- Timi Legend Asuelime is an International Scholar in the field of Political, Public, Conflict, Peace, International an... moreTimi Legend Asuelime is an International Scholar in the field of Political, Public, Conflict, Peace, International and Historical Studies, as well as International Development. He is an established Researcher in the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Johannesburg. He is an National Research Foundation (NRF) Rated Researcher in South Africa and is interested in Governance systems and broad inter and Intra Africa relations with the rest of the world. In particular, strategic, government and development affairs on a state-to-state level and cooperation are niche in research endeavour for the future. In other words, South Africa’s Nuclear Politics and History is a central interest among others that includes, Africa International Relations and Political Economy, Leadership and Governance Systems in Africa, Cold War History, Development and Politics in Africa. He is a regular political analyst in different South African media platforms like 1KZN, East Coast Radio and SABC among others. He has published several scholarly works in these fields above and thrives also in interdisciplinary research in contributing to academic knowledge. He is the author of the book Nuclear Proliferation in South Africa: History and Politics. He has presented papers in numerous local and International conferences and affiliated to different local and International professional bodies that include: SAIIA; ISIS; INENS; NPIHP; ISA; BISA; ERSA; SHAFR; SAAPS; SAAPAM and CAI among others. He is a recipient of different awards that include the Canadian Commonwealth Scholarship (2011) and recently won the Research Productivity Emerging Researcher, University of Zululand (2015). He is the Editor of an international Journal – Journal of African Union Studies (JoAUS); a reviewer and guest editors for different reputable journals that include: The Journal of Social Sciences; Africa Peace and Conflict Journal; AFFRIKA: Journal of Politics, Economics and Society and African Renaissance among others.edit
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The rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999 is one of the milestone changes in Zimbabwe’s political history. This paper argues that the rise of MDC had negative and positive impacts on Zimbabwe’s political landscape. The... more
The rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999 is one of the milestone changes in Zimbabwe’s political history. This paper argues that the rise of MDC had negative and positive impacts on Zimbabwe’s political landscape. The birth of MDC was made possible by socio-economic hardships that were caused by errors of omission and commission by the government of ZANU-PF. On the other hand, it is also argued that there was western infestation in the creation and/or funding of MDC, a position held by ZANU-PF. This created polarization in the country leading to widespread violence as there was the redefinition of patriots and puppets. The paper concludes that the rise of MDC challenges ZANU-PF ‘divine’ leadership perception and had to continually seek means to remain in power.
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A growing number of scholars acknowledge the interconnectedness of the myriad of problems and prospects across Africa as a relevant part of global development discourse. Given the ever-increasing importance of knowledge for the scholarly... more
A growing number of scholars acknowledge the interconnectedness of the myriad of problems and prospects across Africa as a relevant part of global development discourse. Given the ever-increasing importance of knowledge for the scholarly agenda and practice of African Studies, we present a picture of contemporary issues in African development. Although, this volume is focused on development issues, it presents in one volume a multi-disciplinary deeply contextual text on the important themes in development studies covering land questions, housing, water, health, economic liberalization, climate, environment, and gender. Though Africa’s problems transcend these basic sector issues, they still remain at the core of development given the fact that many in Africa are food insecure, have poor access to health, water, housing, and are increasingly affected by global environmental change and global neoliberal economic policies. These themes are a microcosm in the general understanding and study of global development issues that confront humanity. This is hoped will lead to novel analytical frameworks, the emergence of new conceptual approaches, and empirical accounts of relevance to scholars studying Africa as well as practitioners in African development and policy makers.
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This chapter explores the nuclear proliferation cases of “emerging powers” of Israel and South Africa. This chapter presents case studies of two developing countries noted to have had some form of nuclear collaborations in the past,... more
This chapter explores the nuclear proliferation cases of “emerging powers” of Israel and South Africa. This chapter presents case studies of two developing countries noted to have had some form of nuclear collaborations in the past, particularly in the 1970s. The Vela incident is instructive here. The principal question that this chapter seeks to answer is: what is the level of technological capability and the motivation behind these states’ decision to develop nuclear weapons in Israel and South Africa? The argument made here is that many factors impacted upon Israel and South Africa’s nuclear weapons decisions. Overall, the two countries show international dimensions and collaboration with one or more of the established five nuclear states—both in the development of their nuclear complex and in the development of its motivations.
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One of the goals of post-colonial Africa is the integration of the disparate countries on the continent. The Organisation of African Unity and the African Union (which replaced the former) are among attempts aimed at achieving the... more
One of the goals of post-colonial Africa is the integration of the disparate countries on the continent. The Organisation of African Unity and the African Union (which replaced the former) are among attempts aimed at achieving the continent's unification. While the legacies of the continent's colonial past, neocolonialism and the idiosyncrasies of African leaders have been identified as impediments to the realisation of the continent's integration, the role of xenophobia as a hindrance to Africa's integration has not been recognised and acknowledged. Although xenophobia is not a new phenomenon on the continent, the size and scope of xenophobic attacks in recent years under scoresits significance to the continent's integration particularly in South Africa. Using the South African case study, this paper argues that Africa's integration can only be realised if the question of xenophobia is acknowledged and addressed. Failure to do this could lead to the vision of the continent's integration being a mere intellectual and elitist pursuit.
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Introduction.- Part I: Selected Development Issues in African States.- Part II: Selected Issues in Ghana.
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This chapter presents an analysis of the construct of terrorism as a phenomenon with historical roots with many contestations, explanations, and understandings. Since the advent of terrorism, the term’s use shifted from the regime de la... more
This chapter presents an analysis of the construct of terrorism as a phenomenon with historical roots with many contestations, explanations, and understandings. Since the advent of terrorism, the term’s use shifted from the regime de la terreurs during the French revolution, to anarchist and socio-revolutionary bombers in the nineteenth century, to the Red terror, to anti-colonial struggle, then to the Palestinian struggles in the 1960s, and finally to religious fundamentalism since the 1990s, to date. These episodes and differential motives for terror activities also beckon the question around its justification. Also, the evolution of the term has brought about problems in understanding its causality and conceptualization and by implication in articulating an approach to finding a panacea for wherever and whenever it is witnessed. This chapter argues that the prism through which terrorism can be understood is highly subjective and open to different interpretations for different times and eras.
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This paper takes a historical foray into the prevailing conditions that form the bedrock of collective actions and organized violence against the Nigerian authority. The analysis here presented situates the problem with the Nigerian state... more
This paper takes a historical foray into the prevailing conditions that form the bedrock of collective actions and organized violence against the Nigerian authority. The analysis here presented situates the problem with the Nigerian state since independence in reference to corruption and mismanagement of the country’s human and natural resources. Thus, in the quest to understand the economic predicates of Nigeria’s current security challenges, this paper provides a general description of Nigeria’s political economy and its tendency to fuel violence—including terrorism, as presently observed in the country and threatening its very existence. Presented differently, we conclude here that the historical trajectory to date of Nigeria’s political economy has fueled terrorism in its geopolitical space through its characteristic alienation and frustration of its citizens, due mainly to the general lack of accountability and systemic corruption.
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Integration of the disparate countries on the African continent is a principal aim of the African Union. This is even more compelling in the twenty-first century with all the myriads of socio-economic and political challenges the... more
Integration of the disparate countries on the African continent is a principal aim of the African Union. This is even more compelling in the twenty-first century with all the myriads of socio-economic and political challenges the continent confronts. While the legacies of the continent’s colonial past, neo-colonialism and the idiosyncrasies of African leaders have been identified as impediments to the realisation of the continent’s integration, the role of xenophobia as a hindrance to Africa’s integration has not been recognised and acknowledged. Although xenophobia is not a new phenomenon on the continent, the size and scope of South African xenophobic attacks in recent years indicate a great challenge for African integration. This paper argues that the leaders of the African Union member states need to channel more attention to the menace of xenophobia as Africa’s integration can only be realised if this question is acknowledged and addressed. African integration becomes a mere intellectual and elitist pursuit if this challenge is not given adequate attention.
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African development has become a major discussion issue both in and outside Africa. The continent is seen as the new and rising destination for capital and investment. It has seen both the financially rich Eastern and Western bloc of... more
African development has become a major discussion issue both in and outside Africa. The continent is seen as the new and rising destination for capital and investment. It has seen both the financially rich Eastern and Western bloc of nations competing for African attention. However, this development rush is not uniform across the whole continent, given that Africa is made up of 54 countries that have different levels of enabling environments and varied developmental strides. The major element that is critical for development both in social and business terms is energy security. The main thrust of this chapter is to argue that for Africa to take off and compete with other emerging economies there is need for massive investment in the energy sector.
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This chapter presents a methodological framework for nuclear proliferation and how the South African case may be situated. This chapter provides a unique prism through which nuclear proliferation can be methodologically understood. This... more
This chapter presents a methodological framework for nuclear proliferation and how the South African case may be situated. This chapter provides a unique prism through which nuclear proliferation can be methodologically understood. This is important due to the fact that nuclear-related data are largely undefined and states usually carry out nuclear activities in a clandestine manner. Nuclear politics and levels of advancement are shrouded in secrecy. Therefore, to ensure objectivity and the validity of data, a case study approach is projected as a viable method of analyzing nuclear history and politics. We cross-examined different sources of both primary and secondary information on the five recognized nuclear weapons powers—Britain, USA, Soviet Union, China, and France. This ensures the validity of the claims that we make in the study through the analysis of this material in the context of the cases.
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This chapter establishes general factors concerning the conditions that are most critical in prompting a nation to develop nuclear weapons. From such generalizations, specific hypotheses can be formulated and systemically examined. The... more
This chapter establishes general factors concerning the conditions that are most critical in prompting a nation to develop nuclear weapons. From such generalizations, specific hypotheses can be formulated and systemically examined. The bulk of the data and materials utilized in this study are derived from a careful examination of various sources including official statements and documents, newspapers, books, and articles in scholarly journals pertaining to nuclear proliferation. Detailed descriptions of certain national experiences by various specialists are used to compare and evaluate each nation’s posture on nuclear weapons. Five developing countries and five nuclear states are introduced to the analysis and juxtapose against each other. Countries are classified according to their level of nuclear technology and motivation. For each country, potential factors affecting proliferation are identified in order to determine the impact of these factors on a nation’s nuclear option and to compare the relative strength of incentive factors to constraints.
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The challenge of globalization and increasing competition has signalled a range of ideas and reflections on whether national policy-makers and organisations are capable of meeting the challenge of enhancing representation of historically... more
The challenge of globalization and increasing competition has signalled a range of ideas and reflections on whether national policy-makers and organisations are capable of meeting the challenge of enhancing representation of historically disadvantaged groups. One of such challenge is the extent to which equality of opportunity is afforded to members of increasingly diverse labour forces in the global economy. In South Africa, the reconstruction of the country since the end of apartheid has made the country to witness a rise of new political parties – all promising better standards for the labour sector and integration into political spaces. Indeed, the involvement of workers in community and political structures, coupled with their loyalty to the labour movement, provides the foundation for a set of interlocking organisational and political relationships that strengthen partnerships with like-minded allies to advance the interests of workers and the working class more broadly. This form of relationship and commitment with the labour unions in South Africa has sparked up debates and new perception of workers on every issue surrounding the politics and democratic practice of South Africa. This paper evaluates the relevance of these new political relationships and labour development in South Africa as it affects its trade union members, particularly COSATU.
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This chapter introduces the study and provides the overall background and identifies the problems of nuclear proliferation with follow-up questions as well as the significance of the research, provides conceptual clarifications, and... more
This chapter introduces the study and provides the overall background and identifies the problems of nuclear proliferation with follow-up questions as well as the significance of the research, provides conceptual clarifications, and outlines the theoretical framework and the significance of the study. This chapter provides the background and context for understanding of South Africa’s strategic position in an international system driven by strategic interests leading to the need for strategic weapons of mass destruction. It introduces a conceptualization of armament drive in South Africa in the era of apartheid and the inextricable links of the British government at the time to provide assistance to South Africa due largely to its historical connections, Commonwealth factor, economic arrangements, and the latter’s interest in South Africa’s uranium deposits, a vital resource which Britain could use as bargaining chip to ensure sustainability in a nuclear driven international system. While the British government was keen to improve economic ties with South Africa, diplomatically, it needed to keep the country at arm’s length in order to signal disdain for apartheid and to avoid “guilt by association.” The objective of this chapter is to problematize the South African uranium drives and nuclear proliferation from a global perspective along with other variables.
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Research Interests: History, International Relations, Theology, Nuclear Weapons, History of Nuclear Weapons, and 9 moreNuclear Non-Proliferation Policy, Historia, Nuclear Disarmament, Uranium, British Nuclear Culture, Uranium exploration, Uranium Ores Extraction and Beneficiation, International Nuclear History, and Nuclear History
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The 2011 crises in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ivory Coast, Libya and 2008 Zimbabwe crises provide grounds that contextualize the true nature of the African Union's (AU) legitimacy claim. Several scholars who either argue... more
The 2011 crises in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ivory Coast, Libya and 2008 Zimbabwe crises provide grounds that contextualize the true nature of the African Union's (AU) legitimacy claim. Several scholars who either argue for or against AU's legitimacy claim often augment their diverse positions with nearly plausible rationales. However, there has been little exploration of the underlying factors that might have informed the diversity in positions. In other words, this paper will tend to identify the foundation that necessitates alleged doubts on the AU's legitimacy. We argue that questions on the legitimacy of AU stems from lack of grassroots participation in various countries that subsequently form the Union. Isolated conception of AU's legitimacy is incomplete without thorough evaluation of the legitimacy of its constituent members.
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This chapter explores the Nuclear Proliferation Cases of “Emerging Powers” of India and Pakistan. The chapter presents case studies of two developing and neighbor countries known to have nuclear weapons, India and Pakistan, who have never... more
This chapter explores the Nuclear Proliferation Cases of “Emerging Powers” of India and Pakistan. The chapter presents case studies of two developing and neighbor countries known to have nuclear weapons, India and Pakistan, who have never declared its nuclear capability. Against the premise of a mutual suspicion and hostility, nuclear weapons found its way to the South East and aided directly or indirectly by western nuclear powers. The principal question of this chapter seeks to answer is: what is the level of technological capability and the motivation behind these states’ decision to develop nuclear weapons? The argument made here is that many factors impacted upon their nuclear weapons decisions. Overall, the two countries show international dimensions and collaboration with one or more of the established five nuclear states—both in the development of their nuclear complex and in the development of its motivations.
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The peaking of the threat to the European Union integration through the Brexit of June 2016 has some important lessons for Africa. We argue that the major steps in African integration have been built from a European integration script.... more
The peaking of the threat to the European Union integration through the Brexit of June 2016 has some important lessons for Africa. We argue that the major steps in African integration have been built from a European integration script. Any major changes and transformations in the integration process in the EU would give an easy prediction that there will be changes in a similar direction in Africa as well. While Africa sees Europe as the best and only script that would never fail, the refugee crisis and its corollary of terrorism threat (imagined or real) and the financial crisis in Greece and other weaker economies earlier like Portugal highlight fault lines. It shows that the script that Africa has been following has some missing links. We thus argue further that a closer perusal of the weaknesses in EU integration provides important lessons for Africa. Therefore, Africa should also detach from following external scripts in its development processes and develop its own peculiar functional and neo-functional paths towards integration.
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At a time when uranium commanded attraction and became a currency for powerful states enmeshed in the Cold War, South Africa was courted, since its uranium was a commodity needed for both peaceful and military purposes by these principal... more
At a time when uranium commanded attraction and became a currency for powerful states enmeshed in the Cold War, South Africa was courted, since its uranium was a commodity needed for both peaceful and military purposes by these principal state actors. J.D.L. Moore and G. Berridge gave two contrasting explanations for the British role in atomic South Africa in 1955 and 1956. The former claims that Britain was inevitably more modestly influential than the Americans. The latter claims that British anxiety about future deliveries of South African uranium forced it to make major concessions, such as the handover of Simon’s Town. I argue that both claims are incorrect. On the first claim, the output of South African uranium was determined largely by the US, through the mechanism of the Combined Development Agency. On the second claim, South Africa was in such a precarious situation that it was impossible for it to use its uranium for so much leverage.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore the conundrum in military-media relations in Nigeria with regards to access and dissemination of strategic and tactical information that impacts counterterrorism efforts. Is there a line between... more
The purpose of this paper is to explore the conundrum in military-media relations in Nigeria with regards to access and dissemination of strategic and tactical information that impacts counterterrorism efforts. Is there a line between media responsibility to report and the gathering and dissemination of strategic and tactical military information not meant for public consumption but filters to terrorists who are also members of the 'public'? Most times, such publications potentially afford Boko Haram terrorists prior notice of military plans, giving them early warnings that compromise military counter offensive. The paper is based on a study of academic and grey literature, official documents and journalistic coverage. The paper concludes that the Nigerian security forces have tried and failed to clamp down on tactical and strategic information in media reports that compromise its counterterrorism efforts in Nigeria – therefore the state should consider adopting Sri Lankan consequentialist approach to the existential problem. To address this conundrum, it is recommended that the Nigerian authority and its military architecture should adopt a State Consequential Approach on Terrorism and media issues; re-invent its Strategic Communication; Re-establishment of security and intelligence coordination; Develop an image recovery plan by raising quality standards, seek foreign support, and enact terrorism-related media legislations.
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This concluding chapter provides policy recommendations and strategies to control the proliferation of nuclear weapons in general and in relation to the Global South. It summarizes the main findings of the study. It also projects a... more
This concluding chapter provides policy recommendations and strategies to control the proliferation of nuclear weapons in general and in relation to the Global South. It summarizes the main findings of the study. It also projects a pattern of possible future proliferation trends leaning towards emerging power states and the likes. It also suggests solutions or control measures for the problem of nuclear proliferation.
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This chapter provides a comparative analysis and evaluation of Nuclear Proliferation Cases of “Emerging Powers” of India, Pakistan, Israel, and South Africa. This chapter undertakes a qualitative multistate comparison of nuclear weapons... more
This chapter provides a comparative analysis and evaluation of Nuclear Proliferation Cases of “Emerging Powers” of India, Pakistan, Israel, and South Africa. This chapter undertakes a qualitative multistate comparison of nuclear weapons programs among these case study countries. The countries are known to have nuclear weapons in the 1970s and 1980s though without outright declaration of their nuclear capability. Against the premise of a mutual suspicion and hostility in a Cold War international Security and regional tensions, it seems nuclear weapons has found new destinations in the global South and making them emerging powers. The principal question of this chapter seeks to answer is what is the level of technological capability and the motivation behind these states’ decision to develop nuclear weapons? This chapter highlights these dynamics in comparative terms and with particular reference to the role of external agency in the process of nuclearization in these states.
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Africa has a long, and contemporary, record of political instability. Any political history of the continent of Africa is incomplete without contextual accounts of these exchanges; that is, processes in which governments are overthrown,... more
Africa has a long, and contemporary, record of political instability. Any political history of the continent of Africa is incomplete without contextual accounts of these exchanges; that is, processes in which governments are overthrown, borders are shifted, countless human lives lost, property and infrastructure worth millions irreplaceably damaged, the displacement of untold numbers of innocent people, and economic meltdown. These issues beckon questions about the political development of African states. In this volume, authors explore a range of political and conflict situations, discuss efforts to develop indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms and consider some of the key political and economic issues facing the continent. Despite the challenges Africa faces, global economic indicators have indicated that Africa is on the rise in terms of economic growth and political development. In this edited collection we present a multi-disciplinary approach to selected issues in African studies on the key themes covering conflict resolution, indigenous peer review mechanism and functional developments, capitalism, and political foundations of educational development in Africa.
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Of all the militant groups in Nigeria, Boko Haram terrorism remains the most enigmatic in terms of raison d’etre, the most violent in terms of modus operandi and the most destructive. Thus, this paper finds it expedient to espouse the... more
Of all the militant groups in Nigeria, Boko Haram terrorism remains the most enigmatic in terms of raison d’etre, the most violent in terms of modus operandi and the most destructive. Thus, this paper finds it expedient to espouse the evolution, ideological foundation, modus operandi, organogram, strategy, and links to international networks of Boko Haram in Nigeria. We conclude in this work that any effort at ending the scourge of Boko Haram in Nigeria would continue to remain ineffective unless such strategy is adequately grounded on a clear understanding of what the sect is about. We also conclude that Boko Haram is first a domestic problem caused by domestic anomalies and therefore must be seen as such before any regional and international outlook as a microcosm of a larger macro-cosmic global terrorism.
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ABSTRACT The Boko Haram terrorist group’s philosophy and activities have been subjected to different interpretations among the Nigerian populace. Such interpretations follow traditional lines of ethnic, regional, cultural, and religious... more
ABSTRACT The Boko Haram terrorist group’s philosophy and activities have been subjected to different interpretations among the Nigerian populace. Such interpretations follow traditional lines of ethnic, regional, cultural, and religious cleavages in Nigeria. Some perceive it as war by Muslims against Christians, some as a sponsored conspiracy against the Muslim North, and others interpret it as the Northern war against the emergence of President Jonathan from the south-south geopolitical zone. A few regard it as a generic name for criminal gangs in Northern Nigeria. While overwhelming opinions in the south tilt toward a scorched-earth policy to counter Boko Haram, much of the north favors dialogue. One of the implications of these responses is the widening of already existing cleavages in Nigerian society, thereby further undermining efforts at building unity and coexistence among Nigeria’s varying nationalities.