area in the context of socio-political processes taking place there. It is crucial to highlight the causes, nature, effects and scale of mass forced migration caused by armed conflicts, persecution of certain national, ethnic, religious groups, and by discrimination. The inability to regulate these conflicts brings the risk of further destabilization of the region, which will make difficult to provide effective assistance to the victims of military convicts in the region, which may have a significant impact on the security not only of the post-Soviet area, but also of neighbouring regions, including Central Europe and generally the entire European Union.

The aim o f this chapter is to analyze a number of determinants that have had, or may have, a significant impact on the character and shape of contemporary Ukraine's population policy in the context of State security. A drastically shrinking population, forced mass-migration from areas affected by armed conflict, and, above all, a new wave of economic emigration to the European Union are key challenges that Ukrainian authorities will have to face in the near future. The adequacy and effectiveness of the actions they take will have a huge influence on state security broadly understood, which is particularly important in the context of a prolonged conflict with Russia that threatens the stability and territorial integrity of the state. Ukraine's lack of an effective population policy may, in the long run, lead to a deepening o f the crisis and further destabilize the region, which will have far-reaching consequences front the point of view of the European Union and the post-Cold War international system.

The aim of the article is to present the conditions, scalę and conseąuences of mass economic migrations from Eastern Europę to the Visegrad Group countries in the conditions of the protracted Ukrainian crisis. We will consider how the economic, political, social and cultural conditions
may shape the migration flows from Eastern Europę in the futurę and
whether Central Europę should be treated as the finał destination of migration, or only the stage on the road to Western Europę. An important
research problem will also be to find an answer to the question whether
the growing wave of labour migration from the East may also be addressed to other countries of the Three Seas Initiative, mainly to Bułgaria and Romania, and to the Baltic States, and how it can affect the situation of Central European countries and the entire European Union.

The purpose of the article is to present the position of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland regarding the problem of mass influx of refugees to Europe from Syria and other Middle East countries after the Arab Spring. The main aim is to show the influence of the dominant religion in Poland on the discourse on assistance to refugees, bring closer the Church hierarchy statements and their attitude towards teaching Pope Francis. An important issue is also whether the attitude of the clergy translates into the position of ordinary parishioners and their willingness to help those in need. The author analyses how the teaching of the Church forms and influences the current immigration policy of the Republic of Poland and how the politicians treat the position of the Church. The study explores the initiatives taken by the Catholic Church to help refugees in the Middle East.

The aim of this article is to analyse the changes in the population policy of the Russian Federation that followed the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict caused by the annexation of Crimea and the separatist conflict in the Donbas in context of the previous legal regulations in this matter. We wont to show how the demographic situation of the Russian Federation developed after the decomposition of the Soviet Union and how the federal authorities tried to solve the problem of the deepening demographic crisis. The main assumptions of the new 2007 and 2018 programs as well as the principles of migration and repatriation policy will be examined. The key problem is an attempt to answer the question are the mentioned programs are consistent with the demographic challenges of the state and whether their implementation will lead to a real improvement in the demographic situation in Russia.

Одним из новых вызовов является усиливающийся украинско-российский конфликт, который дестабилизирует общественно-политическое положение восточного региона и ведет к усугублению экономического кризиса в государствах противниках. События последних месяцев представляют серьезный вызов для Западной Европы и Соединенных Штатов Америки с одной стороны, и Российской Федерации с другой. Тревожное развитие событий и ужесточающаяся риторика дипломатов рождают опасения дальнейшей эскалации конфликта. Многие исследователи называют украинский кризис одним из наибольших вызовов для евро-атлантической политики безопасности со времен
холодной войны.
Целью данной публикации является обозначение и анализ актуального состояния знания на тему угроз безопасности и вызовов, связанных с ее поддержанием на постсоветском пространстве. Предметом анализа являются: виды угроз, уровень безопасности на постсоветском пространстве, задачи, которые стоят перед международным сообществом, перспективы решения конфликтов, угрозы и вызовы в разных аспектах функционирования международного сообщества, а также формирования среды безопасности в XXI веке на постсоветском пространстве.
Томаш Стемпневски, Анджей Шабацюк

The aim of the article is to analyse the migration situation of the European Union in the context of social-political processes observed in the immediate vicinity of the united Europe. We will briefly outline the key challenges facing the European Union in the context of the massive influx of immigrants / refugees from the South, highlighting the little-known problem of Labour migration from the post-Soviet states and attempting to assess the potential impact of this phenomenon.

The aim of the following article is to try and answer the question of how demographic and migrational determinants can influence the geopolitical situation of the Russian Federation. It is no secret that the Kremlin’s authorities have for nearly two decades endeavoured to reintegrate the post-Soviet area, fortifying Russia’s political and economic position in the region and thus attempting to throw down the gauntlet to the EU and the US, striving to modify the present system of
international relations. A multi-polar system of international relations is meant to terminate North America’s domination in global politics, restoring its imperial role to Russia. It is not just hollow rhetoric; the Russian authorities have undertaken a number of steps to enforce these plans. The war with Georgia, the Ukrainian crisis, the intervention in Syria, but also the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union, are vivid signs of activity and determination of the new Russian elites, consistently executing their neo-imperialist projects. They may, however, be thwarted by economic difficulties and demographic crisis in the Russian Federation. Wanting to secure the neo-imperial course, the Kremlin must find a solution to these two strongly intertwined problems.

The article aims at presenting the tragic, but little known, secularization of the Dominican monastery in Lublin. The starting point of the tragic events was the quenching of the January Uprising by the Russian army and the beginning of Russian repressions. This was a consequence of a radical change in the religious and national policy of the Russian authorities. More emphasis was placed on supporting the Eastern Orthodox Church and “the Russian identity” of the rural population in the Kingdom of Poland, especially the Graeco-Catholics. As a result, widespread actions were carried out against the Roman Catholic Church in the Uniate regions: monasteries were secularized, parishes were closed (mainly in southern Podlasie), finally the Podlasie diocese was liquidated. In 1875 the Graeco-Chatholic Church in the Kingdom of Poland was destroyed, resulting in forceful incorporation of 250 000 people into the Eastern Orthodox Church. Some of the former Uniates refused to come to terms with this situation and decided to boycott the Eastern Orthodox Church, seeking support in the Roman Catholic Church. Many of the unyielding Uniates from Podlasie regularly visited the Dominican monastery in Lublin, which became a pretext for its secularization and the exile of some of the monks into Russia. After the tsar Nicholas II published a tolerance decree on 17 April 1905, the Lublin bishop Franciszek Jaczewski went to Petersburg to lobby for restitution of the Dominican monastery. The Russian authorities, however, were of the opinion that this could have negative influence on the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Russian populace on the so-called “Chełm Russia”. Dominicans did not return to Lublin until the interwar period

This article aims to analyse the fundamental determinants, main subjects and instruments of the Estonian ethnic policy. We will investigate the impact of the Estonian ethnic policy and the Russian Federation’s policy on the attitudes of the Russian-speaking minority in Estonia. We will also attempt to evaluate the efficiency of the Estonian ethnic policy and consider the way it influences the relations between individual ethnic and national groups

The article aim is to answer the question to what extent demographic and migrational determinants may influence the geopolitical situation of the Russian Federation. It is no secret that the Kremlin's authorities have for nearly two decades endeavored to reintegrate the post-soviet area, fortifying Russia's political and economic position in the region and thus attempting to challenge the EU and the US in an effort to modify the present system of international relations. A multi-polar system of intemational relations is meant to terminate the North America‘s domination in global politics, restoring an imperial role to Russia. It is not just hollow rhetoric; the Russian authorities have undertaken a number of steps to realize these plans. The war with Georgia, the Ukrainian crisis, the intervention in Syria, but also the creation o f the Eurasian Economic Union, are vivid signs of activity and determination of the new Russian elites, consistently executing their neo-imperialist projects. They may, however, be thwarted by economic difficulties and demographic crisis in the Russian Federation. Wanting to secure the neo-imperial course, the Kremlin must find a solution to these two strongly intertwined problems.

Abstract: The following article aims to answer the question of the influence of Islamic fundamentalists on the process of radicalisation of the followers of Islam in the North Caucasian republics. In the context of these considerations, it will be crucial to analyse the issue of the Near-East radicals affecting the development of local Islam during the dynamic religious revival of the ‘90s, as well as in the later period. We will also try to answer the question of how substantially the Islamic fundamentalists shape the attitudes of the peoples of the North Caucasus, what amount of social support they receive, and whether they are actually able to influence the fate of conflicts in the Caucasus. Finally, we will attempt to evaluate the efficiency of methods employed by the federal authorities to tackle Islamic fundamentalism in the North Caucasian republics.

Etniczność i religia-obydwa te fenomeny społeczne mają równie długą historię. Co więcej, etniczność jest ściśle związana z religią, albowiem sta­ nowi ona (religia) prawie w każdym przypadku jądro tożsamości danej gru­ py etnicznej, względnie jej relewantny komponent. Z drugiej jednak strony, porzucając na chwilę europocentryczny punkt widzenia, w skali ogólno­ światowej, stwierdzić należy, że to religia jest znacznie ważniejszym czyn­ nikiem stymulującym tożsamość zbiorową aniżeli etniczność, która wydaje się być często w większym stopniu wytworem socjologicznej i antropolo­ gicznej narracji niż rzeczywistością samą w sobie. Poza tym bardzo często rozdzielenie etniczności i religii jest trudne w praktyce i możliwe jedynie na gruncie budowania pewnych teoretycznych modeli relacji między oby­ dwoma fenomenami. Pytanie o rolę religii w życiu społecznym i polityce międzynarodowej rodzi wiele emocji i skrajnie odmiennych opinii. Paradygmat sekularyzacyj-ny w dalszym ciągu pozostaje kluczowym podejściem badawczym w naj­ bardziej rozwiniętych państwach świata. Jednak paralelnie dostrzegamy istotne transformacje zachodzące w obrębie późnowestfalskiego systemu stosunków międzynarodowych. W ich efekcie wzrasta znaczenie procesów globalizacyjnych, postępuje reetnizacja oraz kryzys tradycyjnych ideologii i przywództwa politycznego. Zmienia się również rola religii w życiu spo­ łecznym i politycznym w wielu regionach świata-już ponad 50 państw uznało islam za religię państwową, a w niektórych miejscach do głosu do­ chodzą fundamentaliści religijni. Nieustannie rośnie także liczba konflik­ tów asymetrycznych, " odpaństwowionych " , częstokroć angażujących pod­ mioty transnarodowe. Kiedy na początku XX wieku tego typu akty prze­ mocy stanowiły ok. 20% wszystkich konfliktów-obecnie jest ich więcej niż 80%. Proces utraty przez państwo monopolu na przemoc i prowadzenie działań zbrojnych widoczny jest głównie w regionach, w których organi­ zmy państwowe nie są w stanie stawić czoła piętrzącym się problemom w polityce wewnętrznej czy zagranicznej. Obecnie bez wątpienia konflikty " odpaństwowione " nie tylko stanowią większość współczesnych konfliktów zbrojnych, ale wyznaczają pewien trend globalny. Ze Wstępu Я 7AA3AD Ы2ЧЧ5 WYDAWNICTWO KUL 1 R eligia w k o n flik t a c h e t n ic z n y c h we w spó łczesnym ś w ie c ie

The Impact of the Ukrainian Crisis on the Migration Processes
in the Post-Soviet Area
Abstract: The following article is an attempt to try and answer the question of how the Ukrainian crisis has affected migration processes in the post-Soviet region. We shall try to analyse the transformation of directions and magnitude of migration streams and to outline new assumptions of the Russian migration policy. We will also summarize Ukraine’s social situation, affected by the hybrid war in the east of the country, the occupation of Crimea and an overall difficult economic situation.
Keywords: Russian Federation, migration processes, Ukrainian crisis.

The purpose of this essay is to present the impact of the Russian - Ukrainian conflict on the situation of people living inside the area of military operations in the east of Ukraine. The key issue is to highlight the predicament of Internally Displaced Persons, the scale and geography ofthe phenomenon of forced internal migration, as well as actions taken by the Ukrainian authorities and international organisations towards resolution of the problem of IDPs. According to the latest data, in Ukrainę there are over 1,7 million people who had registered as internally displaced. However, in total over 2 million people had to abandon their homesteads. Many of the aforementioned persons live in extraordinarily harsh conditions, and since majority of those are elderly and ailing, they are highly reliant on the help of others.

This article aims to analyze the factors and significance of particular subjects and instruments of the Latvian ethnic policy. It will be examined in the context of relationships occurring between Latvia’s policy on ethnic minorities, the attitude of the Russian-speaking minority and the Russian Federation’s foreign policy on its fellow-countrymen abroad. We will also attempt to answer the question of how the Latvian ethnic policy influences horizontal interrelations between the state’s individual ethnic groups – whether it alleviates social tensions or intensifies them.

Policy of the Russian Federation towards
the Russian-Speaking Minority in Latvia
This article aims to analyse the Russian Federation’s policy towards its
foreign compatriots on the example of the Latvian Republic. It analyses
the conditions and presents the policy’s main concepts along with its executive
agents. The paper outlines the interactions between the motherland
abroad, the nationalist – oriented state and the ethnic minority. In
the fi nal chapter of the article the author ventures to evaluate the effectiveness
and adequacy of the Russian ethnic policy towards the Russianspeaking
minority in Latvia.

The following paper briefly presents the views of Alexey I. Miller, an incredibly popular in
the West Russian researcher, on the phenomenon of Central-Eastern Europe; both in political
and historical context. His somewhat original perspective affects significantly his outlook on
„historical policy” of Central-European states. Need we mention that a specific strive for monopoly
to present this area’s history in a particular way influences relations between Russia
and the former eastern block countries to a great extent.

The following article is an a ttempt to present the characteristics
o f Vladimir Putin's new integration project, i.e. the Eurasian Economic Union,
putting emphasis on the issue o f the EEU's significance in the context
o f economic and political relations between the Russian Federation and the
European Union. One o f the fundamental research tasks is to present possible
ideological grounds for the Eurasian project and to define the objective determinants
promoting the integration o f the former Soviet republics within the
intended transnational structure. In the course o f analysis, the essential differences
between the integration model pursued by Moscow and its European
equivalents are shown.

В данной статье рассматривается проблема попыток восстановления греко-католической Церкви в Царстве Польском начиная от 1875 г. Прежде всего акцентируется внимание на вопросах процесса ее ликвидации, а также существования униатской литургии в православной Церкви в 1875-1915 гг. Главная цель статьи состоит в том, чтобы показать отношения властей к униатской церкви, проследить изменения позиции администрации и духовной иерархии относительно униатской литургии, а также выявить решения, которые принимались для попыток восстановления греко-католической Церкви в Царстве Польском.

The following article aims to present the main conditions and assumptions
of the Russian federal centre's policy on the North Caucasian Republic
o f Chechnya in the context o f the radical Islam activity which destabilizes
the region and other threats to territorial integrity. It is worth mentioning
that the strategic location o f the North Caucasus and, first and foremost, the
unstable political situation o f the region constitute a major challenge for the
long-term policy o f the Russian Federation in the Caucasus, Central Asia and
the Black Sea region. The authorities o f the Kremlin are fully aware o f this,
therefore the present Russian policy on the region puts emphasis on suppressing
separatist tendencies and, as much as possible, tightening bonds
between the Caucasian republics and the Russian Federation.
Keywords: the Russian Federation, the Republic o f Chechnya, North Caucasus,
Muslims
Współczesna

Abstract: This paper is an attempt to characterise Vladimir Putin’s new integration
project – the Eurasian Economic Union – and most of all its importance for
the relations between the Russian Federation and the European Union. The study
explores the diff erences between the European model of integration and the one
exhorted by Moscow as well as the potential disadvantageous consequences of the
creation of the EEU for the overall security of Central-European states.

Between conflict and peace.
Ethnic and religious policy of Georgia in 1991-2012
Th e following paper analyses ethnic and religious policies of Georgia aft er it
gained independence. It shows briefl y the main factors, both internal and external,
that shape the ethnic policy and exhibits its chief principles. Th e main area of
analysis is also the infl uence of situation in the autonomous regions (Abkhazia,
Adjara and South Ossetia) on the government’s policy towards ethnic minorities.
Th e religious policy is examined mainly in the context of relations between the
state and the Apostolic Autocephalous Orthodox Church. Another problem, one
that the Georgian authorities have been dealing with for years, is the issue of the
Meskhetian Turks and refugees from Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The article is intended to acąuaint the reader with the primary issues regarding the
present migration policy of the Russian Federation in a broader context of its long-term
domestic and foreign policy. It focuses, amongst other aspects, on factors which influence a
specific configuration of the migration policy, characteristics of the regional streams of
migration, as well as the magnitude and conseąuences of mass migration into the Russian Federation. One of the key research tasks will be an evaluation of efficiency o f the Russian
authorities' actions, their adeąuacy, consistency and outcome. We will also try to answer the
ąuestion of the biggest challenges that the Russian migration policy faces today.

Celem niniejszej pracy będzie przybliżenie genezy, uwarunkowań,
skali i znaczenia imigracji ekonomicznej obywateli państw Europy Wschodniej do Polski po 2014 r., czyli wraz z początkiem agresji Federacji Rosyjskiej na Ukrainę. Cezura ta została wybrana nieprzypadkowo, ponieważ kryzys ukraiński zmienił diametralnie sytuację polityczną i gospodarczą większości państw poradzieckich, co zwiększyło atrakcyjność wyjazdów zarobkowych do Unii Europejskiej.
Spróbujemy pokrótce scharakteryzować strumienie migracyjne z Europy Wschodniej trafiające do Polski oraz przedstawić je na tle procesów migracyjnych w Europie Środkowej i całej Unii Europejskiej.